The Debates in the
Federal Convention of 1787
SEPr 4. 1787.
1 IN CONVENTION
Mr. BREARLY from the Committee of eleven
made a further partial Report as follows
"The Committee of Eleven to whom sundry resolutions &c were
referred on the 31st. of August, report that in their opinion the following
additions and alterations should be made to the Report before the Convention,
*2 (1.) The
first clause of sect: 1. art. 7. to read as follow — 'The Legislature shall
have power to lay and collect taxes duties imposts & excises, to pay the
debts and provide for the common defence & general welfare, of the U. S.'
(2). At the end of the 2d. clause of sect. 1. art.
7. add 'and with the Indian Tribes.'
(3) In the place of the 9th. art. Sect. 1. to be
inserted 'The Senate of the U. S. shall have power to try all impeachments; but
no person shall be convicted without the concurrence of two thirds of the
(4) After the word 'Excellency' in sect. 1. art. 10.
to be inserted. 'He shall hold his office during the term of four years, and
together with the vice-President, chosen for the same term, be elected in the
following manner, viz. Each State shall appoint in such manner as its
Legislature may direct, a number of electors equal to the whole number of
Senators and members of the House of Representatives to which the State may be
entitled in the Legislature. The Electors shall meet in their respective States,
and vote by ballot for two persons, of whom one at least shall not be an
inhabitant of the same State with themselves; and they shall make a list of all
the persons voted for, and of the number of votes for each, which list they
shall sign and certify and transmit sealed to the Seat of the Genl. Government,
directed to the President of the Senate — The President of the Senate shall
in that House open all the certificates; and the votes shall be then & there
counted. The Person having the greatest number of votes shall be the President,
if such number be a majority of that of the electors; and if there be more than
one who have such majority, and have an equal number of votes, then the Senate
shall immediately choose by ballot one of them for President: but if no person
have a majority, then from the five highest on the list, the Senate shall choose
by ballot the President. And in every case after the choice of the President,
the person having the greatest number of votes shall be vice-president: but if
there should remain two or more who have equal votes, the Senate shall choose
from them the vice-President. The Legislature may determine the time of choosing
and assembling the Electors, and the manner of certifying and transmitting their
(5) 'Sect. 2. No person except a natural born
citizen or a Citizen of the U. S. at the time of the adoption of this
Constitution shall be eligible to the office of President; nor shall any person
be elected to that office, who shall be under the age of thirty five years, and
who has not been in the whole, at least fourteen years a resident within the U.
(6) 'Sect. 3. The vice-president shall be ex officio
President of the Senate, except when they sit to try the impeachment of the
President, in which case the Chief Justice shall preside, and excepting also
when he shall exercise the powers and duties of President, in which case &
in case of his absence, the Senate shall chuse a President pro tempore —
The vice President when acting as President of the Senate shall not have a vote
unless the House be equally divided.'
(7) 'Sect. 4. The President by and with the advice
and Consent of the Senate, shall have power to make Treaties; and he shall
nominate and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate shall appoint
ambassadors, and other public Ministers, Judges of the Supreme Court, and all
other Officers of the U. S., whose appointments are not otherwise herein
provided for. But no Treaty shall be made without the consent of two thirds of
the members present.'
(8) After the words — "into the service of
the U. S." in sect. 2. art: 10. add 'and may require the opinion in writing
of the principal officer in each of the Executive Departments, upon any subject
relating to the duties of their respective offices.'
3 The latter part of Sect. 2. Art: 10.
to read as follows.
(9) 3 'He
shall be removed from his office on impeachment by the House of Representatives,
and conviction by the Senate, for Treason, or bribery, and in case of his
removal as aforesaid, death, absence, resignation or inability to discharge the
powers or duties of his office, the vice-president shall exercise those powers
and duties until another President be chosen, or until the inability of the
President be removed.'
The (1st.) clause of the Report was agreed to, nem. con.
The (2) clause was also agreed to nem: con:
The (3) clause was postponed in order to decide previously on the mode of
electing the President.
The (4) clause was accordingly taken up.
Mr. GORHAM disapproved of making the
next highest after the President, the vice-President, without referring the
decision to the Senate in case the next highest should have less than a majority
of votes. as the regulation stands a very obscure man with very few votes may
arrive at that appointment
Mr. SHERMAN said the object of this
clause of the report of the Committee was to get rid of the ineligibility, which
was attached to the mode of election by the Legislature, & to render the
Executive independent of the Legislature. As the choice of the President was to
be made out of the five highest, obscure characters were sufficiently guarded
against in that case; and he had no objection to requiring the vice-President to
be chosen in like manner, where the choice was not decided by a majority in the
Mr. MADISON was apprehensive that by
requiring both the President & vice President to be chosen out of the five
highest candidates, the attention of the electors would be turned too much to
making candidates instead of giving their votes in order to a definitive choice.
Should this turn be given to the business, the election would, in fact be
consigned to the Senate altogether. It would have the effect at the same time,
he observed, of giving the nomination of the candidates to the largest States.
Mr. GOVr. MORRIS
concurred in, & enforced the remarks of Mr. Madison.
Mr. RANDOLPH & Mr. PINKNEY wished for a particular explanation & discussion of
the reasons for changing the mode of electing the Executive.
Mr. GOVr. MORRIS
said he would give the reasons of the Committee and his own. The 1st. was the
danger of intrigue & faction if the appointmt. should be made by the
Legislature. 2. 4 the inconveniency
5 of an ineligibility required by that
mode in order to lessen its evils. 3. 6
The difficulty of establishing a Court of Impeachments, other than the Senate
which would not be so proper for the trial nor the other branch for the
impeachment of the President, if appointed by the Legislature, 4. 7
No body had appeared to be satisfied with an appointment by the Legislature. 5.
8 Many were anxious even for an immediate
choice by the people. 6. 9 the
indispensible necessity of making the Executive independent of the Legislature.
— As the Electors would vote at the same time throughout the U. S. and at
so great a distance from each other, the great evil of cabal was avoided. It
would be impossible also to corrupt them. A conclusive reason for making the
Senate instead of the Supreme Court the Judge of impeachments, was that the
latter was to try the President after the trial of the impeachment.
Col: MASON confessed that the plan of the Committee
had removed some capital objections, particularly the danger of cabal and
corruption. It was liable however to this strong objection, that nineteen times
in twenty the President would be chosen by the Senate, an improper body for the
Mr. BUTLER thought the mode not free from
objections, but much more so than an election by the Legislature, where as in
elective monarchies, cabal faction & violence would be sure to prevail.
Mr. PINKNEY stated as objections to the
mode 1. 10 that it threw the whole
appointment in fact into the hands of the Senate. 2.
10 The Electors will be strangers to the
several candidates and of course unable to decide on their comparative merits.
10 It makes the Executive reeligible
which will endanger the public liberty. 4. 10
It makes the same body of men which will in fact elect the President his Judges
in case of an impeachment.
Mr. WILLIAMSON had great doubts whether
the advantage of reeligibility would balance the objection to such a dependence
of the President on the Senate for his reappointment. He thought at least the
Senate ought to be restrained to the two highest on the list
Mr. GOVr. MORRIS
said the principal advantage aimed at was that of taking away the opportunity
for cabal. The President may be made if thought necessary ineligible on this as
well as on any other mode of election. Other inconveniences may be no less
redressed on this plan than any other.
Mr. BALDWIN thought the plan not so
objectionable when well considered, as at first view. The increasing intercourse
among the people of the States, would render important characters less &
less unknown; and the Senate would consequently be less & less likely to
have the eventual appointment thrown into their hands.
Mr. WILSON. This subject has greatly
divided the House, and will also divide 11
people out of doors. It is in truth the most difficult of all on which we have
had to decide. He had never made up an opinion on it entirely to his own
satisfaction. He thought the plan on the whole a valuable improvement on the
former. It gets rid of one great evil, that of cabal & corruption; &
Continental Characters will multiply as we more & more coalesce, so as to
enable the electors in every part of the Union to know & judge of them. It
clears the way also for a discussion of the question of reeligibility on its own
merits, which the former mode of election seems to forbid. He thought it might
be better however to refer the eventual appointment to the Legislature than to
the Senate, and to confine it to a smaller number than five of the Candidates.
The eventual election by the Legislature wd. not open cabal anew, as it would be
restrained to certain designated objects of choice, and as these must have had
the previous sanction of a number of the States: and if the election be made as
it ought as soon as the votes of the electors are opened & it is known that
no one has a majority of the whole, there can be little danger of corruption.
Another reason for preferring the Legislature to the Senate in this business,
was that the House of Reps. will be so often changed as to be free from the
influence & faction to which the permanence of the Senate may subject that
Mr. RANDOLPH preferred the former mode
of constituting the Executive, but if the change was to be made, he wished to
know why the eventual election was referred to the Senate and not to the
Legislature? He saw no necessity for this and many objections to it. He was
apprehensive also that the advantage of the eventual appointment would fall into
the hands of the States near the Seat of Government.
Mr. GOVr. MORRIS
said the Senate was preferred because fewer could then, say to the President,
you owe your appointment to us. He thought the President would not depend so
much on the Senate for his re-appointment as on his general good conduct.
The further consideration of the Report was postponed that each member might
take a copy of the remainder of it.
The following motion was referred to the Committee of Eleven — to wit, —
"To prepare & report a plan for defraying the expences of the
12 Mr. PINKNEY
moved a clause declaring "that each House should be judge of the privilege
14 of its own members. Mr. GOVr. MORRIS 2ded. the
Mr. RANDOLPH & Mr. MADISON expressed doubts as to the propriety of giving such a
power, & wished for a postponement.
Mr. GOVr. MORRIS
thought it so plain a case that no postponement could be necessary.
Mr. WILSON thought the power involved,
and the express insertion of it needless. It might beget doubts as to the power
of other public bodies, as Courts &c. Every Court is the judge of its own
Mr. MADISON distinguished between the
power of Judging of privileges previously & duly established, and the effect
of the motion which would give a discretion to each House as to the extent of
its own privileges. He suggested that it would be better to make provision for
ascertaining by law, the privileges of each House, than to allow each House to
decide for itself. He suggested also the necessity of considering what
privileges ought to be allowed to the Executive.
1. The year "1787" is omitted in
*2. This is an exact copy. The variations
in that in the printed Journal are occasioned by its incorporation of subsequent
amendments. This remark is applicable to other cases.
3. The figure "9" transposed to
precede the sentence beginning "The latter" ... in the transcript.
4. The figure "2" is changed in
the transcript to "The next was."
5. The word "inconveniency" is
changed in the transcript to "inconvenience".
6. The figure "3" is changed in
the transcript to "The third was."
7. The figure "4" is changed in
the transcript to "In the fourth place."
8. The figure "5" is changed in
the transcript to "In the fifth place."
9. The figure "6" is changed in
the transcript to "And finally, the sixth reason was."
10. The figures "1," "2,"
"3" and "4" are changed in the transcript to "Secondly,"
11. The word "the" is here
inserted in the transcript.
12. This motion not inserted
8 in the printed Journal.
13. The words "is not contained"
are substituted in the transcript for" not inserted."
14. The transcript uses the word "privilege"
in the plural.