THE WRITINGS OF







THOMAS JEFFERSON







Definitive Edition







CONTAINING HIS







AUTOBIOGRAPHY, NOTES ON VIRGINIA, 



PARLIAMENTARY MANUAL, OFFICIAL PAPERS, 



MESSAGES AND ADDRESSES , AND OTHER



WRITINGS, OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE, 



NOW COLLECTED AND PUBLISHED 



IN THEIR ENTIRETY FOR THE FIRST TIME







INCLUDING 







ALL OF THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS, DEPOSITED IN THE DEPARTMENT



OF STATE AND PUBLISHED IN 1853 BY ORDER OF THE JOINT COMMITTEE 



OF CONGRESS







WITH A COMPREHENSIVE ANALYTICAL INDEX







ALBERT ELLERY BERGH 



EDITOR







VOL. IV.







ISSUED UNDER THE AUSPICES OF







THE THOMAS JEFFERSON MEMORIAL ASSOCIATION 



OF THE UNITED STATES WASHINGTON, D. C.







1907







JEFFERSON AS A PROMOTER OF 



GENERAL EDUCATION .







"Institutions," it has been said, "are the lengthening shadows of men." In a

large sense this is true. Institutions, systems and governments find their

first general expression in the words of a few men who work and toil for

humanity. It is well, therefore, that at times we go back to the original

declaration ,­the springs from which have flowed the rivers that refresh and

benefit mankind. The subject may not be a new one, yet the particular

manifestation, or phase of it, in a community or nation, will be found to have

originated in the mind and from the efforts and writings of a man.







Whatever else may be said or thought of Thomas Jefferson, all agree that he was

unique and strong in his personality, and, in history, he stands among the few

"upon the mountain heights." It is, I think, agreed that he belonged to that

small number; who in the great highway of life are far in advance of their age;

who see some things clearly which are obscure to others that stand around them.

It is more than far-sighted ness; it is rather a spiritual possession; a deep

intuition that takes hold of right by instinct and sees States and systems 







ii Jefferson as a Promoter of







as the artist sees the picture or the form before the brush has touched the

canvas, or the marble has felt the chisel. The age rejects the vision because

the masses have not the knowledge or faith to see it, but the day dawns at

last­too late for the seer to participate in the action­whe n the people reach

the point of view and then the world says, "He saw and expressed it a century

or twenty centuries ago." This power is not the result of education; it is

instinct in some great souls. Education aids in the expression of the thought;

it builds around it a fortificatio n of defense; but the time comes when the

simple statement of the truth is all that is needed. It is accepted, not

because it can be defended, but because the enlightene d minds of earth see

that it is right. I have made these introductory statements because what

Jefferson said in reference to education are in the main common and accepted

theories to-day.







It might well be expected that in speaking upon this topic much should be said

about the efforts of Thomas Jefferson to secure legislation in his State in the

interest of education. The education bill which he prepared and labored so hard

and long to have adopted by the Virginia Legislature , is worthy of study and

comment. Especially would it be pleasant and appropriat e to speak of his

splendid work in establishin g and building that great institution of learning,

the University of Virginia,­a n institution which in its constitutio n, its

form of organizatio n,







General Education iii







its curriculum, and its architectur e, bears the imprint of his noble mind. One

thinks of this university with profound admiration. Its service has been long

and excellent; but when we think of the University of Virginia, great as its

service has been in the usual work of the university, our minds instinctivel y

recall its "honor system," which differentiat es it from other great

universitie s. To teach men honor, and to require them to organize for the

defence and maintenanc e of honor in student life and conduct, is to grow men

who will stand for the State, the observance of law, not as a matter of

expediency or policy, but as the high and controlling duty of the citizen.

Nothing in the developmen t of this university could better exemplify the

thought and character of its founder.







But it is not these works of Thomas Jefferson which come involuntari ly to the

mind when he is spoken of as a promoter of education that I wish to emphasize.

Rather let me recall a few fundamenta l and unique principles which he believed

in and advocated.







He believed profoundly in the education of all the children in the State, of

rich and poor alike, in the fundamenta l or elementary courses of instruction

at public expense. In his famous education bill the first provision was for

elementary schools, free to the children of every citizen, where competent

instruction was to be given in "reading, writing, common arithmetic, and

general geography. "







iv Jefferson as a Promoter of







We need not quarrel with the curriculum; that is a detail. The great thought

underlying it and of vital interest, is expressed in two letters upon the

subject. Writing to Mr. C. C. Blatchley, he said: "I look to the diffusion of

light and education as the source most to be relied on for amelioratin g the

condition, promoting the virtue and advancing the happiness of man." And again,

writing to James Madison, he said: "Above all things I hope the education of

the common people will be attended to; convinced that on their good sense we

may rely with the most security for the preservatio n of a due degree of

liberty."







The great general principle, the mighty underlying , foundation truth, is that

in the general elementary education of all the people there will be found the

way, and the only way, to virtue, happiness, security, and liberty. There are

no conditions or provisos in this social law. Religion, race, conditions­

material, social and political­do not lessen its importance, or vary its

operation, or impose any conditions upon it. Will you have a happy, virtuous

people, a free, a secure State? then educate all the people in the fundamenta l

subjects of knowledge; instruct every child to read, that he may ­know what is

going on in the world; instruct him m those other necessary branches of

learning that he may keep his part in the world's work going right. In the free

public schools are the tap-roots of true citizenship.







General Education v







Jefferson provided in his education bill for higher education­ for colleges and

university. Specializati on was limited in his day as compared with our present

conditions. Then higher education was for those who were to enter the learned

professions and for the leisure classes. To-day we offer systematic and

scientific education to all who are preparing for almost every department of

life. But the general thought he expressed is still true and applicable. He

said: "I do most anxiously wish to see the highest degrees of education given

to the highest degrees of genius."







If perfection of operation is so desirable and so much sought after in

mechanics, what efforts are too great, what sacrifices too rich in effort or

money, to develop perfection in the minds and hands of the men who are, and are

always to be, the factors in the developmen t, progress, civilization, and

service of mankind! Colleges, universitie s, professiona l and technical

schools are necessary for those who are to do the intellectual labor, the

scientific and skilled work in the world's great laboratorie s. Here in this

upper sphere of education there are two thoughts of Jefferson that we may well

consider. ' The first is method­an d here we find the approved method

exemplified in Jefferson's way of doing things. Men of his type are not

satisfied to take things at second hand which may be acquired from original

sources. He urged the study of languages­ of which he possessed



vi Jefferson as a Promoter of







a knowledge of four­that the thoughts of men worth the reading and study might

be obtained in the very words in which the thoughts were expressed; deeming the

words selected by the author important to a true understand ing of the idea. He

says: "To all this I add, that to read the Latin and Greek authors in their

original is a sublime luxury; and I deem luxury in science at least as

justifiable as in architectur e, painting, gardening, or the other arts."







Writing to a friend in France, in later life, upon the subject of fitting one's

self for public life and especially for the duties of a legislator, he said, in

substance: Go among the people, lounge upon their beds that you may see how

hard they are; eat their food that you may be able, if possible, to put some

meat in their kettle of vegetables.







In higher education, then, we should use, to the greatest degree possible, the

method of original research. Let the student in engineerin g learn and

establish himself in the laboratorie s and workshops where "things are done."

Let the student of chemistry bend over fierce fires and the refining pot. Let

the student of history learn some things from the men who are making history.

Let the student of jurisprude nce take his knowledge from jurists and judicial

opinions. And let the student of the classics find in tombs and buried cities a

knowledge of the ancients, and read his poetry and prose in the languages in

which they were written.







General Education vii







The second thought in this higher realm is suggested in that proviso which

Jefferson added to the second section of his bill. Colleges were to be within a

day's ride of every inhabitant, and a university in the State. Of course, these

institutions were open to all who could provide for themselves and pay the

tuition. But this strange man was always looking out for picked men to serve

the State; not necessarily in public life, but in all those higher walks that

make the higher civilization. And he believed that there was material for high

and noble service among the poor. He would, therefore, have free scholarship s

in these colleges for the poor man's son. But how was the selection to be made?

What tests were to be applied in admitting to these free courses? The provision

reads: "For the full education at the public expense of select subjects from

among the poor who shall have exhibited at the elementary schools the most

pronounce d indication of aptness of judgment and correct disposition. " Here

is a test, a standard for admission entirely overlooked in the present day.

States and benevolent organizatio ns of all kinds are establishin g

institutions for higher learning, and the only tests required are that the

candidate for such privileges shall have a certain per centum of the knowledge

taught in the secondary schools. "Aptness of judgment and correct disposition "

are not considered in determinin g whether the riches of these educational

advantages shall be showered







viii Jefferson as a Promoter of







without cost upon men. The result is, that in many cases young men are

instructed in higher knowledge for a profession, or a calling, for which they

have no natural fitness or qualificatio ns; the real elements of success are

not in them. We cannot prevent a man of wealth sending his son to an

institution to spend years in preparatio n for a profession in which he can

never succeed because nature made him for something else; but in giving free

education, whether by the State or by voluntary organizatio ns, this suggestion

of Jefferson partakes of that wisdom which lives in worthy men who dare to say

and dare to do the right things in all matters, even in benevolent and

political action. The higher education bestowed upon those who have not the

aptness of judgment and the correct disposition for its exercise and use, is

more than a waste of time and effort. It unfits such men for the service they

might render in humbler walks of life, makes them restless and unhappy, creates

an unstable class in society, and, therefore, renders the State less secure,­th

e very opposite results which should follow a proper control of educational

efforts.







The last thought is Jefferson's reason for education­ "the preservatio n of

liberty." How these men loved liberty! They knew its value, for they paid the

price of it. I like this thought which he expressed: "A governmen t wherein the

will of every one has a just influence . . . enjoys a precious degree of

liberty." But the "will" of the individual







General Education ix







is of little value unless there be a fair degree of intelligence among all the

people, and liberty in its highest form can not be made prevalent for good

without a general appreciatio n of its value. Spencer says truly: "The ability

of a nation to hold its own against other nations depends on the skilled

activity of its units. We see that on such knowledge may turn the nation's

fate."







And so Jefferson keeps constantly before us the thought, that, in the

elementary education of all the people, and in the higher education of those

who show indications of "aptness of judgment and correct disposition, " is to

be found happiness for the people, security and strength for the State, and the

preservatio n of liberty.







CONTENTS.







JEFFERSON AS A PROMOTER OF GENERAL EDUCATION .



By Charles Willis Needham, LL. D., President of 



Columbian University, Washington , D. C. . . . . . . . . 







LETTERS WRITTEN BEFORE HIS MISSION TO EUROPE



(1762-1784) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 - 458



To John Page, Dec. 25, 1762. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .           1



To John Page, Jan. 20, 1763. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .           6 



To John Page, July 15, 1763 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .          8 



To John Page, October 7, 1763 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        12 



To John Page, January 19, 1764. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        13



To Governor (John) Page, January 23, 1764 . . . . . .        14 



To John Page, April 9, 1764. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      16 



To John Page, February 21, 1770. . . . . . . . . . . . . .      17



To Charles McPherson, Feb. 25, 1773. . . . . . . . . ..     21



To Colonel Archibald Carey, Dec. 9, 1774.. . . . . .  .    23



To Dr. William Small, May 7, 1775 . . . . . . . . . . . .         26



To John Randolph, August 25, 1775: . . . . . . .. . . .         28



To John Randolph, November 29, 1775 .  . . . . . . . .    31



To Richard Henry Lee, July 8, 1776. . . . . . . . . . . . .    34



To Dr. Benjamin Franklin, August 13, 1777 . . . . . .        34



To John Adams, Aug. 21, 1777 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .         36 



To________ _, June 8, 1778 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .         38



To David Rittenhous e, July 19, 1778 . . . . . . . . . . .         42



To John Page, January 22, 1779 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        43



To George Wythe, March 1, 1779. . . . . . . . . . . . . .        44 



To Patrick Henry, March 27, 1779. . . . . . . . . . . . .        45 



To General Washington , June 23, 1779. . . . . . . . . .        59







xii Contents







LETTERS WRITTEN BEFORE HIS MISSION TO EUROPE 



( 1762-1784)- Continued . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  1 - 458 



To General Washington , July 17, 1779. . . . . . . . .         67 



To General Washington , October 1, 1779. . . . . . .          70 



To General Washington , Oct. 2, 1779. . . . . . . . . .          72 



To General Washington , Oct. 8, 1779. . . . . . . . . .          73 



To Colonel George Mathews, Oct., 1779. . . . . . . .          74 



To General Washington , Nov. 28, 1779. . . . . . . . .           78 



To General Washington , Dec. 10, 1779. . . . . . . . .         81 



To General Washington , Feb. 10, 1780. . . . . . . . . .          83 



To General De Riedesel, May 3, 1780 . . . . . . . . .  .          85 



To General Washington , June 11, 1780 . . . . . . . . .         86 



To General Washington , July 2, 1780. . . . . . . . . . .          89 



To General Edward Stevens, Aug. 4, 1780 . . . . . . .         90 



To €€, Aug. 4, 1780. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .         93 



To Major-General Horatio Gates, August 15, 1780         96 



To General Washington , Sept. 3, 1780.. . . . . . . . . .          97



To General Edward Stevens, Sept. 3, 1780. . . . . . .         99



To Major-General Gates, Sept. 11, 1780. . . . . . . .         100 



To General Edward Stevens, Sept. 12, 1780. . . . . .        101 



To General Edward Stevens, Sept. 15, 1780. . . . . .        103 



To Major-Gene ral Gates, Sept. 23, 1780. . . . . . . . .        104 



To General Washington , Sept. 23, 1780. . . . . . . . .        106 



To General Washington , Sept. 26, 1780. . . . . . . . .        108 



To Major-General Gates, Oct. 4, 1780 . . . . . . . . . .         112 



To. General Gates, Oct. 15, 1780 . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        116 



To General Washington, Oct. 22, 1780. . . . . . . . . .         120 



To Major-Gene ral Gates, Oct. 22, 1780 . . . . . . . . .        121 



To General Washington , Oct. 25, 1780. . . . . . . . . .         122 



To General Washington , Oct. 26, 1780. . . . . . . . . .         123 



To General Gates, Oct. 28, 1780. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .         124 



To General Washington , Nov. 3, 1780.. . . . . . . . . .         126 



To General Washington , Nov. 10, 1780. . . . . . . . . .         129 



To €€, Nov. 10, 1780. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .         130 



To General Edward Stevens, Nov. 10, 1780 . . . . .        132







Contents xiii







LETTERS WRITTEN BEFORE HIS MISSION TO EUROPE 



( 1762-1784)- Continued.



To General Gates, Nov. 19, 1780.. . . . . . . . . . . . . .        134 



To General Washington , Nov. 26, 1780. . . . . . . . . .         135 



To General Edward Stevens, Nov. 26, 1780 . . . . .        137 



To Lieutenant John Louis de Unger, Nov. 30, 1780        138 



To General Washington , Dec. 15, 1780. . . . . . . . . .         140 



To General Washington , Jan. 10, 1781 . . . . . . . . . .         143 



To the President of Congress (Samuel Huntington ),



Jan. 15, 1781. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    147





To the President of Congress, Jan. 15, 1781.. . . . . .        148 



To the President of Congress, Jan. 17, 1781 . . . . . .        151 



To the Virginia Delegates in Congress, Jan. 18, 



1781 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   

    151 



To Jan. 21, 1781. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .     154 



To General Washington , Feb. 8, 1781 . . . . . . . . . . .         156 



To General Washington , Feb. 12, 1781. . . . . . . . . .         157 



To General Washington , Feb. 17, 1781 . . . . . . . . . .         158 



To General Gates, Feb. 17, 1781 . ... . . . . . . . . . . . .   161 



To Colonel Campbell, Feb. 17, 1781.. . . . . . . . . . . .    162 



To General Washington , Feb. 26, 1781 . . . . . . . . . .         164 



To Monsieur De Marbois, March 4, 1781 . . . . . . . .        164 



To General Washington , March 8, 1781.. . . . . . . . .        165 



To the President of Congress, March 19, 1781.. . . .         168 



To the President of Congress, March 21, 1781. . . .          168 



To the President of Congress, March. 26, 1781. . . .         170 



To the President of Congress, March 28, 1781. . . . .    171         



To the President of Congress, March 31, 1781.. . . .         172 



To the President of Congress, April 7, 1781.. . . . . .        173 



To the President of Congress, April 18, 1781.. . . . .        174 



To General Washington , April 23, 1781.. . . . . . . . .        175 



To General Washington , May 9, 1781. . . . . . . . . . .         176 



To the Virginia Delegates in Congress, May 10, 



1781. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    

179



To General Washington , May 28, 1781 . . . . . . . . . .   181







xiv Contents







LETTERS WRITTEN BEFORE HIS MISSION TO EUROPE 



(1762-1784) -Continued .         



To the Marquis De La Fayette, August 4, 1781 . . .         184 



To Edmund Randolph, September 16, 1781. . . . . .        186 



To General Washington , Oct. 28, 1781 . . . . . . . .  .         188 



To General Gates, December 14, 1781 . . . . . . . . . .        188 



To James Madison, March 24, 1782. . . . . . . . . . .  .        190 



James Monroe to Thomas Jefferson, May 11, 1782        192 



To Colonel James Monroe, May 20, 1782.. . . . . .  .        193 



To Robert R. Livingston, November 26, 1782. . . .        198 



To the Chevalier Fran€ois Jean De Chattellux, 



November 26, 1782 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .         199 



To James Steptoe, November 26, 1782 . . . . . . . . .         201 



To James Madison, November 26, 1782. . . . . . . . .         203 



To General Washington , January 22, 1783. . . . . . .        205 



To the Chevalier De La Luzerne, Minister of 



France, February 7, 1783. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        206 



To Robert R. Livingston, Secretary for Foreign 



Affairs, February 7, 1783. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        207 



George Washington to the Honorable Thomas 



Jefferson, February 10, 1783. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        209 



Robert R. Livingston to Thomas Jefferson, 



February 14, 1783. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        210





To Robert R. Livingston, February 14, 1783. . . . .        211 



Robert R. Livingston to Thomas Jefferson, Feb. 



18, 1883. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      

 212 



To Robert R. Livingston, March 13, 1783. . . . . . . .        213 



To John Jay, April 11, 1783. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        214 



To General Washington , April 16, 1784. . . . . . . . . .    215 



To William Fleming, Richmond, 1763 . . . . . . . . . .         222 



To Colonel William Preston, Aug. 18, 1768. . . . . . .        224 



To Peyton Randolph, July 23, 1770 . . . . . . . . . . . .        225 



To Thomas Adams, Feb. 20, 1771. . . . . . . . . . . . . .        229 



To James Ogilvie, Feb. 20, 1771 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        231 



To Inglis and Long; Merchants at Portsmouth , 



May 11, 1771 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        

234







Contents xv







LETTERS WRITTEN BEFORE HIS MISSION TO EUROPE 



(1762-1784) -Continued .         



To Thomas Adams, June 1, 1771. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        235 



To Robert Skipwith, Aug. 3, 1771 . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    237 



To Messrs. Inglis and Long, Merchants at 



Portsmouth, June 11, 1772. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        240 



To William Fleming, May 19, 1773. . . . . . . . . . . . .        241 



To Francis Eppes, June 26, 1775. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        242 



To Francis Eppes, July 4, 1775. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   244 



To Francis Eppes, Oct. 10, 1775. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  245 



To Francis Eppes, Oct. 24, 1775. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  247 



To John Page, Oct. 31, 1775. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  248 



To Francis Eppes, Nov. 7, 1775. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        250 



To Francis Eppes, Nov. 21, 1775. . . . . . . . . . . . . .        251 



To John Page, about Dec. 10, 1775. . . . . . . . . . . . .        252 



To Thomas Nelson,. May 16, 1776.. . . . . . . . . . . . .    253 



To William Fleming, July 1, 1776. . . . . . . . . . . . . .        256 



To George Wythe, July, 1776. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    258 



To Edmund Pendleton, July, 1776. . . . . . . . . . . . . .         259 



To Francis Eppes, July 15, 1776.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        260 



To the Governor of Virginia (Patrick Henry), 



July 16,1776. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        

263 



To Colonel Fielding Lewis, July 16, 1776 . . . . . . .        265 



To John Page, July 20, 1776. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .         266 



To Francis Eppes, July 23, 1776.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        269 



To John Page, Aug. 5, 1776.. . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . ..         270 



To Francis Eppes, Aug. 9, 1776. . .  . . . . . . . . . . . .        272 



To Aug. 13, 1776. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .         275 



To John Page, Aug. 20, 1776.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .         280 



To John Adams, May 26, 1777. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ..        286 



To Richard Henry Lee, June 5, 1778. . . . . . . . . . . .        288 



To Rev. Samuel Henley, June 9, 1778. . . . . . . . . . .         290 



To Richard Henry Lee, April 21, 1779. . . . . . . . . . .         291 



To Gabriel Jones, April 29, 1779 . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        292 



To William Fleming, June 8, 1779 . . . . . . . . . . . . .        293







xvi Contents







LETTERS WRITTEN BEFORE HIS MISSION TO EUROPE 



(1762-1784) -Continued . 



To Theodorick Bland, Jr., June 8, 1779 . . . . . . . .        295 



To Richard Henry Lee, June 17, 1779. . . . . . . . . .         297 



To Theodorick Bland, Jr., June 18, 1779.. . . . . . . .        299 



To General Baron De Riedesel, July 4, 1779. . . . . .        300 



To the Governor of Canada (Sir Guy Carleton), 



July 22, 1779. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .       

 301 



To Colonel William Fleming, Aug. 7, 1779. . . . . . .        310 



To the County Lieutenant of Hampshire, Aug. 17,



1779 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .     

   311 



To the President of Congress (John Jay), Sept. 25, 



1779 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .     

   312 



To Chevalier De La Luzerne, the French Minister, 



NOV. 10, 1779. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        312





To General Washington , April 10, 1780. . . . . . . . ..        314 



To General Edward Stevens, July 19, 1780.. . . . . .        316 



To James Madison, July 26, 1780. . . . . . . . . . . . . .         316 



To Major Wall, December 21, 1780. . . . . . . . . . . .         319 



To December 21, 1780. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .         320 



To Rowland Madison, December 24, 1780.. . . . .. .        322 



To Major-Gene ral Baron Steuben, December 31, 



1780. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    

    323 



To Brigadier- General Thomas Nelson, January 2, 



1781 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .     

   324 



To Major-Gene ral Baron Steuben, January 2, 1781        325 



To Colonel Francis Taylor, January 4, 1781 . . . . . .        326 



To Colonel Richard Meade, January 4, 1781 . . . . .         326 



To Major-Gene ral Baron Steuben, Jan. 7, 1781 . . .         328 



To Major-Gene ral Baron Steuben, Jan. 7, 1781. . .        328 



To Major-Gene ral Baron Steuben, Jan. 9, 1781 . . .         330 



To Colonel John Nicholas, Jan. 10, 1781 . . . . . . . .         331 



To Brigadier- General Thomas Nelson, January 12, 



1781. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    

    331 



To Major-Gene ral Baron Steuben, Jan. 13, 1781. .        332







Contents







xvii







LETTERS WRITTEN BEFORE HIS MISSION TO EUROPE 



(1762-1784) -Continued .                        PAGE 



To Brigadier- General Thomas Nelson, January 15, 



1781 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   

 335 



To Jacob Wray, Jan. 15, 1781. . . . . . . . . . .  .  . .          335 



To Brigadier- General Thomas Nelson, January 15, 



1781 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   

 337 



To Major-Gene ral Nathanael Greene, Jan. 16, 1781.    338 



To Abner Nash, Governor of North Carolina, Jan. 



16, 1781 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    

340 



To Brigadier- General Thomas Nelson, Jan. 20, 



1781 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   

 341 



To Brigadier- General Thomas Nelson, Jan. 25, 



1781 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .     

   342 



To the Virginia Delegates in Congress, January 



26, 1781. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        

344 



To Benjamin Harrison, January 29, 1781. . . . . . .        346 



To Thomas Sim Lee, Governor of Maryland, Feb.         



1, 1781  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .     

  350 



To Benjamin Harrison, Feb. 7, 1781. . . . . . . . . . . .        352 



To Colonel Theodorick Bland, Feb. 9, 1781. . . . . .        353 



To Major-Gene ral Nathanael Greene, February 



10, 1781. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      

 354 



To Brigadier- General George Rogers Clark, Feb. 



13, 1781 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .     

  355 



To Brigadier- General Thomas Nelson, Feb. 16, 



1781 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   

    356 



To Major-Gene ral Nathanael Greene, Feb. 17, 



1781 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   

357 



To Major-Gene ral Baron Steuben, Feb. I9, 1781 . .        358 



To Brigadier- General George Rogers Clark, Feb. 



19, 1781 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   

359 



To Major-Gene ral Baron Steuben, Feb. 20, 1781 . .        361 



To Brigadier- General Thomas Nelson, Feb. 21, 



1781 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   

    363 



To Colonel James Innes, Feb. 22, 1781. . . . . . . . . .     364 



To Major-Gene ral Baron Steuben, Feb. 24, 1781 . .        366



xviii Contents







LETTERS WRITTEN BEFORE HIS MISSION TO EUROPE 



(1762-1784) -Continued .                        PAGE 



To Brigadier- General Robert Lawson, Feb. 25,          367



1781 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   

    368



To Mrs. William Byrd, March 1, 1781 . . . . . . . . . . .    368 



To Major-Gene ral Marquis de Lafayette, March         



2, 1781. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .     

  370 



To Colonel Edward Carrington, March 3, 1781 . . ..         371 



To Thomas Sim Lee, Governor of Maryland, 



March 6, 1781 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  .       

373 



To Major-Gene ral Baron Steuben, March 7, 



1781 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    

    375



To Major-Gene ral Marquis de Lafayette, March 8, 



1781 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .     

   376 



To Major-Gene ral Baron Steuben, March 10, 1781        378 



To Major-Gene ral Baron Steuben, March 10, 1781        381 



To Major-Gene ral Marquis de Lafayette, March 



10, 1781. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      

  383 



To Major-Gene ral Marquis de Lafayette, March 



12, 1781. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  

384 



To Major-Gene ral Marquis de Lafayette, March 



12, 1781. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  

386



To Major-Gene ral Marquis de Lafayette, March 



14, 1781 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   

387 



To the Virginia Delegates in Congress, March 15, 



1781. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  

389 



To Major-Gene ral Marquis de Lafayette, March



19, 1781 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   

390 



To Brigadier- General George Weedon, March 21, 



1781 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   

    394 



To Major-Gene ral Marquis de Lafayette, March 



24, 1781. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .      

  395 



To Major-Gene ral Benedict Arnold, the 



Commanding Officer of the British Force at 



Portsmouth , March 24, 1781. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 399 



To the Rev. James Madison and Robert Andrews, 



March 31, 1781. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 400







Contents xix







LETTERS WRITTEN BEFORE HIS MISSION TO EUROPE 



(1762-1784) -Continued . 



To Major-Gene ral Nathanael Greene, 



April 1, 1781. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .       

 401 



To Rev. James Madison, April 8, 1781.. . . . . . . . . .         402 



To Major-Gene ral Baron Steuben, April 10, 1781 .         404 



To Chevalier de La Luzerne, the French Minister, 



April 12, 1781 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .         

406 



To Colonel Oliver Towles, April 14, 1781.. . . . . . .         409 



To Colonels Skinner and Garrard, April 14, 1781 . .        410 



To Colonel James Innes, April 21, 1781 . . . . . . . . .        411



To Colonel Benjamin Harrison, April 22, 1781 . . . .         413 



To Major-Gene ral Baron Steuben, April 22, 1781 . .   414 



To Major-Gene ral Baron Steuben, April 24, 1781 .     415 



To Colonel Vanmeter, April 27, 1781 . . . . . . . . . . .     417 



To Major-Gene ral Baron Steuben, April 27, 1781 .        418 



To Colonel James Innes, May 2, 1781 . . . . . . . . . . .    419 



To Colonel Abraham Penn, May 4, 1781. . . . . . . . . .   421 



To Major-Gene ral Marquis de Lafayette, May 14, 



1781. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  

423 



To Major-Gene ral Marquis de Lafayette, May 31, 



1781. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    

    426 



To Francis Eppes, Jan. 14, 1783.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        429 



To James Madison, February 7, 1783. . . . . . . . . . . .    430 



To James Madison, February 14, 1783. . . . . . . . . . .    435 



To James Madison, May 7, 1783 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    440 



To James Madison, June 17, 1783. .. . . . . . . .. .. .        443 



To Charles Carter, Oct. 12, 1783. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    444 



To Martha Jefferson, Nov. 28, 1783. . . . . . . . . . . . .    446



To George Washington , April 6, 1784. . . . . . . . . . .         448 



To General Horatio Gates, May 7, 1784. . . . . . . . .         450 



To James Monroe, May 21, 1784. . . . . . . . . . . . . .         451 



To Charles Thomson, May 21, 1784. . . . . . . . . . . .         454 



To Benjamin Franklin, June 19, 1784. . . . . . . . . . .         456 



To James Madison, July 1, 1784. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .        458















CORRESPONDENCE.







PART I: BEFORE HIS MISSION TO EUROPE, 



1762-1784.







"II.-WHILE IN EUROPE, 1784-1789.







"III.-AFTE R HIS RETURN TO THE UNITED 



STATES TO HIS DEATH, 1789-1826







JEFFERSON 'S CORRESPON DENCE.







This division of the work includes all the Correspond ence, official and

private, of Thomas Jefferson, from 1762 to his death in 1826, which possesses

general interest or permanent public value. For the purpose of easy reference,

it has been classified as follows:







PART I.-LETTERS WRITTEN BEFORE HIS MISSION TO EUROPE:-







The letters included in this division, consist principally of the private

correspond ence of Jefferson's youth, and his official letters while Governor

of Virginia. The former are interesting mainly as illustrating his character,

his views, and his purposes in life. The latter, relating to the period of the

invasion of Virginia, and the military operations in the South, possess no

inconsidera ble historical value. The second half of this volume (Vol. IV,

pages 222 to 458) presents interesting letters, covering this period, which

were not included in the Congressio nal edition of 1853.







PART II.-LETTER S WRITTEN WHILE IN EUROPE.-T he letters included in this

division, relate principally to the objects of his mission to Europe­his

efforts to extend the commercial relations of this country with the European

nations­th e history of particular treaties of commerce­ piratical depredatio

ns upon our commerce by the Barbary States­our Foreign Debt­our relations

generally with Europe­the rise and progress of the French Revolution through

its early stages­ his views of the Confederati on and the new Constitutio n­the

political and social condition of Europe, etc., all intersperse d with the

reflections of Jefferson upon every variety of topic, literary, scientific,

social, and political.



PART III.-LETTE RS WRITTEN AFTER HIS RETURN TO THE UNITED STATES TO THE TIME OF

HIS DEATH.­TO the great majority Of readers, this will be found to be much the

most interesting division of the work, ranging, as it does, over the whole

field of Literature, Philosophy, Science, Religion, Morals, History, and

Politics, and embodying the mature views of Jefferson upon nearly all the great

Constitutio nal questions which have arisen under our Governmen t, and many of

the most important problems which have agitated the world.











JEFFERSON 'S WORKS. 



LETTERS WRITTEN BEFORE HIS MISSION TO EUROPE. 



1762-1784. 



TO JOHN PAGE. 



Fairfield, December 25, 1762. 







DEAR PAGE,­This very day, to others the day of greatest mirth and jollity, sees

me overwhelme d with more and greater misfortune s than have befallen a

descendant of Adam for these thousand years past, I am sure; and perhaps, after

excepting Job, since the creation of the world. I think his misfortune s were

somewhat greater than mine; for, although we may be pretty nearly on a level in

other respects, yet, I thank my God, I have the advantage of brother Job in

this, that Satan has not as yet put forth his hand to load me with bodily

afflictions. You must know, dear Page, that I am now in a house surrounde d

with enemies, who take counsel together against my soul; and when I lay me down

to rest, they, say among themselves, come let us destroy him. I am sure if

there is such a thing as a Devil in this world, he must have been here last

night, and have had some hand in contriving what happened to me. Do you think 







#VOL, IV-I# 







2 Jefferson's Works 







the cursed rats (at his instigation, I suppose) did not eat up my pocket-book,

which was in my pocket, within a foot of my head? And not contented with plenty

for the present, they carried away my jemmy­ worked silk garters, and half a

dozen new minuets I had just got, to serve, I suppose, as provision for the

winter. But of this I should not have accused the Devil, (because, you know

rats will be rats, and hunger, without the addition of his instigation s, might

have urged them to do this,) if something worse, and from a different quarter,

had not happened. You know it rained last night, or if you do not know it, I am

sure I do. When I went to bed, I laid my watch in the usual place, and going to

take her up after I arose this morning, I found her in the same place, it's

true, but Quantum mutatus ab illo! all afloat in water, let in at a leak in the

roof of the house, and as silent and still as the rats that had eat my

pocket-boo k. Now, you know, if chance had had anything to do in this matter,

there were a thousand other spots where it might have chanced to leak as well

as at this one, which was perpendicu larly over my watch. But I'll tell you,

it's my opinion that the Devil came and bored the hole over it on purpose.

Well, as I was saying, my poor watch had lost her speech. I should not have

cared much for this, but something worse attended it; the subtle particles of

the water with which the case was filled, had, by their penetration , so

overcome the cohesion of the particles of the paper, of which my dear picture

and watch-pape r were composed,







Correspond ence 3 







that, in attempting to take them out to dry them, good God! Mens horret

referre! My cursed fingers gave them such a rent, as I fear I never shall get

over. This, cried I, was the last stroke Satan had in reserve for me; he knew I

cared not for anything else he could do to me, and was determined to try his

last most fatal expedient. "Multis fortunce vulneribus percussus, huic uni me

imparem sensi, et penitus succubui!" I would have cried bitterly,, but I

thought it beneath the dignity of a man, and a man too, who had read €€€ €€€€,

€€ €€€ €€€€€€€, €€ € €€ €€€ €€€€. However, whatever misfortune s may attend the

picture or lover, my hearty prayers shall be, that all the health and happiness

which Heaven can send may be the portion of the original, and that so much

goodness may ever meet with what may be most agreeable in this world, as I am

sure it must be in the next. And now, although the picture be defaced, there is

so lively an image of her imprinted in my mind, that I shall think of her too

often, I fear, for my peace of mind; and too often, I am sure, to get through

old Coke this winter; for God knows I have not seen him since I packed him up

in my trunk in Williamsbur g. Well, Page, I do wish the Devil had old Coke, for

I am sure I never was so tired of an old dull scoundrel in my life. What! are

there so few inquietude s tacked to this momentary life of ours, that we must

need be loading ourselves with a thousand more? Or, as brother Job says, (who,

by-the- bye, I think began to whine a little under his afflitions,)







4 Jefferson's Works 







"Are not my days few? Cease then, that I may take comfort a little before I go

whence I shall not return, even to the land of darkness, and the shadow of

death." But the old fellows say we must read to gain knowledge, and gain

knowledge to make us happy and admired. Mere jargon! Is there any such thing as

happiness in this world? No. And as for admiration, I am sure the man who

powders most, perfumes most, embroiders most, and talks most nonsense, is most

admired. Though to be candid, there are some who have too much good sense to

esteem such monkey­lik e animals as these, in whose formation, as the saying

is, the tailors and barbers go halves with God Almighty; and since these are

the only persons whose esteem is worth a wish, I do not know but that, upon the

whole, the advice of these old fellows may be worth following. 







You cannot conceive the satisfaction it would give me to have a letter from

you. Write me very circumstan tially everything which happened at the wedding.

Was she there? because, if she was, I ought to have been at the Devil for not

being there too. If there is any news stirring in town or country, such as

deaths, courtships, or marriages, in the circle of my acquaintan ce, let me

know it. Remember me affectionat ely to all the young ladies of my acquaintan

ce, particularl y the Miss Burwells, and Miss Potters, and tell them that

though that heavy earthly part of me, my body, be absent, the better half of

me, my soul, is ever with them, and that my best wishes shall ever 







Correspond ence 5 







attend them. Tell Miss Alice Corbin that I verily believe the rats knew I was

to win a pair of garters from her, or they never would have been so cruel as to

carry mine away. This very considerati on makes me so sure of the bet, that I

shall ask everybody I see from that part of the world what pretty gentleman is

making his addresses to her. I would fain ask the favor of Miss Becca Burwell

to give me another watch­pap er of her own cutting, which I should esteem much

more, though it were a plain round one, than the nicest in the world cut by

other hands; however, I am afraid she would think this presumptio n, after my

suffering the other to get spoiled. If you think you can excuse ma to her for

this, I should be glad if you would ask her. Tell Miss Sukey Potter that I

heard, just before I came out of town, that she was offended with me about

something, what it is I do not know; but this I know, that I never was guilty

of the least disrespect to her in my life, either in word or deed; as far from

it as it has been possible for one to be. I suppose when we meet next, she will

be endeavorin g to repay an imaginary affront with a real one; but she may save

herself the trouble, for nothing that she can say or do to me shall ever lessen

her in my esteem, and I am determined always to look upon her as the same

honest-hea rted, good-humo red, agreeable lady I ever did. Tell-tell-in short,

tell them all ten thousand things more than either you or I can now or ever

shall think of as long as we live. 







My mind has been so taken up with thinking of 







6 Jefferson's Works 







my acquaintan ces, that, till this moment, I almost imagined myself in

Williamsbur g, talking to you in our old unreserved way; and never observed,

till I turned over the leaf, to what an immoderate size I had swelled my

letter; however, that I may, not tire your patience by further additions. I

will make but this one more, that I am sincerely and affectionat ely, 







Dear Page, your friend and servant. 







P. S. I am now within an easy day's ride of Shadwell, whither I shall proceed

in two or three days. 







TO JOHN PAGE. 







SHADWELL, Jan. 20, 1763. 



DEAR PAGE,­To tell you the plain truth, I have not a syllable to write to you

about. For I do not conceive that anything can happen in my world which you

would give a curse to know, or I either. All things here appear to me to trudge

on in one and the same round: we rise in the morning that we may eat breakfast,

dinner and supper, and go to bed again that we may get up the next morning and

do the same: so that you never saw two peas more alike than our yesterday and'

to-day. Under these circumstan ces, what would you have me say? Would you that

I should write nothing but truth? I tell you I know nothing that is true. Or

would you rather that I should write you a pack of lies? Why, unless they were

more ingenious than I am able to 







Correspond ence 7 







invent, they would furnish you with little amusement. What can I do then?

nothing, but ask you the news in your world. How have you done since T saw you?

How did Nancy look at you when you danced with her at Southall's? Have you any

glimmering of hope? How does R. B. do? Had I better stay here and do nothing,

or go down and do less? or, in other words, had I better stay here while I am

here, or go down that I may have the pleasure of sailing up the river again in

a full-rigged flat? Inclination tells me to go, receive my sentence, and be no

longer in suspense; but reason says, if you go, and your attempt proves

unsuccessf ul, you will be ten times more wretched than ever. In my last to

you, dated Fairfield, Dec. 25, I wrote to you of the losses I had sustained; in

the present I may mention one more, which is the loss of the whites of my eyes,

in the room of which I have got reds, which gives me such exquisite pain that I

have not attempted to read anything since a few days after Jack Walker went

down, and God knows when I shall be able to do it. I have some thoughts of

going to Petersburg , if the actors go there in May. If I do, I do not know but

I may keep on to Williamsbur g, as the birth night will be near. I hear that

Ben Harrison has been to Wilton: let me know his success. Have you an

inclination to travel, Page? because if you have, I shall be glad of your

company. For you must know that as soon as the Rebecca (the name I intend to

give the vessel above mentioned) is completely finished, I intend to hoist 







8 Jefferson's Works 







sail and away. .I shall visit particularl y England, Holland, France, Spain,

Italy, (where I would buy me a good fiddle,) and Egypt, and return through the

British provinces to the Northward home. This to be sure, would take us two or

three years, and if we should not both be cured of love in that time, I think

the devil would be in it. After desiring you to remember me to acquaintan ces

below, male and female, I subscribe myself, 







Dear Page, your friend and servant. 







TO JOHN PAGE. 







SHADWELL, July 15th, 1763. 



DEAR PAGE,­You rs of May 30th came safe to hand. The rival you mentioned I know

not whether to think formidable or not, as there has been so great an opening

for him during my absence. I say has been, because I expect there is one no

longer. Since you have undertaken to act as my attorney, you advise me to go

immediately and lay siege in form. You certainly did not think, at the time you

wrote this, of that paragraph in my letter wherein I mentioned to you my

resolution of going to Britain. And to begin an affair of that kind now, and

carry it on so long a time in form, is by no means a proper plan. No, no, Page;

whatever assurances I may give her in private of my esteem for her, or whatever

assurances I may ask in return from her, depend on it­ they must be kept in

private. Necessity will oblige 







Correspond ence 9 







me to proceed in a method which is not generally thought fair; that of treating

with a ward before obtaining the approbatio n of her guardian. I say necessity

will oblige me to it, because I never can bear to remain in suspense so long a

time. If I am to succeed, the sooner I know it, the less uneasiness I shall

have to go through. If I am to meet with a disappoint ment, the sooner I know

it, the more of life I shall have to wear it off; and if I do meet with one, I

hope in God, and verily believe, it will be the last. I assure you, that I

almost envy you your present freedom; and if Belinda will not accept of my

service, it shall never be offered to another. That she may, I pray most

sincerely; but that she will, she never gave me reason to hope. With regard to

my not proceeding in form, I do not know how she may like it. I am afraid not

much. That her guardians would not, if they should know of it, is very certain.

But I should think that if they were consulted after I return, it would be

sufficient. The greatest inconvenie nce would be my not having the liberty of

visiting so freely. This is a subject worth your talking over with her; and I

wish you would, and would transmit to me your whole confab at length. I should

be scared to death at making her so unreasonab le a proposal as that of waiting

until I return from Britain, unless she could first be prepared for it. I am

afraid it will make my chance of succeeding considerabl y worse. But the event

at last must be this, that if she consents, I shall be happy; 







10 Jefferson's Works 







if she does not, I must endeavor to be as much so as possible. I have thought a

good deal on your case, and as mine may perhaps be similar, I must endeavor to

look on it in the same light in which I have often advised you to look on

yours. Perfect happiness, I believe, was never intended by the Deity to be the

lot of one of his creatures in this world; but that he has very much put in our

power the nearness of our approaches to it, is what I have steadfastly

believed. 







The most fortunate of us, in our journey through life, frequently meet with

calamities and misfortune s which may greatly afflict us; and, to fortify our

minds against the attacks of these calamities and misfortune s, should be one

of the principal studies and endeavors of our lives. The only method of doing

this is to assume a perfect resignation to the Divine will, to consider that

whatever does happen, must happen; and that, by our uneasiness, we cannot

prevent the blow before it does fall, but we may add to its force after it has

fallen. These considerati ons, and others such as these, may enable us in some

measure to surmount the difficulties thrown in our way; to bear up with a

tolerable degree of patience under this burthen of life; and to proceed with a

pious and unshaken resignation , till we arrive at our journey's end, when we

may deliver up our trust into the hands of him who gave it, and receive such

reward as to him shall seem proportion ed to our merit. Such, dear Page, will

be the language of the 







Correspond ence 11 







man who considers his situation in this life, and such should be the language

of every man who would wish to render that situation as easy as the nature of

it will admit. Few things will disturb him at all: nothing will disturb him

much. 







If this letter was to fall into the hands of some of our gay acquaintan ce,

your correspond ent and his solemn notions would probably be the subjects of a

great deal of mirth and raillery, but to you, I think, I can venture to send

it. It is in effect a continuatio n of the many conversatio ns we have had on

subjects of this kind; and I heartily wish we could now continue these

conversatio ns face to face. The time will not be very long now before we may

do it, as I expect to be in Williamsbur g by the first of October, if not

sooner. I do not know that I shall have occasion to return, if I can rent rooms

in town to lodge in; and to prevent the inconvenie nce of moving my lodgings

for the future, I think to build: no castle though, I assure you; only a small

house, which shall contain a room for myself and another for you, and no more,

unless Belinda should think proper to favor us with her company, in which case

I will enlarge the plan as much as she pleases. Make my compliment s to her

particularl y, as also to Sukey Potter, Judy Burwell, and such others of my

acquaintan ce as enquire after me. I am, 







Dear Page, your sincere friend. 







12 Jefferson's Works 







TO JOHN PAGE. 







WILLIAMSB URG, October 7, 1763. 



DEAR PAGE,­In the most melancholy fit that ever any poor soul was, I sit down

to write to you. Last night, as merry as agreeable company and dancing with

Belinda in the Apollo could make me, I never could have thought the succeeding

sun would have seen me so wretched as I now am! I was prepared to say a great

deal: I had dressed up, in my own mind, such thoughts as occurred to me, in as

moving a language as I knew how, and expected to have performed in a tolerably

creditable manner. But, good God! When I had an opportunit y of venting them, a

few broken sentences, uttered in great disorder, and interrupte d with pauses

of uncommon length, were the too visible marks of my strange confusion! The

whole confab I will tell you, word for word, if I can, when I see you, which

God send may be soon. Affairs at W. and M. are in the greatest confusion.

Walker, M'Clurg and Wat Jones are expelled pro tempore, or, as Horrox softens

it, rusticated for a month. Lewis Burwell, Warner Lewis, and one Thompson, have

fled to, escape flagellation . I should have excepted Warner Lewis, who came

off of his own accord. Jack Walker leaves town on Monday. The court is now at

hand, which I must attend constantly, so that unless you come to town, there is

little probability of my meeting with you anywhere else. For God sake come. I

am, dear Page, your sincere friend. 







Correspond ence 13 







TO JOHN PAGE. 







DEVILSBUR G, January 19, 1764. 



The contents of your letter have not a little alarmed me; and really, upon

seriously weighing them with what has formerly passed between ­­and myself, I

am somewhat at a loss what to conclude; your "semper saltat, semper ridet,

semper loquitur, semper solicitat," &c., appear a little suspicious, but good

God! it is impossible! I told you our confab in the Apollo; but I believe I

never told you that we had on another occasion. I then opened my mind more

freely, and more fully. I mentioned the necessity of my going to England, and

the delays which would consequent ly be occasioned by that. I said in what

manner I should conduct myself till then, and explained my reasons, which

appears to give that satisfaction I could have wished; in short, I managed in

such a manner that I was tolerable easy myself, without doing anything which

could give advenb'c friends the least umbrage, were the whole that passed to be

related to them. I asked no question which would admit of a categorical answer;

but I assured advomeB that such questions would one day be asked­ in short,

were I to have another interview with him, I could say nothing now which I did

not say then; and were I, with a view of obtaining one, licentiam solicitandi

aliis, quibus degit postulate, it would be previously necessary to go the

rounds cum custodibus; and after all this, he could be in no other situation 







14. Jefferson's Works 







than he is at present. After the proofs I have given of my sincerity, he can be

under no apprehensi on of a change in my sentiments; and were I to do as my

friends advise me, I would give no better security than he has at present. He

is satisfied that I shall make him an offer, and if he intends to accept of it,

he will disregard those made by others; my fate depends on €€€€€€€€€ present

resolutions , by them I must stand or fall­if they are not favorable to me, it

is out of my power to say anything to make them so which I have not said

already; so that a visit could, not possibly be of the least weight, and it is,

I am sure, what he does not in the least expect. I hear you are courting F ­y B

­1, but shall not listen to it till I hear it from you. When I was up the

country, I wrote a letter to you, dated Fairfield, Dec. 25, 1763; let me know

if you have received such a one. As I suppose you do not use your Statutes of

Britain, if you can lend them to me, till I can provide myself with a copy, it

will infinitely oblige me. Adieu, dear Page. 







TO GOVERNOR PAGE. 







DEVILSBUR G,1 January 23, 1764. 



DEAR PAGE,­I received your letter of Wednesday, the 18th instant; in that, of

this day, you mention one which you wrote last Friday, and sent by the 







#1 From this designation of the ancient metropolis, it would seem even then to

have been no favorite with him.# 







Correspond ence 15 







Secretary's boy; but I have neither seen nor heard of such a one. God send mine

of January 19 to you may not have shared the same fate; for, by your letter, I

am uncertain whether you have received it or not; you therein say, "you hope to

have received an answer from me by this time," by which I judge it has

miscarried; but you mention mine of December 25th, which put me in spirits

again, as I do not know how you should have got intelligence that I had wrote

such a one, unless you had seen my letter of Jan. 19, in which it was

mentioned­ yes, there is one other way by which you might have received such

intelligence . My letter of Jan. 19 may have been opened, and the person who

did it may have been further incited by curiosity, to ask you if you had

received such a letter as they saw mentioned therein; but God send, and I hope

this is not the case. Sukey Potter, to whom I sent it, told me yesterday she

delivered it to Mr. T. Nelson, the younger, who had delivered it to you­I hope

with his own hand. I wish I had followed your example, and wrote it in Latin,

and that I had called my dear campana in die,' instead of €€€€€€€€.







We must fall on some scheme of communicat ing 







#1 The lady here alluded to is manifestly the Miss Rebecca Burwell mentioned in

his first letter; but what suggested the quaint designation s of her is not so

obvious. In the first of them, Belinda, translated into dog Latin, which was

there, as elsewhere, among the facetice of young collegians, became campana in

die, that is bell in day. In the second, the name is reversed, and becomes

adnileb, which, for further security, is written in Greek characters, and the

lady spoken of in the masculine gender.# 







16 Jefferson's Works 







our thoughts to each other, which shall be totally unintelligib le to every one

but to ourselves. I will send you some of these days Shelton's Tachygrap hical

Alphabet, and directions. Jack Walker is engaged to Betsey Moore, and desired

all his brethren might be made acquainted with his happiness. But I hear he

will not be married this year or two. Put campana in die in mind of me; tell

him I think as I always did. I have sent my horses up the country, so that it

is out of my power to take even an airing on horseback at any time. My paper

holds out no longer, so must bid you adieu. 







TO JOHN PAGE. 







DEVILSBUR G, April 9, 1764. 







DEAR PAGE,­This letter will be conveyed to you by the assistance of our friend

Warner Lewis. Poor fellow! never did I see one more sincerely captivated in my

life. He walked to the Indian camp with her yesterday, by which means he had an

opportunit y of giving her two or three love squeezes by the hand; and, like a

true arcadian swain, has been so enraptured ever since, that he is company for

no one. B­ y has at last bestowed her hand on B­ d; and whether it was for

money, beauty, or principle, will be so nice a dispute, that no one will

venture to pronounce. Two days before the wedding I was not a little surprised,

on going to the door at my house, to see him alight from his horse. He stepped

up to 







Correspond ence 17 







me, and desired the favor of me to come to Mr. Yates' at such a time. It was so

unexpected , that for some time I could make no reply; at last, I said "yes,"

and turned about and walked back into my room. I accordingl y attended, and to

crown the joke, when I got there, was dubbed a bridesman. There were many other

curious circumstan ces too tedious to mention here. Jack Walker is expected in

town to-morrow. How does your pulse beat after your trip to the Isle of Wight?

What a high figure I should have cut, had I gone! When I heard who visited you

there, I thought I had met with the narrowest escape in the world. I wonder how

I should have behaved­I am sure I should have been at a great loss. If your

mistress can spare you a little time, your friends here would be very glad to

see you, particularl y Small and myself, as everything is now ready for taking

the height of this place above the water of the creeks. Fleming's relapse will

justly afford you great matter of triumph, after rallying you so much on being

in love. 







Adieu, dear Page. 







P. S. Walker is just arrived­he goes out of town on Wednesday, and will return

again in about three weeks. 







TO JOHN PAGE. 







CHARLOTTE SVILLE, Feb. 21, 1770. 



DEAR PAGE,­I am to acquaint Mrs. Page of the loss of my favorite pullet; the

consequenc e of which 







#VOL. IV-2# 







18 Jefferson's Works 







will readily occur to her. I promised also to give her some Virginia silk which

I had expected, and I begin to wish my expectation .may not prove vain. I fear

she will think me but an ungainly acquaintan ce. My late loss may perhaps have

reached you by this time; I mean the loss of my mother's house by fire, and in

it of every paper I had in the world, and almost every book. On a reasonable

estimate I calculate the cost of the books burned to have been £200 sterling.

Would to God it had been the money, then had it never cost me a sigh! To make

the loss more sensible, it fell principally on my books of Common Law, of which

I have but one left, at that time lent out. Of papers too of every kind I am

utterly destitute. All of these, whether public or private, of business or of

amusement, have perished in the flames. I had made some progress in preparing

for the succeeding General Court; and having as was m y custom, thrown my

thoughts into the form of notes, I troubled my head no more with them. These

are gone, and like the baseless fabric of a vision, leave not a trace behind.

The records also, and other papers which furnished me with states of the

several cases, having shared the same fate, I have no foundation whereon to set

out anew. I have in vain attempted to recollect some of them; the defect

sometimes of one, sometimes of more circumstan ces, rendering them so imperfect

that I can make nothing of them. What am I to do then in April? The resolution

which the Court has 







Correspond ence 19 







declared of admitting no continuanc es of causes seemed to be unalterable ; yet

it might surely be urged, that my case is too singular to admit of their being

often troubled with the like excuse. Should it be asked, what are the

misfortune s of an individual to a Court? The answer of a Court, as well as of

an individual, if left to me, should be in the words of Terence, "homo sum;

humani nil a me alienum puto"­but a truce with this disagreeabl e subject. 







Am I never more to have a letter from you? Why the devil don't you write? But I

suppose you are always in the moon, or some of the planetary regions. I mean

you are there in idea; and, unless you mend, you shall have my consent to be

there de facto; at least, during the vacations of the Court and Assembly. If

your spirit is too elevated to advert to sublunary subjects, depute my friend

Mrs. Page to support your correspond ences. Methinks I should, with wonderful

pleasure, open and peruse a letter written by so fair, and (what is better) so

friendly hands. If thinking much of you would entitle me to the civility of a

letter, I assure you I merit a very long one. If this conflagrati on, by which

I am burned out of a home, had come before I had advanced so far in preparing

another, I do not know but I might have cherished some treasonable thoughts of

leaving these my native hills; indeed I should be much happier were I nearer to

Rosewell and Severn hills­howe ver, the gods, I fancy, were 







20 Jefferson's Works 







apprehensi ve that if we were placed together, we should pull down the moon, or

play some such devilish prank with their works. I reflect often with pleasure

on the philosophic al evenings I passed at Rosewell in my last visits there. I

was always fond of philosophy, even in its drier forms; but from a ruby lip, it

comes with charms irresistible . Such a feast of sentiment must exhilarate and

lengthen life, at least as much as the feast of the sensualist shortens it­in a

word, I prize it so highly, that, if you will at any time collect the same

Belle Assemblée, on giving me three days previous notice, I shall certainly

repair to my place as a member of it. Should it not happen before I come down,

I will carry Sally Nicholas in the green chair to Newquarter , where your

periagua (how the­ should I spell that word?) will meet us, automaton­ like, of

its own accord. You know I had a wagon which moved itself­cann ot we construct

a boat then which shall row itself? Amicus noster, Fons,1 quo modo agit, et

quid agit? You may be all dead for anything we can tell here. I expect he will

follow the good old rule of driving one passion out by letting another in.

Calvum clavo pangere was your advice to me on a similar occasion. I hope you

will watch his immersion as narrowly as if he were one of Jupiter's satellites;

and give me immediate notice, that I may prepare a dish of advice. I do not

mean, Madam, to advise him against it. On the contrary, I 







#1 Probably Mr. William Fontaine, of Hanover county.



 







Correspond ence 21 







am become an advocate for the passion; for I too am coelo tactus, Currus1 bene

se habet. He speaks, thinks, and dreams of nothing but his young son. This

friend of ours, Page, in a very small house, with a table, half a dozen chairs,

and one or two servants, is the happiest man in the universe. Every incident in

life he so takes as to render it a source of pleasure. With as much benevolenc

e as the heart of man will hold, but with an utter neglect of the costly

apparatus of life, he exhibits to the world a new phenomeno n in philosophy

­the Samian sage in the tub of the cynic. Name me sometimes homunculo tuo, not

forgetting little dic mendacium. I am determined not to enter on the next page,

lest I should extend this nonsense to the bottom of that also. A dieu je vous

commis, not doubting his care of you both. TH: JEFFERSON . 







TO CHAS. MCPHERSO N. 







ALBEMARL E, IN VIRGINIA, Feb. 25th, 1773. 



DEAR SIR,­Encou raged by the small acquaintan ce which I had the pleasure of

having contracted with you during your residence in this country, I take the

liberty of making the present application to you. I understood you were related

to the gentleman of your name (Mr. James McPherson) , to whom the world is so

much indebted for the elegant 







#1 By this term, he no doubt designated Mr. Dabney Carr, his brother- in-law.# 







22 Jefferson's Works 







collection, arrangeme nt, and translation of Ossian's poems. These pieces have

been and will, I think, during my life, continue to be to me the sources of

daily and exalted pleasures. The tender and the sublime emotions of the mind

were­ never before so wrought up by the human hand. I am not ashamed to own

that I think this rude bard of the North the greatest poet that has ever

existed. Merely for the pleasure of reading his works, I am become desirous of

learning the language in which he sung, and of possessing his songs in their

original form. Mr. McPherson, I think, informs us he is possessed of the

originals. Indeed, a gentleman has lately told me he had seen them in print;

but I am afraid he has mistaken a specimen from Temora, annexed to some of the

editions of the translation, for the whole works. If they are printed, it will

abridge my request and your trouble, to the sending me a printed copy; but if

there be more such, my petition is, that you would be so good as to use your

interest with Mr. McPherson to obtain leave to take a manuscript copy of them,

and procure it to be done. I would choose it in a fair, round hand, on fine

paper, with a good margin, bound in parchments as elegantly as possible,

lettered on the back, and marbled or gilt on the edges of the leaves. I would

not regard expense in doing this. I would further beg the favor of you to give

me a catalogue of the books written in that language, and to send me such of

them as may be necesssary for learning it, These 







Correspond ence 23 







will, of course, include a grammar 'and dictionary. The cost of these, as well

as the copy of Ossian, will be (for me), on demand, answered by Mr. Alexander

McCaul, sometime of Virginia, merchant, but now of Glasgow, or by your friend

Mr. Ninian Minzees, of Richmond, in Virginia, to whose care the books may be

sent. You can, perhaps, tell me whether we may ever hope to see any more of

those Celtic pieces published. Manuscript copies of any which are in print, it

would at any time give me the greatest happiness to receive. The glow of one

warm thought is to me worth more than money. I hear with pleasure from your

friend that your path through life is likely to be smoothed by success: I wish

the business and the pleasures of your situation would admit leisure now and

then to scribble a line to one who wishes you every felicity, and would

willingly merit the appellation of, dear sir, 



Your friend and humble servant. 







TO COL. A. CARY. 







Dec. 9th; 1774. 



DEAR SIR,­As I mean to be a conscientio us observer of the measures generally

thought requisite for the preservatio n of our independen t rights, so I think

myself bound to account to my country for any act of mine which might wear an

appearance of contraveni ng them. I, therefore, take the liberty of stating to

you the following matter, that through 







24 Jefferson's Works 







your friendly interventio n, it may be communicat ed to the committee of your

county. You may remember that it was about the last of May that the House of

Burgesses, after its dissolution, met in Raleigh, and formed our first

association against the future use of tea only; tho' the proceeding s of the

ministry against the town of Boston were then well Known to us. 







I believe nobody thought at that time of extending our association further, to

the total interruptio n of our commerce with Britain; or, if it was proposed by

any (which I don't recollect), it was condemned by the general sense of the

members who formed that association. Two or three days, therefore, after this,

I wrote to Cary & Co., of London, for fourteen, pairs of sash windows, to be

sent to me ready made and glazed, with a small parcel of spare glass to mend

with. This letter went by a ship, which sailed about the third of June, just

before Power arrived here. I did not suppose they would send them till Power

should come in again in the spring of 1775. 



About the middle of June, as nearly as I can recollect, a few of the late

members were again convened (in consequenc e of fresh advices from Boston), and

then it was suggested that a more extensive association might be necessary. A

convention met for that purpose the first of August, and formed a new

association, of which I received a copy about the 11th of the month. But as a

general Congress was then appointed to be held to reconsider the







Correspond ence 25 







same matters, and it was agreed that our association should be subject to any

alteration that they might recommend, I did not write to counterman d my order,

thinking I should have sufficient time after the final determinati on of the

Congress should be known, to counterman d it before Power should sail in the

spring. Accordingl y, within a few days after receiving a copy of the general

association, I wrote to Cary & Co. not to send the sashes and glass which I had

ordered, and gave my letter to the care of a gentleman (Mr. Evans) just then

going downward, who promised to send it out speedily; but three or four days

after I received a letter from those gentlemen, dated August 29th, in which

they inform me my window frames and glass are ready, but that it being

necessary to detain them about a month to harden the puttying, they were not

sent in that ship, but might be expected by the next ship afterwards. From this

I conclude they may be near arriving at this time, in which case they will come

under the 1st and 10th articles of the association. In order, therefore, that

no proceeding of mine might give a handle for traducing our measures, I thought

it better previously to lay before your committee, within whose ward they will

probably be landed, a full state of the matter, by which it might be seen under

what expectation s I had failed to give an earlier counterman d, and to show

that, as they come under the prohibition s of the Continental association,

(which, without the spirit of prophecy, could 







26 Jefferson's Works 







not have been foretold when I ordered them,) so I mean they shall be subject to

its condemnati on. To your committee, therefore, if landed within their county,

I submit the disposal of them, which shall be obeyed as soon as made known to

their and your 







Most humble servant. 







Dec. 9th, 1774. A copy of this sent to Col. A. 







Cary, and another to Col. B. Harrison, by Mr. Marrei. 







TO DR. WILLIAM SMALL. 







May 7, 1775. 



DEAR SIR,­Within this week we have received the unhappy news of an action of

considerabl e magnitude, between the King's troops and our brethren of Boston,

in which it is said five hundred of the former, with the Earl of Percy, are

slain. That such an action has occurred, is undoubted, though perhaps the

circumstan ces may not have reached us with truth. This accident has cut off

our last hope of reconciliati on, and a phrensy of revenge seems to have seized

all ranks of people. It is a lamentable circumstan ce, that the only mediatory

power, acknowledg ed by both parties, instead of leading to a reconciliati on

his divided people, should pursue the incendiary purpose of still blowing up

the flames, as we find him constantly doing, in every speech and public

declaration . This may, perhaps, 







Correspond ence 27 







be intended to intimidate into acquiescence, but the effect has been most

unfortunat ely otherwise. A little knowledge of human nature, and attention to

its ordinary workings, might have foreseen that the spirits of the people here

were in a state, in which they were more likely to be provoked, than

frightened, by haughty deportment . ' And to fill up the measure of irritation,

a proscriptio n of individuals has been substituted in the room of just trial.

Can it be believed, that a grateful people will suffer those to be consigned to

execution, whose sole crime has been the developing and asserting their rights?

Had the Parliament possessed the power of reflection, they would have avoided a

measure as impotent, as it was inflammator y. When I saw Lord Chatham's bill, I

entertained high hope that a reconciliati on could have been brought about. The

difference between his terms, and those offered by our Congress, might have

been accommodat ed, if entered on, by both parties, with a disposition to

accommodate. But the dignity of Parliament, it seems, can brook no opposition

to its power. Strange, that a set of men, who have made sale of their virtue to

the Minister, should yet talk of retaining dignity! But I am getting into

politics, though I sat down only to ask your acceptance of the wine, and

express my constant wishes for your happiness. 







28 Jefferson's Works 







TO JOHN RANDOLPH, ESQ. 







MONTICELL O, August 25, 1775. 



DEAR SIR,­I am sorry the situation of our country should render it not eligible

to you to remain longer in it. I hope the returning wisdom of Great Britain

will, ere long, put an end to this unnatural contest. There may be people to

whose tempers and disposition s contention is pleasing, and who, therefore,

wish a continuanc e of confusion, but to me it is of all states but one, the

most horrid. My first wish is a restoration of our just rights; my second, a

return of the happy period, when, consistently with duty, I may withdraw myself

totally from the public stage, and pass the rest of my days in domestic ease

and tranquillity , banishing every desire of ever hearing what passes in the

world. Perhaps (for the latter adds considerabl y to the warmth of the former

wish), looking with fondness towards a reconciliati on with Great Britain, I

cannot help hoping you may be able to contribute towards expediting this good

work. I think it must be evident to yourself, that the Ministry have been

deceived by their officers on this side of the water, who (for what purpose I

cannot tell) have constantly represente d the American opposition as that of a

small faction, in which the body of the people took little part. This, you can

inform them, of your own knowledge, is untrue. They have taken it into their

heads, too, that we are cowards, and 







Correspond ence 29 







shall surrender at discretion to an armed force. The past and future operations

of the war must confirm or undeceive them on that head. I wish they were

thoroughly and minutely acquainted with every circumstan ce relative to

America, as it exists in truth. I am persuaded, this would go far towards

disposing them to reconciliati on. Even those in Parliament who are called

friends to America, seem to know nothing of our real determinati ons. I

observe, they pronounce d in the last Parliament, that the Congress of 1774 did

not mean to insist rigorously on the terms they held out, but kept something in

reserve, to give up; and, in fact, that they would give up everything but the

article of taxation. Now, the truth is far from this, as I can affirm, and put

my honor to the assertion. Their continuanc e in this error may, perhaps,

produce very ill consequenc es. The Congress stated the lowest terms they

thought possible to be accepted, in order to convince the world they were not

unreasonab le. They gave up the monopoly and regulation of trade, and all acts

of Parliament prior to 1764, leaving to British generosity to render these, at

some future time, as easy to America as the interest of Britain would admit.

But this was before blood was spilt. I cannot affirm, but have reason to think,

these terms would not now be accepted. I wish no false sense of honor, no

ignorance of our real intentions, no vain hope that partial concession s of

right will be accepted, may induce the Ministry to trifle 







30 Jefferson's Works 







with accommodat ion, till it shall be out of their power ever to accommodat e.

If, indeed, Great Britain, disjoined from her colonies, be a match for the most

potent nations of Europe, with the colonies thrown into their scale, they may

go on securely. But if they are not assured of this, it would be certainly

unwise, by trying the event of another campaign, to risk our accepting a

foreign aid, which, perhaps, may not be obtainable, but on condition of

everlasting avulsion from Great Britain. This would be thought a hard

condition, to those who still wish for re-union with their parent country. I am

sincerely one of those, and would rather be in dependenc e on Great Britain,

properly limited, than on any nation on earth, or than on no nation. But I am

one of those, too, who, rather than submit to the rights of legislating for us,

assumed by the British Parliament, and which late experience has shown they

will so cruelly exercise, would lend my hand to sink the whole Island in the

ocean. 







If undeceivin g the Minister, as to matters of fact, may change his

disposition, it will, perhaps, be in your power, by assisting to do this, to

render service to the whole empire, at the most critical time, certainly, that

it has ever seen. Whether Britain shall continue the head of the greatest

empire on earth, or shall return to her, original station in the political

scale of Europe, depends, perhaps, on the resolutions of the succeeding winter.

God send they may be wise and salutary for us all, I shall be glad to 







Correspond ence 31 







hear from you as often as you may be disposed to think of things here. You may

be at liberty, I expect, to communicat e some things, consistentl y with your

honor, and the duties you will owe to a protecting nation. Such a communicat

ion among individuals , may be mutually beneficial to the contending parties.

On this or any future occasion, if I affirm to you any facts, your knowledge of

me will enable you to decide on their credibility; if I hazard opinions on the

disposition s of men or other speculative points, you can only know they are my

opinions. My best wishes for your felicity, attend you, wherever you go, and

believe me to be assuredly, 



Your friend and servant. 







TO JOHN RANDOLPH, ESQ. 







PHILADELP HIA, November 29, 1775. 



DEAR SIR,­I am to give you the melancholy intelligence of the death of our most

worthy Speaker, which happened here on the 22d of the last month. He was struck

with an apoplexy, and expired within five hours. 







I have it in my power to acquaint you, that the success of our arms has

correspond ed with the justice of our cause. Chambly and St. John's were taken

some weeks ago, and in them the whole regular army in Canada, except about

forty or fifty men. This 'day, certain intelligence has reached us, that 







32 Jefferson's Works 







our General, Montgomer y, is received into Montreal; and we expect, every hour,

to be informed that Quebec has opened its arms to Colonel Arnold, who, with

eleven hundred men, was sent from Boston up the Kennebec, and down the

Chaudi€re river to that place. He expected to be there early this month.

Montreal acceded to us on the 13th, and Carleton set out, with the shattered

remains of his little army, for Quebec, where we hope he will be taken up by

Arnold. In a short time, we have reason to hope, the delegates of Canada will

join us in Congress, and complete the American union, as far as we wish to have

it completed. We hear that one of the British transports has arrived at Boston;

the rest are beating off the coast, in very bad weather. You will have heard,

before this reaches you, that Lord Dunmore has commenced hostilities in

Virginia. That people bore with everything , till he attempted to burn the town

of Hampton. They opposed and repelled him, with considerabl e loss on his side,

and none on ours. It has raised our countryme n into a perfect phrensy. It is

an immense misfortune, to the whole empire, to have a King of such a

disposition at such a time. We are told, and everything proves it true, that he

is the bitterest enemy we have. His Minister is able, and that satisfies me

that ignorance or wickedness , somewhere, controls him. In an earlier part of

this contest, our petitions told him, that from our King there was but one

appeal. The admonition 







Correspond ence 33 







was despised, and that appeal forced on us. To undo his empire, he has but one

truth more to learn; that, after colonies have drawn the sword, there is but

one step more they can take. That step is now pressed upon us, by the measures

adopted, as if they were afraid we would not take it: Believe me, dear Sir,

there is not in the British empire a man who more cordially loves a union with

Great Britain than I do. But by the God that made me, I will cease to exist

before I yield to a connection on such terms as the British Parliament propose;

and in this, I think I speak the sentiments of America. We want neither

inducement nor power, to declare and assert a separation. It is will, alone,

which is wanting, and that is growing apace under the fostering hand of our

King. One bloody campaign will probably decide, everlasting ly, our future

course; and I am sorry to find a bloody campaign is decided on. If our winds

and waters should not combine to rescue their shores from slavery, and General

Howe's reinforcem ents should arrive in safety; we have hopes he will be

inspirited to come out of Boston and take another drubbing; and we must drub

him soundly, before the sceptred tyrant will know we are not mere brutes, to

crouch under his hand, and kiss the rod with which he designs to scourge us, 



Yours, &c. 







#VOL. IV-3# 



34 Jefferson's Works 







TO RICHARD HENRY LEE. 







PHILADELP HIA, July 8, 1770. 



DEAR SIR,­For news, I refer you to your brother, who writes on that head. I

enclose you a copy of the Declaration of Independe nce, as agreed to by the

House, and also as originally framed. You will judge whether it is the better

or worse for the critics. I shall return to Virginia after the 11th of August.

I wish my successor may be certain to come before that time; in that case I

shall hope to see you, and not Wythe, in Convention , that the business of

Governmen t, which is of everlasting concern, may receive your aid. 







Adieu, and believe me to be your friend and servant. 







TO DR. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, PARIS. 







VIRGINIA, August 13, 1777 



HONORABLE SIR; I forbear to write you news, as the time of Mr. Shore's

departure being uncertain, it might be old before you receive it, and he can,

in person, possess you of all we have. With respect to the State of Virginia in

particular, the people seem to have laid aside the monarchica l, and taken up

the republican governmen t, with as much ease as would have attended their

throwing off an old, and putting on a new suit of clothes. Not a single throe

has attended this important transforma tion. A half-dozen aristocratic al

gentlemen, agonizing 







Correspond ence 35 







under the loss of pre-eminen ce, have sometimes ventured their sarcasms on our

political metamorph osis. They have been thought fitter objects of pity, than

of punishment . We are, at present, in the complete and quiet exercise of

well-organi zed governmen t, save only that our courts of justice do not open

till the fall. I think nothing can bring the security of our continent and its

cause into danger, if we can support the credit of our paper. To do that, I

apprehend, one of two steps must be taken. Either to procure free trade by

alliance with some naval power able to protect it; or, if we find there is no

prospect of that, to shut our ports totally, to all the world, and turn our

colonies into manufactor ies. The former would be most eligible, because most

conformabl e to the habits and wishes of our people. Were the British Court to

return to their senses in time to seize the little advantage which still

remains within their reach, from this quarter, I judge, that, on acknowledg ing

our absolute independen ce and sovereignt y, a commercial treaty beneficial to

them, and perhaps even a league of mutual offence and defence, might, not

seeing the expense or consequenc es of such a measure, be approved by our

people, if nothing, in the mean time, done on your part, should prevent it. But

they will continue to grasp at their desperate sovereignt y, till every benefit

short of that is forever out of their reach. I wish my domestic situation had

rendered it possible for me to join you in the very 







36 . Jefferson's Works 







honorable charge confided to you. Residence in a polite Court, society of

literati of the first order, a just cause and an approving God, will add length

to a life for which all men pray, and none more than 







Your most obedient and humble servant. 







TO JOHN ADAMS. 







ALBEMARL E, VIRGINIA, Aug. 21, 1777, 



DEAR SIR,­Your favor of May 26th came safely to hand. I wish it were in my

power to suggest any remedy for the evil you complain of; though, did any

occur, I should propose it to you with great diffidence, after knowing you had

thought on the subject yourself. There is indeed a fact which may not have come

to your knowledge, out of which, perhaps, some little good may be drawn. The

borrowing money in Europe, or obtaining credit there for necessaries , has

already probably been essayed, and it is supposed with some degree of success.

But I expect your application s have as yet been made only to France, Holland,

or such other States as are of principal note. There is, however, a small power

well disposed to our cause, and, as I am informed, possessed of abilities to

assist us in this way. I speak of the Grand Duke of Tuscany. The little States

of Italy, you know, have had long peace, and show no disposition to interrupt

that peace shortly. The Grand Duke, being somewhat avaricious in his nature,

has availed himself of the opportunit y of 







Correspond ence 37 







collecting and hoarding what money he has been able to gather. I am informed

from good authority (an officer who was concerned in the business of his

treasury) that about three years ago he had ten millions of crowns lying dead

in his coffers. Of this, it is thought possible as much might be borrowed as

would amount to a million of pounds lawful money. At any rate, the attempt

might be worth making. Perhaps an application from Dr. Franklin, who has some

acquaintan ce in that court, might be sufficient; or as it might be prudent to

sound well before the application, in order to prevent the discredit of a

rebuff, perhaps Congress would think it worth while to send a special agent

there to negotiate the matter. I think we have a gentleman here, who would do

it with dexterity and fidelity. He is a native of that Duchy, well connected

there, conversant in courts, of great understand ing and equal zeal in our

cause. He came over not long since to introduce the cultivation of vines,

olives, &c., among us. Should you think the matter worth a further thought,

either of the Cols. Lee's, to whom he is known, can acquaint you more fully of

his character. If the money can be obtained in specie, it may be applied to

reduce the quantity of circulating paper, and be so managed as to help the

credit of that which will remain in circulation. If credit alone can be

obtained for the manufactur es of the country, it will still help us to clothe

our armies, or to increase at market the necessaries our people want. 







38 Jefferson's Works 







What upon earth can Howe mean by the manoeuvre he is now practicing? There

seems to me no object in this country which can be either of utility or

reputation to his cause. I hope it will prove of a piece with all the other

follies they have committed. The forming a junction with the northern army up

the Hudson river, or taking possession of Philadelphi a, might have been a

feather in his cap, and given them a little reputation in Europe­ the former as

being the design with which they came, the latter as being a place of the first

reputation abroad, and the residence of Congress. Here he may destroy the

little hamlet of Williamsbur g, steal a few slaves, and lose half his army

among the fens and marshes of our lower country, or by the heat of the climate.





I am, dear sir, yours, &c. 



­­







TO­­ 1







WILLIAMSB URG, VIRGINIA, June 8th, 1778. 



SIR,­Your letter of September 15th, 1777, from Paris, comes safe to hand. We

have not, however, had the pleasure of seeing Mr. De Crenis, the bearer of it,

in this country, as he joined the army in Pennsylvan ia as soon as he arrived. 







I should have taken particular pleasure in serving him on your recommend ation.

From the kind anxiety expressed in your letter, as well as from 







#[1 This letter has no address.]# 







Correspond ence 39 







other sources of information , we discover that our enemies have filled Europe

with Thrasonic accounts of victories they had never won and conquests they were

fated never to make. While these accounts alarmed our friends in Europe, they

afforded us diversions. We have long been out of all fear for the event of the

war. I enclose you a list of the killed, wounded, and captives of the enemy

from the commencem ent of hostilities at Lexington, in April, 1775, until

November, 1777, since which time there has been no event of any consequence.

This is the best history of the war which can be brought within the compass of

a letter. I believe the account to be near the truth, though it is difficult to

get at the numbers lost by an enemy with absolute precision. Many of the

articles have been communicat ed to us from England as taken from the official

returns made by their General. I wish it were in my power to send you as just

an account of our loss. But this cannot be done without an application to the

war office, which, being in another county, is at this time out of my reach. I

think that upon the whole it has been about one-half the number lost by them;

in some instances more, but in others less. This difference is ascribed to our

superiority in taking aim when we fire; every soldier in our army having been

intimate with his gun from his infancy. If there could have been a doubt before

as to the event of the war, it is now totally removed by the interpositio n of

France, and the generous 







40 Jefferson's Works 







alliance she has entered into with us. Though much of my time is employed in

the councils of America, I have yet a little leisure to indulge my fondness for

philosophic al studies. 







I could wish to correspond with you on subjects of that kind. It might not be

unacceptab le to you to be informed, for instance, of the true power of our

climate, discoverabl e from the thermomete r, from the force and direction of

the winds, the quantity of rain, the plants which grow without shelter in

winter, &c. On the other hand, we should be much pleased with cotemporar y

observatio ns on the same particulars in your country, which will give us a

comparativ e view of the two climates. Fahrenheit' s thermomete r is the only

one in use with us. I make my daily observatio ns as early as possible in the

morning, and again about four o'clock in the afternoon, generally showing the

maxima of cold and heat in the course of 24 hours. I wish I could gratify your

Botanical taste, but I am acquainted with nothing more than the first

principles of that science; yet myself and my friends may furnish you with any

Botanical subjects which this country affords, and are not to be had with you,

and I shall take pleasure in procuring them when pointed out by you. The

greatest difficulty will be the means of conveyance during the continuanc e of

the war. 







If there is a gratificatio n, which I envy any people in this world, it is to

your country its music. This 







Correspond ence 41 







is the favorite passion of my soul, and fortune has cast my lot in a country

where it is in a state of deplorable barbarism. From the line of life in which

we conjecture you to be, I have for some time lost the hope of seeing you here.

Should the event prove so, I shall ask your assistance in procuring a

substitute, who may be a proficient in singing, &c., on the Harpsichor d. I

should be contented to receive such an one two or three years hence; when it is

hoped he may come more safely and find here a greater plenty of those useful

things which commerce alone can furnish. ' 







The bounds of an American fortune will not admit the indulgence of a domestic

band of musicians, yet I have thought that a passion for music might be

reconciled with that economy which we are obliged to observe. I retain among my

domestic servants a gardener, a weaver, a cabinet-ma ker, and a stonecutter ,

to which I would add a vigneron. In a country where, like yours, music is

cultivated and practiced by every class of men, I suppose there might be found

persons of these trades who could perform on the French horn, clarinet, or

hautboy, and bassoon, so that one might have a band of two French horns, two

clarinets, two hautboys, and a bassoon, without enlarging their domestic

expenses. A certainty of employment for a half dozen years, and at the end of

that time, to find them; if they chose, a conveyance to their own country,

might induce them to come here on reasonable wages. Without meaning 







42 Jefferson's Works 







to give you trouble, perhaps it might be practicable for you, in your ordinary

intercourse with your people, to find out such men disposed to come to America.

Sobriety and good nature would be desirable parts of their characters. If you

think such a plan practicable, and will be so kind as to inform me what will be

necessary to be done on my part, I will take care that it shall be done. The

necessary expenses, when informed of them, I can remit before they are wanting,

to any port in. France, with which country alone we have safe correspond ence.

I am, Sir, with much esteem, your humble servant. 







TO DAVID RITTENHOU SE. 







MONTICELL O IN ALBEMARL E, VA., July 19, 1778. 



DEAR SIR,­I sincerely congratulat e you on the recovery of Philadelphi a, and

wish it may be found uninjured by the enemy. How far the interests of

literature may have suffered by the injury, or removal of the Orrery, (as it is

miscalled,) the public libraries, your papers and implements, are doubts which

still excite anxiety. We were much disappointe d in Virginia generally, on the

day of the great eclipse, which proved to be cloudy. 







In Williamsbur g, where it was total, I understood only the beginning was seen.

At this place, which is lat. 38° 8', and longitude west from Williamsbur g,

about 1° 45', as is conjecture d, 11 digits only were supposed to be covered.

It was not seen at all until the 







Correspond ence 43 







moon had advanced nearly one-third over the sun's disc. Afterwards it was seen

at intervals through the whole. The egress particularl y was visible. It

proved, however, of little use to me, for want of a time-piece that could be

depended on, which circumstance, together with the subsequent restoration of

Philadelphi a to you, has induced me to trouble you with this letter, to remind

you of your kind promise of making me an accurate clock, which, being intended

for astronomic al purposes only, I would have divested of all apparatus for

striking, or for any other purpose, which, by increasing its complicatio n,

might disturb its accuracy. A companion to it for keeping seconds, and which

might be moved easily, would greatly add to its value. The Theodolite, for

which I also spoke to you, I can now dispense with, having since purchased a

most excellent one. 







TO JOHN PAGE. 







WILLIAMSB URG, January 22, 1779. 



DEAR PAGE,­I received your letter by Mr. Jamieson. It had given me much pain,

that the zeal of our respective friends should ever have placed you and me in

the situation of competitors . I was comforted, however, with the reflection,

that it was their competition , not ours, and that the difference of the

numbers which decided between us, was too insignifica nt to give you a pain, or

me a pleasure, had our disposition s towards each other been such as to admit 







44 Jefferson's Works 







those sensations. I know you too well to need an apology for anything you do,

and hope you will forever be assured of this; and as to the constructio ns of

the world, they would only have added one to the many sins for which they are

to go to the devil. As this is the first, I hope it will be the last, instance

of ceremony between us. A desire to see my family, which is in Charles City,

carries me thither to-morrow, and I shall not return till Monday. Be pleased to

present my compliment s to Mrs. Page, and add this to the assurances I have

ever given you, that I am, dear Page, your affectionat e friend. 







TO GEORGE WYTHE. 







FOREST, March 1, 1779. 



DEAR SIR,­Since I left you, I have reflected on the bill regulating the

practising of attornies, and of our omitting to continue the practitione rs at

the County and General Courts separate. I think the bar of the General Court a

proper and excellent nursery for future judges, if it be so regulated that

science may be encouraged , and may live there. But this can never be if an

inundation of insects is permitted to come from the county courts, and consume

the harvest. These people, traversing the counties, seeing the clients

frequently at their own courts, or, perhaps, at their' own houses, must of

necessity pick up all the business. The convenienc e of frequently see­  their

counsel, without going from home, cannot 







Correspond ence 45 







be withstood by the country people. Men of science, then, if there were to be

any, would only be employed as auxiliary counsel in difficult cases. But .can

they live by that? Certainly not. The present members of that kind, therefore,

must turn marauders in the county courts, and, in future, none will have

leisure to acquire science. I should therefore be for excluding the county

court attornies; or rather, for taking the general court lawyers from the

incessant drudgery of the county courts and confining them to their studies,

that they may qualify themselves as well to support their clients, as to become

worthy successors to the bench. I hope to see the time when the election of

judges of the Supreme Courts shall be restrained to the bars of the General

Court and High Court of Chancery; for when I speak of the former above, I mean

to include the latter. I should, even in our present bill, have no objection to

inserting such a restriction to take place seven or fourteen years hence.

Adieu. 







TO HIS EXCELLENC Y PATRICK HENRY. 







ALBEMARL E, March 27, 1779. 



SIR,­A report prevailing here, that in consequenc e of some powers from

Congress, the Governor and Council have it in contemplati on to remove the

Convention troops,1 either wholly or in part, from their present situation, I

take the liberty of troubling 







#[1 The troops under Burgoyne, captured at Saratoga.]# 







46 Jefferson's Works 







you with some observatio ns on that subject. The reputation and interest of our

country, in general, may be affected by such a measure: it would, therefore,

hardly be deemed an indecent liberty in the most private citizen, to offer his

thoughts to the considerati on of the Executive. The locality of my situation,

particularl y in the neighborho od of the present barracks, and the public

relation in which I stand to the people among whom they are situated, together

with a confidence which a personal knowledge of the members of the Executive

gives me, that they will be glad of information from any quarter on a subject

interesting to the public, induce me to hope that they will acquit me of

impropriet y in the present representa tion. 







By an article in the Convention of Saratoga, it is stipulated, on the part of

the United States, that the officers shall not be separated from their men. I

suppose the term officers, includes general as well as regimental officers. As

there are general officers who command all the troops, no part of them can be

separated from these officers without a violation of the article: they cannot,

of course, be separated from one another, unless the same general officer could

be in different places at the same time. It is true, the article adds the

words, "as far as circumstan ces will admit." This was a necessary qualificatio

n; because, in no place in America, I suppose, could there have been found

quarters for both officers and men together; those for the officers to be

according to 







Correspond ence 47 







their rank. So far, then, as the circumstan ces of the place where they should

be quartered, should render a separation necessary, in order to procure

quarters for the officers, according to their rank, the article admits that

separation. And these are the circumstan ces which must have been under the

contemplati on of the parties; both of whom, and all the world beside (who are

ultimate judges in the case), would still understand that they were to be as

near in the environs of the camp, as convenient quarters could be procured; and

not that the qualificatio n of the article destroyed the article itself, and

laid it wholly at our discretion. Congress, indeed, have admitted of this

separation; but are they so far lords of right and wrong as that our conscience

s may be quiet with their dispensatio n? Or is the case amended by saying they

leave it optional in the Governor and Council to separate the troops or not? At

the same time that it exculpates not them, it is drawing the Governor and

Council into a participatio n in the breach of faith. If indeed it is only

proposed, that a separation of the troops shall be referred to the consent of

their officers; that is a very different matter. Having carefully avoided

conversatio n with them on public subjects, I cannot say, of my own knowledge,

how they would relish such a proposition . I have heard from others, that they

will choose to undergo anything together, rather than to be separated, and that

they will remonstrat e against it in the strongest terms. The Executive, 







48 Jefferson's Works 







therefore, if voluntary agents in this measure, must be drawn into a paper war

with them, the more disagreeabl e, as it seems that faith and reason will be on

the other side. As an American, I cannot help feeling a thorough mortificatio

n, that our Congress should have permitted an infraction of our public honor;

as a citizen of Virginia, I cannot help hoping and confiding, that our Supreme

Executive, whose acts will be considered as the acts of the Commonwea lth,

estimate that honor too highly to make its infraction their own act. I may be

permitted to hope, then, that if any removal takes place, it will be a general

one; and, as it is said to be left to the Governor and Council to determine on

this, I am satisfied that, suppressin g every other considerati on, and

weighing the matter dispassiona tely, they will determine upon this sole

question, Is it for the benefit of those for whom they act, that the Convention

troops should be removed from among them? Under the head of interest, these

circumstan ces, viz., the expense of building barracks, said to have been

£25,000, and of removing the troops backwards and forwards, amounting to, I

know not how much, are not to be pretermitte d, merely because they are

Continental expenses; for we are a part of the Continent; we must pay a

shilling of every dollar wasted. But the sums of money which, by these troops,

or on their account, are brought into, and expended in this State, are a great

and local advantage. This can require no proof. If, at the conclusion of the

war, 







Correspond ence 49 







for instance, our share of the Continental debt should be twenty millions of

dollars, or say that we are called on to furnish an annual quota of two

millions four hundred thousand dollars, to Congress, to be raised by tax, it is

obvious that w e should raise these given sums with greater or less ease, in

proportion to the greater or less quantity of money found in circulation among

us. I expect that our circulating money is, by the presence of these troops, at

the rate of $30,000 a week, at the least. I have heard, indeed, that an

objection arises to their being kept within this State; from the information of

the commissary that they cannot be subsisted here. In attending to the

information of that officer, it should be borne in mind that the county of King

William and its vicinities are one thing, the territory of Virginia another. If

the troops could be fed upon long letters, I believe the gentleman at the head

of that department in this country, would be the best commissary upon earth.

But till I see him determined to act, not to write; to sacrifice his domestic

ease to the duties of his appointmen t, and apply to the resources of this

country, wheresoeve r they are to be had, I must entertain a different opinion

of him. I am mistaken if, for the animal subsistence of the troops hitherto, we

are not principally indebted to the genius and exertions of Hawkins, during the

very short time he lived after his appointmen t to that department , by your

board. His eye immediately pervaded the whole State, it was reduced at once to

a regular machine, to a system,







#VOL. IV-4#







50 Jefferson's Works 







and the whole put into movement and animation by the fiat of a comprehen sive

mind. If the Commonwea lth of Virginia cannot furnish these troops with bread,

I would ask of the commissari at, which of the thirteen is now become the grain

colony? If we are in danger of famine from the addition of four thousand

mouths, what is become of that surplus of bread, the exportation of which used

to feed the West Indies and Eastern States, and fill the colony with hard

money? When I urge the sufficiency of this State, however, to subsist these

troops, I beg to be understood , as having in contemplati on the quantity of

provisions necessary for their real use, and not as calculating what is to be

lost by the wanton waste, mismanage ment, and carelessnes s of those employed

about it. If magazines of beef and pork are suffered to rot by slovenly

butchering , or for want of timely provision and sale; if quantities of flour

are exposed, by the commissari es entrusted with the keeping it, to pillage and

destruction ; and if, when laid up in the Continental stores, it is still to be

embezzled and sold, the land of Egypt itself would be insufficient for their

supply, and their removal would be necessary, not to a more plentiful country,

but to more able and honest commissari es. Perhaps the magnitude of this

question, and its relation to the whole State, may render it worth while to

await the opinion of the National Council, which is now to meet within a few

weeks. There is no danger of distress in the meantime, as the commissari es

affirm they have a 







Correspond ence 51 







great sufficiency of provisions for some time to come. Should the measure of

removing them into another State be adopted, and carried into execution, before

the meeting of Assembly, no disapproba tion of theirs will bring them back,

because they will then be in the power of others, who will hardly give them up.









Want of information as to what may be the precise measure proposed by the

Governor and Council, obliges me to shift my ground, and take up the subject in

every possible form. Perhaps, they have not thought to remove the troops out of

this State altogether, but to some other part of it. Here, the objections

arising from the expenses of removal, and of building new barracks, recur. As

to animal food, it may be driven to one part of the country as easily as to

another: that circumstan ce, therefore, may be thrown out of the question. As

to bread, I suppose they will require about forty or forty-five thousand

bushels of grain a year. The place to which it is to be brought to them, is

about the centre of the State. Besides, that the country round about is

fertile, all the grain made in the counties adjacent to any kind of navigation,

may be brought by water to within twelve miles of the spot. For these twelve

miles, wagons must be employed; I suppose half a dozen will be a plenty.

Perhaps, this part of the expense might have been saved, had the barracks been

built on the water; but it is not sufficient to justify their being abandoned

now they are built. Wagonage, indeed, seems to the commissari at an article not









52 Jefferson's Works 







worth economisin g. The most wanton and studied circuity of transportat ion has

been practised: to mention only one act, they have bought quantities of flour

for these troops in Cumberlan d, have ordered it to be wagoned down to

Manchester , and wagoned thence up to the barracks. This f act happened to fall

within my own knowledge. I doubt not there are many more such, in order either

to produce their total removal, or to run up the expenses of the present

situation, and satisfy Congress that the nearer they are brought to the

commissary 's own bed, the cheaper they will be subsisted. The grain made in

the western counties may be brought partly in wagons, as convenientl y to this

as to any other place; perhaps more so, on account of its vicinity to one of

the best passes through the Blue Ridge; and partly by water, as it is near to

James river, to the navigation of which, ten counties are adjacent above the

falls. When I said that the grain might be brought hither from all the counties

of the State adjacent to navigation, I did not mean to say it would be proper

to bring it from all. On the contrary, I think the commissary should be

instructed, after the next harvest, not to send one bushel of grain to the

barracks from below the falls of the rivers, or from the northern counties. The

counties on tide water are accessible to the calls for our own army. Their

supplies ought, therefore, to be husbanded for them. The counties in the

northweste rn parts of the State are not only within reach for our own grand

army, but







Correspond ence 53 







peculiarly necessary for the support of Macintosh's army; or for the support of

any other northweste rn expedition, which the uncertain conduct of the Indians

should render necessary; insomuch, that if the supplies of that quarter should

be misapplied to any other purpose, it would destroy, in embryo, every

exertion, either for particular or general safety there. The counties above

tide water, in the middle and southern and western parts of the country, are

not accessible to calls for either of those purposes, but at such an expense of

transportat ion as the article would not bear. Here, then, is a great field,

whose supplies of bread cannot be carried to our army, or rather, which will

raise no supplies of bread, because there is nobody to eat them. Was it not,

then, wise in Congress to remove to that field four thousand idle mouths, who

must otherwise have interfered with the pasture of our own troops? And, if they

are removed to any other part of the country, will it not defeat this wise

purpose? The mills on the waters of James river, above the falls, open to canoe

navigation, are very many. Some of them are of great note, as manufactur ers.

The barracks are surrounde d by mills. There are five or six round about

Charlottesv ille. Any two or three of the whole might, in the course of the

winter, manufactur e flour sufficient for the year. To say the worst, then, of

this situation, it is but twelve miles wrong. The safe custody of these troops

is another circumstan ce worthy considerati on. Equally removed from the access

of an 







54 Jefferson's Works 







eastern or western enemy; central to the whole State, so that, should they

attempt an irruption in any direction, they must pass through a great extent of

hostile country; in a neighborho od thickly inhabited by a robust and hardy

people, zealous in the American cause, acquainted with the use of arms, and the

defiles and passes by which they must issue: it would seem, that in this point

of view, no place could have been better chosen. 







Their health is also of importance. I would not endeavor to show that their

lives are valuable to us, because it would suppose a possibility, that humanity

was kicked out of doors in America, and interest only attended to. The barracks

occupy the top and brow of a very high hill, (you have been untruly told they

were in a bottom.) They are free from fog, have four springs which seem to be

plentiful, one within twenty yards of the piquet, two within fifty yards, and

another within two hundred and fifty, and they propose to sink wells within the

piquet. Of four thousand people, it should be expected, according to the

ordinary calculation s, that one should die every day. Yet, in the space of

near three months, there have been but four deaths among them; two infants

under three weeks old, and two others by apoplexy. The officers tell me, the

troops were never before so healthy since they were embodied. 







But is an enemy so execrable, that, though in captivity, his wishes and

comforts are to be disregarde d and even crossed? I think not. It is for the

benefit 







Correspond ence 55 







of mankind to mitigate the horrors of war as much as possible. The practice,

therefore, of modern nations, of treating captive enemies with politeness and

generosity, is not only delightful in contemplati on, but really interesting to

all the world, friends, foes and neutrals. Let us apply this: the officers,

after considerabl e hardships, have all procured quarters, comfortable and

satisfactor y to them. In order to do this, they were obliged, in many

instances, to hire houses for a year certain, and at such exorbitant rents, as

were sufficient to tempt independen t owners to go out of them, and shift as

they could. These houses, in most cases, were much out of repair. They have

repaired them at a considerabl e expense. One of the general officers has taken

a place for two years, advanced the rent for the whole time, and been obliged,

moreover, to erect additional buildings for the accommodat ion of part of his

family, for which there was not room in the house rented. Independe nt of the

brick work, for the carpentry of these additional buildings, I know he is to

pay fifteen hundred dollars. The same gentleman, to my knowledge, has paid to,

one person three thousand six hundred and seventy dollars for different

articles to fix himself commodious ly. They have generally laid in their stocks

of grain and other provisions, for it is well known that officers do not live

on their rations. They have purchased cows, sheep, &c., set in to farming,

prepared their gardens, and have a prospect of comfort and quiet before them.

To turn to the soldiers: the 







56 Jefferson's Works 







environs of the barracks are delightful, the ground cleared, laid off in

hundreds of gardens, each enclosed in its separate paling; these well prepared,

and exhibiting a fine appearance . General Riedezel alone laid out upwards of

two hundred pounds in garden seeds for the German troops only. Judge what an

extent of ground these seeds would cover. There is little doubt that their own

gardens will furnish them a great abundance of vegetables through the year.

Their poultry, pigeons and other preparatio ns of that kind, present to the

mind the idea of a company of farmers, rather than a camp of soldiers. In

addition to the barracks built for them by the public, and now very comfortable

, they have built great numbers for themselves, in such messes as fancied each

other; and the whole corps, both officers and men, seem now happy and satisfied

with their situation. Having thus found the art of rendering captivity itself

comfortable , and carried it into execution, at their own great expense and

labor, their spirits sustained by the prospect of gratificatio ns rising before

their eyes, does not every sentiment of humanity revolt against the proposition

of stripping them of all this, and removing them into new situations, where,

from the advanced season of the year, no preparatio ns can be made for carrying

themselves comfortabl y through the heats of summer; and when it is known that

the necessary advances for the convenienc es already provided, have exhausted

their funds and left them unable to make the like exertions anew. Again, 







Correspond ence 57 







review this matter, as it may regard appearance s. A body of troops, after

staying a twelvemont h at Boston, are ordered to take a march of seven hundred

miles to Virginia, where, it is said, they may be plentifully subsisted. As

soon as they are there, they are ordered on some other march, because, in

Virginia, it is said, they cannot be subsisted. Indifferent nations will charge

this either to ignorance, or to whim and caprice; the parties interested, to

cruelty. They now view the proposition in that light, and it is said, there is

a general and firm persuasion among them, that they were marched from Boston

with no other purpose than to harass and destroy them with eternal marches.

Perseveran ce in object, though not by the most direct way, is often more

laudable than perpetual changes, as often as the object shifts light. A

character of steadiness in our councils, is worth more than the subsistenc e of

four thousand people. 







There could not have been a more unlucky concurrence of circumstan ces than

when these troops first came. The barracks were unfinished for want of

laborers, the spell of weather the worst ever known within the memory of man,

no stores of bread laid in; the roads, by the weather and number of wagons;

soon rendered impassable: not only the troops themselves were greatly

disappointe d, but the people in the neighborho od were alarmed at the

consequenc es which a total failure of provisions might produce. In this worst

state of things, their situation was seen 







58 Jefferson's Works 







by many and disseminate d through the country, so as to occasion a general

dissatisfact ion, which even seized the minds of reasonable men, who, if not

affected by the contagion, must have foreseen that the prospect must brighten,

and that great advantages to the people must necessarily arise. It has,

accordingl y, so happened. The planters, being more generally sellers than

buyers, have felt the benefit of their presence in the most vital part about

them, their purses, and are now sensible of its source. I have too good an

opinion of their love of order to believe that a removal of these troops would

produce any irregular proofs of their disapproba tion, but I am well assured it

would be extremely odious to them. 







To conclude. The separation of these troops would be a breach of public faith,

therefore I suppose it is impossible; if they are removed to another State, it

is the fault of the commissari es; if they are removed to any other part of the

State, it is the fault of the commissari es; and in both cases, the public

interest and public security suffer, the comfortable and plentiful subsistenc e

of our own army is lessened, the health of the troops neglected, their wishes

crossed, and their comforts torn from them, the character of whim and caprice,

or, what is worse, of cruelty, fixed on us as a nation, and, to crown the

whole, our own people disgusted with such a proceeding . 







I have thus taken the liberty of representi ng to 







Correspond ence 59 







you the facts and the reasons, which seem to militate against the separation or

removal of these troops. I am sensible, however, that the same subject may

appear to different persons, in very different lights. What I have urged as

reasons, may, to sounder minds, be apparent fallacies. I hope they will appear,

at least, so plausible, as to excuse the interpositio n of 







Your Excellency' s most obedient and most humble servant, 







TO HIS EXCELLENC Y GENERAL WASHINGTO N. 







WILLIAMSB URG, June 23, 1779. 



SIR,­I have the pleasure to enclose you the particulars of Colonel Clarke's

success against St. Vincennes, as stated in his letter but lately received; the

messenger, with his first letter, having been killed. I fear it will be

impossible for Colonel Clarke to be so strengthened, as to enable him to do

what he desires. Indeed, the express who brought this letter, gives us reason

to fear St. Vincennes is in danger from a large body of Indians collected to

attack it, and said, when he came from Kaskaskias, to be within thirty leagues

of the place. I also enclose you .a letter from Colonel Shelby, stating the

effect of his success against the seceding Cherokees, and Chuccamog ga. The

damage done them, was killing half a dozen, burning eleven towns, twenty

thousand bushels of corn, collected probably 







60 Jefferson's Works 







to forward the expeditions which were to have been planned at the council which

was to meet Governor Hamilton at the mouth of the Tennessee, and taking as many

goods as sold for twenty-fiv e thousand pounds. I hope these two blows coming

together, and the depriving them of their head, will, in some measure, effect

the quiet of our frontiers this summer. We have intelligence , also, that

Colonel Bowman, from Kentucky, is in the midst of the Shawnee country, with

three hundred men, and hope to hear a good account of him. The enclosed order,

being in its nature important, and generally interesting , I think it proper to

transmit it to you, with the reasons supporting it.1 It will add much 







#1 TO THE GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA. 







KASKASKIA S, ILLINOIS, April 29, 1779. 



DEAR SIR; A few days ago, I received certain intelligence of William Morris, my

express to you, being killed near the falls of Ohio; news truly disagreeabl e

to me, as I fear many of my letters will fall into the hands of the enemy, at

Detroit, although some of them, as I learn, were found in the woods torn in

pieces. I do not doubt but before the receipt of this, you will have heard of

my late success against Governor Hamilton, at post St. Vincennes. That

gentleman, with a body of men, possessed himself of that post on the 15th of

December last, repaired the fortificatio ns for a repository, and in the

spring, meant to attack this place, which he made no doubt of carrying; where

he was to be joined by two hundred Indians from Michilimack inac, and five

hundred Cherokees, Chickasaws , and other nations. With this body, he was to

penetrate up the Ohio to Fort Pitt, sweeping Kentucky on his way, having light

brass cannon for the purpose, joined on his march by all the Indians that could

be got to him. He made no doubt, that he could force all West Augusta. This

expedition was ordered by the commander -in-chief of Canada. Destruction seemed

to hover over us from every quarter; detached parties of the enemy were in the

neighborho od every day, but afraid to attack. I ordered# 







Correspond ence 61 







to our satisfaction , to know it meets your approbatio n. 







#Major Bowman to evacuate the fort at the Cohas, and join me immediately ,

which he did. Having not received a scrape of a pen from you, for near twelve

months, I could see but little probability of keeping possession of the

country, as my number of men was too small to stand a siege, and my situation

too remote to call for assistance. I made all the preparatio ns I possibly

could for the attack, and was necessitate d to set fire to some of the houses

in town, to clear them out of the way. But in the height of the hurry, a

Spanish merchant, who had been at St. Vincennes, arrived, and gave the

following intelligence : that Mr. Hamilton had weakened himself, by sending his

Indians against the frontiers, and to block up the Ohio; that he had not more

than eighty men in garrison, three pieces of cannon, and some swivels mounted;

and that he intended to attack this place, as soon as the winter opened, and

made no doubt of clearing the western waters by the fall. My situation and

circumstan ces induced me to fall on the resolution of attacking him, before he

could collect his Indians again: I was sensible the resolution was as desperate

as my situation, but I saw no other probability of securing the country. I

immediately despatched a small galley, which I had fitted up, mounting two four

pounders and four swivels, with a company of men and necessary stores on board,

with orders to force her way, if possible, and station herself a few miles

below the enemy, suffer nothing to pass her, and wait for further orders. In

the meantime, I marched across the country with one hundred and thirty men,

being all I could raise, after leaving this place garrisoned by the militia.

The inhabitants of the country behaved exceedingl y well, numbers of young men

turned out on the expedition, and every other one embodied to guard the

different towns. I marched the 7th of February. Although so small a body, it

took me sixteen days on the route. The inclemency of the season, high waters,

&c., seemed to threaten the loss of the expedition. When within three leagues

of the enemy, in a direct line, it took us five days to cross the drowned lands

of the Wabash river, having to wade often, upwards of two leagues, to our

breast in water. Had not the weather been warm, we must have perished. But on

the evening of the 23d, we got on dry land, in sight of the enemy; and at seven

o'clock, made the attack, before they knew anything of us. The town immediately

surrendere d with joy, and assisted in the siege. There was a continual fire on

both sides, for eighteen hours. I had no expectation of gaining# 







62 Jefferson's Works 







I have the honor to be, with every sentiment of private respect and public

gratitude, 







#Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, the fort until the arrival of

my artillery. The moon setting about one o'clock, I had an entrenchme nt thrown

up within rifle shot of their strongest battery, and poured such showers of

well-direct ed balls into their ports, that we silenced two pieces of cannon in

fifteen minutes, without getting a man hurt. 







Governor Hamilton and myself had, on the following day, several conference s,

but did not agree until the evening, when he agreed to surrender the garrison

(seventy-n ine in number) prisoners of war, with considerabl e stores. I got

only one man wounded; not being able to lose many, I made them secure

themselves well. Seven were badly wounded in the fort, through the ports. In

the height of this action, an Indian party that had been to war, and taken two

prisoners, came in, not knowing of us. Hearing of them, I despatched a party to

give them battle in the commons, and got nine of them, with the two prisoners,

who proved to be Frenchmen. Hearing of a convoy of goods from Detroit, I sent a

party of sixty men, in armed boats well mounted with swivels, to meet them,

before they could receive any intelligence . They met the convoy forty leagues

up the river, and made a prize of the whole, taking forty prisoners and about

ten thousand pounds worth of goods and provisions; also, the mail from Canada

to Governor Hamilton, containing, however, no news of importance But what

crowned the general joy, was the arrival of William Morris, my express to you,

with your letters, which gave general satisfaction . The soldiery, being made

sensible of the gratitude of their country for their services, were so much

elated, that they would have attempted the reduction of Detroit, had I ordered

them. Having more prisoners than I knew what to do with, I was obliged to

discharge a greater part of them, on parole. Mr. Hamilton, his principal,

officers and a few soldiers, I have sent to Kentucky, under a convoy of Captain

Williams, in order to be conducted to you. After despatchin g Morris with

letters to you, treating with the neighborin g Indians, &c., I returned to this

place, leaving a sufficient garrison at St. Vincennes. 







During my absence, Captain Robert George, who now commands the company formerly

commanded by Captain Willing, had returned from New Orleans, which greatly

added to our strength. It gave great satisfaction to the inhabitants , when

acquainted with the protection which was given them the alliance with France,

&c, I am# 







Correspond ence 63 







P. S.-The distance of our northern and western counties, from the scene of

southern service, and the necessity of strengthening our western quarter, 







#impatient for the arrival of Colonel Montgomer y, but have heard nothing of

him lately. By your instruction s to me, I find you put no confidence in

General M'Intosh's taking Detroit, as you encourage me to attempt it, if

possible. It had been twice in my power. Had I been able to raise only five

hundred men when I first arrived in the country, or when I was at St.

Vincennes, could I have secured my prisoners, and only have had three hundred

good men, I should have attempted it, and since learn there could have been no

doubt of success, as by some gentlemen lately from that post, we are informed

that the town and country kept three days in feasting and diversions, on

hearing of my success against Mr. Hamilton, and were so certain of my embracing

the fair opportunit y of possessing myself of that post, that the merchants and

others provided many necessaries for us on our arrival; the garrison,

consisting of only eighty men, not daring to stop their diversions. They are

now completing a new fort, and I fear too strong for any force I shall ever be

able to raise in this country. We are proud to hear Congress intends putting

their forces on the frontiers, under your direction. A small army from

Pittsburg, conducted with spirit, may easily take Detroit, and put an end to

the Indian war. Those Indians who are active against us, are the six nations,

part of the Shawnese, the Meamonies, and about half the Chesaweys, Ottawas,

Jowaas, and Pottawatim as nations, bordering on the lakes. Those nations who

have treated with me, have behaved since very well; to wit, the Peankishaw s,

Kiccapoos, Orcaottena ns of the Wabash river, the Kaskias, Perrians, Mechigamie

s, Foxes, Socks, Opays, Illinois and Poues, nations of the Mississippi and

Illinois rivers. . Part of the Chesaweys have also treated, and are peaceable.

I continually keep agents among them,, to watch their motions and keep them

peaceably inclined. Many of the Cherokees, Chickasaws , and their confederat

es, are, I fear, ill disposed. It would be well if Colonel Montgomer y should

give them a dressing, as he comes down the Tennessee. There can be no peace

expected from many nations, while the English are at Detroit. I strongly

suspect they will turn their arms against the Illinois, as they will be

encouraged . I shall always be on my guard, watching every opportunit y to take

the advantage of the enemy, and, if I am ever able to muster six or seven

hundred men, I shall give them a shorter distance to come and fight me, than at

this place.# 







64 Jefferson's Works 







have induced the Council to direct the new levies from the counties of

Yohogania, Ohio, Monongalia, Frederick, Hampshire, Berkeley, Rockingha m, and 







#There is one circumstan ce very distressing , that of our moneys being

discredited , to all intents and purposes, by the great number of traders who

come here in my absence, each outbidding the other, giving prices unknown in

this country by five hundred per cent., by which the people conceived it to be

of no value, and both French and Spaniards refused to take a farthing of it.

Provision is three times the price it was two months past, and to be got by no

other means than my own bonds, goods, or force. Several merchants are now

advancing considerabl e sums of their own property, rather than the service

should suffer, by which I am sensible they must lose greatly, unless some

method is taken to raise the credit of our coin, or a fund be sent to Orleans,

for the payment of the expenses of this place, which would at once reduce the

price of every species of provision; money being of little service to them,

unless it would pass at the ports they trade at. I mentioned to you, my drawing

some bills on Mr. Pollock in New Orleans, as I had no money with me. He would

accept the bills; but had not money to pay them off, though the sums were

trifling; so that we have little credit to expect from that quarter. I shall

take every step I possibly can, for laying up a sufficient quantity of

provisions, and hope you will immediately send me an express with your

instruction s. Public expenses in this country, have hitherto been very low,

and may still continue so, if a correspond ence is fixed at New Orleans for

payment of expenses in this country, or gold and silver sent. I am glad to hear

of Colonel Todd's appointmen t. I think governmen t has taken the only step

they could have done, to make this country flourish, and be of service to them.

No other regulation would have suited the people. The last account I had of

Colonel Rogers, was his being in New Orleans, with six of his men. The rest he

left at the Spanish Ozack, above the Natches. I shall immediately send him some

provisions, as I learn he is in great want. I doubt, he will not be able to get

his goods up the river except in Spanish bottoms. One regiment would be able to

clear the Mississippi, and do great damage to the British interests in Florida,

and, by properly conducting themselves, might perhaps gain the affection of the

people, so as to raise a sufficient force to give a shock to Pensacola. Our

alliance with France has entirely devoted this people to our interest. I have

sent several copies of the articles to Detroit, and do not doubt but they will

produce the desired effect:# 







Correspond ence 65 







Greenbrier, amounting to somewhat less than three hundred men, to enter into

the ninth regiment at Pittsburg. The aid they may .give there, will be 







#Your instruction s I shall pay implicit regard to, and hope to conduct myself

in such a manner as to do honor to my country. 







I am, with the greatest respect, your humble servant, 



G. R. CLARKE. 







P. S. I understand there is a considerabl e quantity of cannon ball at

Pittsburg. We are much in want of four and six pound ball. I hope you will

immediately order some down. 







IN COUNCIL, June 18, 1779. 



The board proceeded to the considerati on of the letters of Colonel Clarke, and

other papers relating to Henry Hamilton, Esq., who has acted for some years

past as Lieutenant Governor of the settlement at and about Detroit, and

commandan t of the British garrison there, under Sir Guy Carleton, as

Governor-i n-chief; Philip Dejean, justice of the peace for Detroit, and

William Lamothe, captain of volunteers, prisoners of war, taken in the county

of Illinois. 







They find, that Governor Hamilton has executed the task of inciting the Indians

to perpetrate their accustomed cruelties on the citizens of the United States,

without distinction of age, sex, or condition, with an eagerness and avidity

which evince, that the general nature of his charge harmonized with his

particular disposition. They should have been satisfied, from the other

testimony adduced, that these enormities were committed by savages acting under

his commission; but the number of proclamatio ns which, at different times,

were left in houses, the inhabitants of which were killed or carried away by

the Indians, one of which proclamatio ns is in possession of the board, under

the hand and seal of Governor Hamilton, puts this fact beyond a doubt. At the

time of his captivity, it appears, he had sent considerabl e bodies of Indians

.against the frontier settlements .of these States, and had actually appointed

a great council of Indians, to meet him at Tennessee, to concert the operations

of this present campaign. They find that his treatment of our citizens and

soldiers, taken and carried within the limits of his command, has been cruel

and inhuman; that in the case of John Dodge, a citizen of these States, which

has been particularl y stated to this board, he loaded him with irons, threw

him 







VOL. IV-5# 







66 Jefferson's Works 







so immediate and important, and what they could do to the southward, would be

so late, as, I hope, will apologise for their interferenc e. 



T. J. 







#into a dungeon, without bedding, without straw, without fire, in the dead of

winter and severe climate of Detroit; that, in that state, he wasted him with

incessant expectation s of death: that when the rigors of his situation had

brought him so low, that death seemed likely to withdraw him from their power,

he was taken out and somewhat attended to, until a little mended, and before he

had recovered ability to walk, was again returned to his dungeon, in which a

hole was cut, seven inches square only, for the admission of air, and the same

load of irons again put on him: that appearing, a second time, in imminent

danger of being lost to them, he was again taken from his dungeon, in which he

had lain from January till June, with the intermissio n of a few weeks only,

before mentioned. That Governor Hamilton gave standing rewards for scalps, but

offered none for prisoners, which induced the Indians, after making their

captives carry their baggage into the neighborho od of the fort, there to put

them to death, and carry in their scalps to the Governor, who welcomed their

return and success by a discharge of cannon. That when a prisoner, brought

alive, and destined to death by the Indians, the fire already kindled, and

himself bound to the stake, was dexterousl y withdrawn, and secreted from them

by the humanity of a fellow prisoner, a large reward was offered for the

discovery .of the victim, which having tempted a servant to betray his

concealmen t, the present prisoner Dejean, being sent with a party of soldiers,

surrounde d the house, took and threw into jail the unhappy victim and his

deliverer, where the former soon expired under the perpetual assurances of

Dejean, that he was to be again restored into the hands of the savages; and the

latter, when enlarged, was bitterly reprimande d by Governor Hamilton. 







It appears to them, that the prisoner Dejean was on all occasions the willing

and cordial instrument of Governor Hamilton, acting both as judge and keeper of

the jails, and instigating and urging him, by malicious insinuation s and

untruths, to increase, rather than relax his severities, heightenin g the

cruelty of his orders by his manner of executing them; offering at one time a

reward to one man to be hangman for another, threatenin g his life on refusal,

and taking from his# 







Correspond ence 67 







TO HIS EXCELLENC Y GENERAL WASHINGTO N. 







WILLIAMSB URG, July 17, 1779. 



SIR,­I some time ago, enclosed to you a printed copy of an order of Council, by

which Governor 







#prisoners the little property their opportuniti es enabled them to acquire. 







It appears that the prisoner Lamothe was a captain of the volunteer scalping

parties of Indians and whites, who went, from time to time, under general

orders to spare neither men, women, nor children. From this detail of

circumstan ces, which arose in a few cases only, coming accidentall y to the

knowledge of the board, they think themselves authorized by fair deduction, to

presume what would be the horrid history of the sufferings of the many who have

expired under their miseries, (which, therefore, will remain forever untold,)

or, who have escaped from them, and are yet too remote and too much dispersed,

to bring together their well-found ed accusations against the prisoners. 







They have seen that the conduct of the British officers, civil and military,

has in the whole course of this war been savage, and unprecede nted among

civilized nations; that our officers taken by them, have been confined in

crowded jails, loathsome dungeons and prison ships, loaded with irons, supplied

often with no food, generally with too little for the sustenance of nature, and

that little sometimes unsound and unwholeso me, whereby such numbers have

perished, that captivity and death have with them been almost synonymou s; that

they have been transporte d beyond seas, where their fate is out of the reach

of our inquiry, have been compelled to take arms against their country, and by

a refinement in cruelty, to become murderers of their own brethren. 







Their prisoners with us have, on the other hand, been treated with, humanity

and moderation; they have been fed, on all occasions, with wholesome and

plentiful food, suffered to go at large within extensive tracts of country,

treated with liberal hospitality, permitted to live in the families of our

citizens, to labor for themselves, to acquire and enjoy profits, and finally to

participate of the principal benefits of society, privileged from all burdens. 







Reviewing this contrast, which cannot be denied by our enemies themselves, in a

single point, and which has now been kept up during four years of unremittin g

war, a term long enough to produce well­ # 







68 Jefferson's Works 







Hamilton was to be confined in irons, in close jail, which has occasioned a

letter from. General Phillips, of which the enclosed is a copy. The General

seems to think that a prisoner on capitulatio n, cannot be put in close

confinemen t, though his capitulatio n should not have provided against it. My

idea was, that all persons taken in war, were to be deemed prisoners of war.

That those who surrender on capitulatio n (or convention ), are prisoners of

war also, subject to the same treatment with those who surrender at discretion,

.except only so far as the terms of their capitulatio n or convention shall

have guarded them. In the capitulatio n of Governor Hamilton (a copy of which I

enclose), no stipulation is made as to the treatment of himself, or those taken

with him. The Governor, indeed, when he signs, adds a flourish of reasons

inducing him to capitulate, one of which is the generosity of his enemy.

Generosity, on a large and comprehen sive 







#founded despair that our moderation may ever lead them to the practice of

humanity; called on by that justice we owe to those who are fighting the

battles of our country, to deal out, at length, miseries to their enemies,

measure for measure, and to distress the feelings of mankind by exhibiting to

them spectacles of severe retaliation, where we had long and vainly endeavored

to introduce an emulation in kindness; happily possessed, by the fortune of

war, of some of those very€ individuals who, having distinguish ed themselves

personally in this line of cruel conduct, are fit subjects to begin on, with

the work of retaliation; this board has resolved to advise the Governor, that

the said Henry Hamilton, Philip Dejean and William Lamothe, prisoners of war,

be put in irons, confined in the dungeons of the public jail, debarred the use

of pen, ink and paper, and excluded all converse, except with their keeper. And

the Governor orders accordingl y. 



ARCH: BLAIR, C. C.# 







Correspond ence 69 







scale, seems to dictate the making a signal example of this gentleman; but

waving that, these are the only private motives inducing him to surrender, and

do not enter into the contract of Colonel Clarke. I have the highest idea of

those contracts which take place between nation and nation, at war, and would

be the last on earth to do anything in violation of them. I can find nothing in

those books usually recurred to as testimonial s of the law and usages of

nature and nations, which convicts the opinions I have above expressed of

error. Yet there may be such an usage as General Phillips seems to suppose,

though not taken notice of by these writers. I am obliged to trouble your

Excellency on this occasion, by asking of you information on this point. There

is no other person, whose decision will so authoritati vely decide this doubt

in the public mind, and none with which I am disposed so implicitly to comply.

If you shall be of opinion, that the bare existence of a capitulatio n, in the

case of Governor Hamilton, privileges him from confinemen t, though there be no

article to that effect in the capitulatio n, justice shall most assuredly be

done him. The importance of this point, in a public view, and my own anxiety

under a charge of violation of national faith by the Executive of this

Commonwea lth, will, I hope, apologise for my adding this to the many troubles

with which I know you to be burdened. I have the honor to be, with the most

profound respect, 







Your Excellency' s most obedient and most humble servant. 







70 Jefferson's Works 







P. S. I have just received a letter from Colonel Bland, containing information

of numerous desertions from the Convention troops, not less than four hundred

in the last fortnight. He thinks he has reason to believe it is with the

connivance of some of their officers. Some of these have been retaken, all of

them going northwardl y. They had provided themselves with forged passports,

and with certificates of having taken the oath of fidelity to the State; some

of them forged, others really given by weak magistrates . I give this

information to your Excellency, as, perhaps, it may be in your power to have

such of them intercepted as shall be passing through Pennsylvan ia and Jersey. 







Your letter enclosing the opinion of the board of war in the case of Allison

and Lee, has come safe to hand, after a long passage. It shall be answered by

next post. 







TO HIS EXCELLENC Y GENERAL WASHINGTO N. 







WILLIAMSB URG, October 1, 1779. 



SIR,­On receipt of your letter of August 6th, during my absence, the Council

had the irons taken off the prisoners of war. When your advice was asked, we

meant it should decide with us; and upon my return to Williamsbur g, the matter

was taken up and the enclosed advice given.1 A parole was 







#1 IN COUNCIL, September 29th, 1779. The board having been, at no time,

unmindful of the circumstan ces attending the confinemen t of Lieutenant

Governor Hamilton, Captain# 







Correspond ence 71 







formed, of which the enclosed is a copy, and tendered to the prisoners. They

objected to that part of it, which restrained them from saying anything to the

prejudice of the United States, and insisted on "freedom of speech." They were,

in consequenc e, remanded to their confinemen t in the j ail, which must be

considered as a voluntary one, until they can determine with themselves to be

inoffensive in word as well as deed. A flag sails hence







#Lamothe and Philip Dejean, which the personal cruelties of those men, as well

as the general conduct of the enemy, had constraine d them to advise: wishing,

and willing to expect, that their sufferings may lead them to the practice of

humanity, should any future turn of fortune, in their favor, submit to their

discretion the fate of their fellow-crea tures; that it may prove an admonition

to others, meditating like cruelties, not to rely for impunity in any

circumstan ces of distance or present security; and that it may induce the

enemy to reflect, what must be the painful consequenc es, should a continuatio

n of the same conduct on their part, impel us again to severities, while such

multiplied subjects of retaliation are within our power: sensible that no

Impression can be made on the event of the war, by wreaking vengeance on

miserable captives; that the great cause which has animated the two nations

against each other, is not to be decided by unmanly cruelties on wretches, who

have bowed their necks to the power of the victor, but by the exercise of

honorable valor in the field: earnestly hoping that the enemy, viewing the

subject in the same light, will be content to abide the event of that mode of

decision, and spare us the pain of a second departure from kindness to our

captives: confident that commiseration to our prisoners is the only possible

motive to which can be candidly ascribed, in the present actual circumstan ces

of the war, the advice we are now about to give; the board does advise the

Governor to send Lieutenant Governor Hamilton, Captain Lamothe and Philip

Dejean, to Hanover court-hous e, there to remain at large, within certain

reasonable limits, taking the parole in the usual manner. The Governor orders

accordingl y. ARCH: BLAIR, C. C. 







Ordered, that Major John Hay be sent, also, under parole, to the same place.

ARCH: BLAIR, C. C.# 







72 Jefferson's . Works 







tomorrow to New York, to negotiate the exchange of some prisoners. By her, I

have written to General Phillips on this subject, and enclosed to him copies of

the within; intending it as an answer to a letter I received from him on the

subject of Governor Hamilton. I have the honor to be, Sir, 







Your most obedient, and most humble servant. 







TO HIS EXCELLENC Y GENERAL WASHINGTO N. 







WILLIAMSB URG, Oct. 2, 1779. 



SIR,­Just as the letter accompanyi ng this was going off, Colonel Mathews

arrived on parole from New York, by the way of head-quart ers, bringing your

Excellency' s letter, on his subject, with that of the British commissary of

prisoners. The subject is of great importance, and I must, therefore, reserve

myself to answer after further considerati on. Were I to speak from present

impression s, I should say it was happy for Governor Hamilton, that a final

determinati on of his fate was formed before this new information . As the

enemy have released Captain Willing from his irons, the Executive of this State

will be induced, perhaps, not to alter their former opinion. But it is

impossible they can be serious in attempting to bully us in this manner. We

have too many of their subjects in our power, and, too much iron to clothe them

with, and I will add, too much resolution to avail ourselves of both, to fear

their pretended retaliation. However, I will do myself the 







Correspond ence 73 







honor of forwarding to your Excellency the ultimate result of Council on this

subject. 







In consequenc e of the information in the letter from the British commissary of

prisoners, that no officers of the Virginia line should be exchanged till

Governor Hamilton's affair should be settled, we have stopped our flag, which

was just hoisting anchor with a load of privates for New York. I must,

therefore, ask the favor of your Excellency to forward the enclosed by flag,

when an opportunit y offers, as I suppose General Phillips will be in New York

before it reaches you. I have the honor to be, Sir, with the greatest esteem, 







Your most obedient, and most humble servant. 







TO HIS EXCELLENC Y GENERAL WASHINGTO N. 







IN COUNCIL, Oct. 8, 1779. 



SIR,­In mine of the second of the present month, written in the instant of

Colonel Mathews' delivery of your letter, I informed you what had been done on

the subject of Governor Hamilton and his companions , previous to that moment.

I now enclose you an advice of Council,1 in consequenc e of the 







#1IN COUNCIL October 8th, 1779. 



The Governor is advised to take proper and effectual measures for knowing, from

time to time, the situation and treatment of our prisoners by the enemy, and to

extend to theirs, with us, a like treatment, in every circumstan ce; and, also,

to order to a proper station, the prison ship fitted up on recommend ation from

Congress, for the reception and confinemen t of such prisoners of war as shall

be sent to it. 



ARCH: BLAIR, C. C.# 







74 Jefferson's Works 







letter you were pleased to enclose me, from the British commissary of

prisoners, with one from Lord Rawdon; also a copy of my letter to Colonel

Mathews, enclosing, also, the papers therein named. The advice of Council to

allow the enlargemen t of prisoners, on their giving a proper parole, has not

been recalled, nor will be, I suppose, unless something on the part of the

enemy should render it necessary. I rather expect, however, that they will see

it their interest to discontinue this kind of conduct. I am afraid I shall

hereafter, perhaps, be obliged to give your Excellency some trouble in aiding

me to obtain information of the future usage of our prisoners. I shall give

immediate orders for having in readiness every engine which the enemy have

contrived for the destruction of our unhappy citizens, captured by them. The

presentime nt of these operations is shocking beyond expression. I pray heaven

to avert them; but nothing in this world will do it, but a proper conduct in

the enemy. In every event, I shall resign myself to the hard necessity under

which I shall act. 







I have the honor to be, with great regard and esteem, your Excellency' s most

obedient, and most humble servant. 







TO COLONEL, MATHEWS. 







IN COUNCIL, October, 1779. 



SIR,­The proceeding s respecting Governor Hamilton and his companions ,

previous to your arrival







Correspond ence 75 







here, you are acquainted with. For your more precise information , I enclose

you the advice of Council, of June the 16th, of that of August the 28th,

another of September the 19th, on the parole tendered them the 1st instant, and

Governor Hamilton's letter of the same day, stating his objections, in which he

persevered : from that time his confinemen t has become a voluntary one. You

delivered us your letters the next day, when the post being just setting out,

much business prevented the Council from taking them into considerati on. They

have this day attended to them, and found their resolution expressed in the

enclosed advice, bearing date this day. It gives us great pain that any of our

countryme n should be cut off from the society of their friends and tenderest

connection s, while it seems as if it was in our power to administer relief.

But we trust to their good sense for discerning, and their spirit for bearing

up against the fallacy of this appearance . Governor Hamilton and his

companions were imprisoned and ironed, 1st. In retaliation for cruel treatment

of our captive citizens by the enemy in general. 2d. For the barbarous species

of warfare which himself and his savage allies carried on in our western

frontier. 3d. For particular acts of barbarity, of which he himself was

personally guilty, to some of our citizens in his power. Any one of these

charges was sufficient to justify the measures we took. Of the truth of the

first, yourselves are witnesses. Your situation, indeed, seems







76 Jefferson's Works 







to have been better since you were sent to New York; but reflect on what you

suffered before that, and knew others of your countryme n to suffer, and what

you know is now suffered by that more unhappy part of them who are still

confined on board the prison ships of the enemy. Proofs of the second charge,

we have under Hamilton's own hand; and of the third, as sacred assurances as

human testimony is capable of giving. Humane conduct on our part was found to

produce no effect; the contrary, therefore, was to be tried. If it produces a

proper lenity to our citizens in captivity, it will have the effect we meant;

if it does not, we shall return a severity as terrible as universal. If the

causes of our rigor against Hamilton were founded in truth, that rigor was

just, and would not give right to the enemy to commence any new hostilities on

their part; and all such new severities are to be considered, not as

retaliation, but as original and unprovoke d. If those causes were not founded

in truth, they should have denied them. If, declining the tribunal of truth and

reason, they choose to pervert this into a contest of cruelty and destruction ,

we will contend with them in that line, and measure out misery to those in our

power, in that multiplied proportion which the advantage of superior numbers

enables us to do. We shall think it our particular duty, after the information

we gather from the papers which have been laid before us, to pay very constant

attention to your situation and that of your fellow prisoners. We hope that

that the 







Correspondence 77 







prudence of the enemy will be your protection from injury; and we are assured

that your regard for the honor of your country, would not permit you to wish we

should suffer ourselves to be bullied into an acquiescen ce, under every insult

and cruelty they may choose to practice, and a fear to retaliate, lest you

should be made to experience additional sufferings. Their officers and

soldiers, in our hands are pledges for your safety: we are determined to use

them as such. Iron will be retaliated by iron, but a great multiplicati on on

distinguish ed objects: prison ships by prison ships, and like for like in

general. I do not mean by this to cover any officer who has acted, or shall act

improperly. They say Captain Willing was guilty of great cruelties at the

Natches; if so, they do right in punishing him. I would use any powers I have,

for the punishment of any officer of our own, who should be guilty of excesses

unjustifiab le under the usages of civilized nations. However, I do not find

myself obliged to believe the charge against Captain Willing to be true, on the

affirmation of the British commissary , because, in the next breath, he affirms

no cruelties have as yet been inflicted on him. Captain Willing has been in

irons. 







I beg you to be assured, there is nothing, consistent with the honor of your

country, which we shall not, at all times, be ready to do for the relief of

yourself and companions in captivity. We know that ardent spirit and hatred for

tyranny, which brought you into your present situation, will enable you to 







78 Jefferson's Works 







bear up against it with the firmness which has distinguish ed you as a soldier,

and to look forward with pleasure to the day, when events shall take place,

against which, the wounded spirits of your enemies will find no comfort, even

from reflections on the most refined of the cruelties with which they have

glutted themselves. 







I am, with great respect, your most obedient, and most humble servant: 







TO HIS EXCELLENC Y GENERAL WASHINGTO N. 







WILLIAMSB URG, November 28th, 1779. 



SIR,­Your Excellency' s letter on the discriminat ions which have been

heretofore made, between the troops raised within this State, and considered as

part of our quota, and those not­so considered, was delivered me four days ago.

I immediately laid it before the Assembly, who thereupon came to the resolution

I now do myself the honor of enclosing you. The resolution of Congress, of

March 15th, 1779, which you were so kind as to enclose, was never known in this

State till a few weeks ago, when we received printed copies of the Journals of

Congress. It would be a great satisfaction to us, to receive an exact return of

all the men we have in Continental service, who come within the description of

the resolution, together with our State troops in Continental service. Colonel

Cabell was so kind as to send me a return of the Continental regiments

commanded by 







Correspond ence 79 







Lord Sterling, of the first and second Virginia State regiments, and of Colonel

Gist's regiment. Besides these are the following; viz., Colonel Harrison's

regiment of artillery, Colonel Bayler's horse, Colonel Bland's horse, General

Scott's new levies, part of which are gone to Carolina, and part are here,

Colonel Gibson's regiment stationed on the Ohio, Heath and O'Hara's independen

t companies at the same stations, Colonel Taylor's regiment of guards to the

Convention troops: of these, we have a return. There may, possibly, be others

not occurring to me. A return of all these would enable us to see what

proportion of the Continental army is contribute d by us. We have, at present,

very pressing calls to send additional numbers of men to the southward. No

inclination is wanting in either the Legislature or Executive, to aid them or

strengthen you; but we find it very difficult to procure men. I herewith

transmit to your Excellency some recruiting commission s, to be put into such

hands as you may think proper, for re-enlistin g such of our soldiery as are

not already engaged for the war. The Act of Assembly, authorizing these

instruction s, requires that the men enlisted should be reviewed and received

by an officer to be appointed for that purpose; a caution less necessary in the

case of men now actually in service, and, therefore, doubtless, able bodied,

than in the raising new recruits. The direction, however, goes to all cases,

and, therefore, we must trouble your Excellency with the appointmen t of one or









80 Jefferson's Works 







more officers of review. Mr. Moss, our agent, receives orders, which accompany

this, to pay the bounty money and recruiting money, and to deliver the

clothing. We have, however, certain reason to fear he has not any great sum of

money on hand; and it is absolutely out of our power, at this time, to supply

him, or to say, with certainty, when we shall be able to do it. He is

instructed to note his acceptance s under the draughts, and to assure payment

as soon as we shall have it in our power to furnish him, as the only substitute

for money. Your Excellency' s directions to the officer of review, will

probably procure us the satisfaction of being informed; from time to time, how

many men shall be re-enlisted . 







By Colonel Mathews, I informed your Excellency fully of the situation of

Governor Hamilton and his companions . Lamothe and Dejean have given their

paroles, and are at Hanover Court-Hous e: Hamilton, Hay, and others, are still

obstinate; therefore, still in close confinemen t, though their irons have

never been on, since your second letter on the subject. I wrote full

information of this matter to General Phillips also, from whom I had received

letters on the subject. I cannot, in reason, believe that the enemy, on

receiving this information , either from yourself or General Phillips, will

venture to impose any new cruelties on our officers in captivity with them. Yet

their conduct, hitherto, has been most successfull y prognostic ated by

reversing the conclusions of right reason. It is, therefore; my duty, as well

as it was 







Correspond ence 81 







my promise to the Virginia captives, to take measures for discoverin g any

change which may be made in their situation. For this purpose, I must apply for

your Excellency' s interpositio n. I doubt not but you have an established mode

of knowing, at all times, through your commissary of prisoners, the precise

state of those in the power of the enemy. I must, therefore, pray you to put

into motions, any such means you have, for obtaining knowledge of the situation

of the Virginia officers in captivity. If you should think proper, as I could

wish, to take upon yourself to retaliate any new sufferings which may be

imposed on them, it will be more likely to have due weight, and to restore the

unhappy on both sides, to that benevolent treatment for which all should wish. 







I have the honor to be, &c., &c. 







TO HIS EXCELLENC Y GENERAL WASHINGTO N. 







WILLIAMSB URG, December 10 1779. 



SIR,­I take the liberty of putting under cover to your Excellency, some letters

to Generals Phillips and Reidezel, uninformed whether they are gone into New

York or not, and knowing that you can best forward them in either case. 







I also trouble you with a letter from the master of the flag in this State, to

the British commissary of prisoners in New York, trusting it will thus be more

certainly conveyed than if sent to Mr. Adams. It is my wish that the British

commissary should return 







#VOL. IV-6# 







82 Jefferson's Works 



his answer through your Excellency, or your commissary of prisoners, and that

they should not propose, under this pretext, to send another flag, as the

mission of the present flag is not unattended with circumstan ces of suspicion;

and a certain information of the situation of ourselves and our allies here

might influence the measures of the enemy. 







Perhaps your commissary of prisoners can effect the former method of answer. 







I enclose to you part of an Act of Assembly ascertainin g the quantity of land

which shall be allowed to the officers and soldiers at the close of the war,

and providing means of keeping that country vacant which has been allotted for

them. 







I am advised to ask your Excellency' s attention to the case of Colonel Bland,

late commander of the barracks in Albemarle. When that gentleman was appointed

to that command, he attended the Executive here, and informed them, he must

either decline it, or be supported in such a way as would keep up that respect

which was essential to his command; without, at the same time, ruining his

private fortune. 







The Executive were sensible he would be exposed to great and unavoidabl e

expense: they observed, his command would be in a department separate from any

other, and that he actually relieved a Major General from the same service.

They did not think themselves authorized to say what should be done in this

case, but undertook to represent the matter to Congress, and, in the meantime,

gave it as their 







Correspond ence 83 







opinion that he ought to be allowed a decent table. On this he undertook the

office, and in the course of it incurred expenses which seemed to have been

unavoidabl e, unless he would have lived in such a way as is hardly reconcilabl

e to the spirit of an officer, or the reputation of those in whose service he

is. Governor Henry wrote on the subject to Congress; Colonel Bland did the

same; but we learn they have concluded the allowance to be unprecede nted, and

inadmissibl e in the case of an officer of his rank. The commissari es, on

this, have called on Colonel Bland for reimbursem ent. A sale of his estate was

about to take place, when we undertook to recommend to them to suspend their

demand, till we could ask the favor of you to advocate this matter so far with

Congress, as you may think it right; otherwise the ruin of a very worthy

officer must inevitably follow. 







I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect and esteem, 







Your Excellency' s most obedient servant. 







TO HIS EXCELLENC Y GENERAL WASHINGTO N. 







WILLIAMSB URG, February 10, 1780. 



SIR,­It is possible you may have heard, that in the course of last summer an

expedition was meditated, by our Colonel Clarke, against Detroit: that he had

proceeded so far as to rendezvous a considerabl e body of Indians, I believe

four or five thousand, 







84 Jefferson's Works 







at St. Vincennes; but, being disappointe d in the number of whites he expected,

and not choosing to rely principally on the Indians, he was obliged to decline

it. We have a tolerable prospect of reinforcing him this spring, to the number

which he thinks sufficient for the enterprise. We have informed him of this,

and left him to decide between this object, and that of giving vigorous

chastiseme nt to those tribes of Indians, whose eternal hostilities have proved

them incapable of living on friendly terms with us. It is our opinion, his

inclination will lead him to determine on the former. The reason of my laying

before your Excellency this matter, is, that it has been intimated to me that

Colonel Broadhead is meditating a similar expedition. I wished, therefore, to

make you acquainted with what we had in contemplati on. The enterprising and

energetic genius of Clarke is not altogether unknown to you. You also know

(what I am a stranger to) the abilities of Broadhead, and the particular force

with which you will be able to arm him for such an expedition. We wish the most

hopeful means should be used for removing so uneasy a thorn from our side. As

yourself, alone, are acquainted with all the circumstan ces necessary for

well-inform ed decision, I am to ask the favor of your Excellency, if you

should think Broadhead' s undertakin g it most likely to produce success, that

you will be so kind as to intimate to us to divert Clarke to the other object,

which is also important to this State. It will, of course, have weight with

you, in forming 







Correspond ence 85 







your determinati on, that our prospect of strengthen ing Clarke's hands,

sufficiently , is not absolutely certain. It may be necessary, perhaps, to

inform you, that these two officers cannot act together, which excludes the

hopes of ensuring success by a joint expedition. 







I have the honor to be, with the most sincere esteem, your Excellency' s most

obedient and most humble servant. 







TO GENERAL DE RIEDESEL.1 







RICHMOND, May 3, 1780. 



SIR,­Your several favors of December 4th, February 10th, and March 30th, are

come duly to hand. I sincerely condole with Madame de Riedesel on the birth of

a daughter, but receive great pleasure from the information of her recovery, as

every circumstan ce of felicity to her, yourself or family, is interesting to

us. The little attentions you are pleased to magnify so much, never deserved a

mention or thought. My mortificatio n was, that the 







#[1 General de Riedesel, who commanded the Hessian troops, was among the

prisoners removed to Albemarle, in 1779, after the surrender of Burgoyne at

Saratoga. Mr. Jefferson did everything in his power to render the situation of

these prisoners comfortable , and the educated and refined officers were often

his guests. Among the number was General de Riedesel, who seems to have

entertained a grateful sense of the kindness extended to him. The example of

Mr. Jefferson was followed by most of the wealthy gentlemen of the surroundin g

country; the officers, both English and German, have borne testimony to the

polite and hospitable attentions which they received in Virginia.) 



­ED.# 







86 Jefferson's Works 







peculiar situation in which we were, put it out of our power to render your

stay here more comfortable . I am sorry to learn that the negotiation s for the

exchange of prisoners have proved abortive, as well from a desire to see the

necessary distresses of war alleviated in every possible instance, as that I am

sensible how far yourself and family are interested in it. Against this,

however, is to be weighed the possibility that we may again have a pleasure we

should otherwise, perhaps, never have had; that of seeing you again. Be this as

it may, opposed as we happen to be in our sentiments of duty and honor, and

anxious for contrary events, I shall, neverthele ss, sincerely rejoice in every

circumstan ce of happiness or safety, which may attend you personally; and When

a termination of the present contest shall put it in my power to declare to you

more unreservedly, how sincere are the sentiments of esteem and respect

(wherein Mrs. Jefferson joins me) which I entertain for Madame de Riedesel and

yourself, and with which I am, Sir, 







Your most obedient and most humble servant. 







TO HIS EXCELLENC Y GENERAL WASHINGTO N. 







RICHMOND, June 11, 1780. 



SIR,­Major Galvan, as recommend ed by your Excellency, was dispatched to his

station without delay, and has been furnished With everything he desired,

as,far as we were able, The line of expresses 







Correspond ence 87 







formed between us, is such as will communicat e intelligence from one to the

other in twenty-thr ee hours. I have forwarded to him information of our

disasters in the South, as they have come to me. 







Our intelligence from the southward is most lamentably defective. Though

Charleston has been in the hands of the enemy a month, we hear nothing of their

movements which can be relied on. Rumors are, that they are penetratin g

northward. To remedy this defect, I shall immediately establish a line of

expresses from hence to the neighborho od of their army, and send thither a

sensible, judicious person, to give us information of their movements. This

intelligence will, I hope, be conveyed to us at the rate of one hundred and

twenty miles in the twenty-fou r hours. They set out to their stations

to-morrow. I wish it were possible, that a like speedy line of communicat ion

could be formed from hence to your Excellency' s head-quart ers. Perfect and

speedy information of what is passing in the South, might put it in your power,

perhaps, to frame your measures by theirs. There is really nothing to oppose

the progress of the enemy, northward, but the cautious principles of the

military art. North Carolina is without arms. We do not abound. Those we have,

are freely imparted to them, but such is the state of their resources, that

they have not been able to move a single musket from this State to theirs. All

the wagons we can collect, have been furnished to the Marquis de Kalb, and are

assembled for the 







88 Jefferson's Works 







march of twenty-fiv e hundred men, under General Stevens, of Culpeper, who will

move on the 10th instant. I have written to Congress to hasten supplies of arms

and military stores for the Southern States, and particularl y to aid us with

cartridge- paper and boxes, the want of which articles, small as they are,

renders our stores useless. The want of money cramps every effort. This will be

supplied by the most unpalatable of all substitutes , force. Your Excellency

will readily conceive, that, after the loss of one army, our eyes are turned

towards the other, and that we comfort ourselves, if any aids can be furnished

by you, without defeating the operations more beneficial to the general union,

they will be furnished. At the same time, I am happy to find that the wishes of

the people go no further, as far as I have an opportunit y of learning their

sentiments. Could arms be furnished, I think this State and North Carolina

would embody from ten to fifteen thousand militia, immediately , and more if

necessary. 







I hope, ere long, to be able to give you a more certain statement of the

enemy's as well as our situation, which I shall not fail to do. I enclose you a

letter from Major Galvan, being the second I have forwarded to you. 







With sentiments of the most perfect esteem and respect, I have the honor to be

your Excellency' s Most obedient humble servant. 







Correspond ence 89 







TO HIS EXCELLENC Y GENERAL WASHINGTO N. 







RICHMOND, July 2, 1780. 



SIR,­I have received from the Committee of Congress, at head-quart ers, three

letters calling for aids of men and provisions. I beg leave to refer you to my

letter to them, of this date, on those subjects. I thought it necessary,

however, to suggest to you the preparing an arrangeme nt of officers for the

men; for, though they are to supply our battalions, yet, as our whole line

officers, almost, are in captivity, I suppose some temporary provision must be

made. We cheerfully transfer to you every power which the Executive might

exercise on this occasion. As it is possible you may cast your eye on the

unemploye d officers now within the State, I write to General Muhlenbur g, to

send you a return of them. I think the men will be rendezvous ed within the

present month. The bill, indeed, for raising them is not actually passed, but

it is in its last stage, and no opposition to any essential parts of it. I will

take care to notify you of its passage. 







I have, with great pain, perceived your situation; and, the more so, as, being

situated between two fires, a division of sentiment has arisen, both in

Congress and here, as to which the resources of this country should be sent.

The removal of General Clinton to the northward, must, of course, have great

influence on the determinati on of this question; and I have no doubt but

considerabl e aids may be 







90 Jefferson's Works 







drawn hence, for your army, unless a larger one should be embodied in the

South, than the force of the enemy there seems to call for. I have the honor to

be, with every sentiment of respect and esteem, your Excellency' s 







Most obedient humble servant.1 



TO GENERAL EDWARD STEVENS. 







RICHMOND, August 4, 1780. 



SIR,­Your several favors of July the 16th, 21st, and 22d, are now before me.

Our smiths are engaged in making five hundred axes and some tomahawks for

General Gates. About one hundred of these will go by the wagons now taking in

their loads. As these 







#1 [The following memorandu m is inserted in the MS. at the close of this

letter.] 



FEMALE CONTRIBUT IONS, IN AID OF THE WAR, PROBABLY IN 1780. 



Mrs. Sarah Cary, of Scotchtown , a watch-chai n, cost £7 sterling. 



Mrs. ­ Ambler, five gold rings. 



Mrs. Rebecca Ambler, three gold rings. 



Mrs. ­ Nicholas, a diamond drop. 



Mrs. Griffin, of Dover, ten half joes. 



Mrs. Gilmer, five guineas. 



Mrs. Anne Ramsay (for Fairfax), one half joe, three guineas, three pistareens,

one bit. 



Do. for do. paper money, bundle No. I, twenty thousand dollars, No. a,

twenty-sev en thousand dollars, No. 3, fifteen thousand dollars, No. 4,

thirteen-thousand five hundred and eighteen dollars and one-third. 



Mrs. Lewis (for Albemarle), £1559 8s. paper money. 



Mrs. Weldon, £39 18s. new, instead of £1600 old paper money. 



Mrs. Blackburn (for Prince William), seven thousand five hundred and six

dollars, paper money. 



Mrs. Randolph, the younger, of Chatsworth , eight hundred dollars. 



Mrs. Fitzhugh and others, £558.# 







Correspond ence 91 







are for the army in general, no doubt but you will participate of them. A chest

of medicine was made up for you in Williamsbur g, and by a strange kind of

forgetfulne ss, the vessel ordered to bring that, left it and brought the rest

of the shop. It is sent for again, and I am not without hopes will be here in

time to go by the present wagons. They will carry some ammunition and the axes,

and will make up their load with spirits. Tents, I fear, cannot be got in this

country; we have, however, sent out powers to all the trading towns here, to

take it wherever they can find it. I write to General Gates, to try whether the

duck in North Carolina cannot be procured by the Executive of that State on

Continental account; for, surely, the whole army, as well our militia as the

rest, is Continental . The arms you have to spare may be delivered to General

Gates's order, taking and furnishing us with proper vouchers. We shall endeavor

to send our drafts armed. I cannot conceive how the arms before sent could have

got into so very bad order; they certainly went from hence in good condition.

You wish to know how far the property of this State, in your hands, is meant to

be subject to the orders of the Commander -in-chief. Arms and military stores,

we mean to be perfectly subject to him. The provisions going from this country

will be for the whole army. If we can get any tents, they must be appropriat ed

to the use of our own troops. Medicine, sick stores, spirits and such things,

we expect shall 







92 Jefferson's Works 







be on the same footing as with the northern army. There, you know, each State

furnishes its own troops with these articles, and, of course, has an exclusive

right to what is furnished. The money put into your hands, was meant as a

particular resource for any extra wants of our own troops, yet, in case of

great distress, you would probably not see the others suffer without communicat

ing part of it for their use. We debit Congress with this whole sum. There can

be nothing but what is right in your paying Major Mazaret's troops out of it. I

wish the plan you have adopted for securing a return of the arms from the

militia, may answer. I apprehend any man who has a good gun on his shoulder,

would agree to keep it, and have the worth of it deducted out of his pay, more

especially, when the receipt of the pay is at some distance. What would you

think of notifying to them, further, that a proper certificate that they are

discharged , and have returned their arms, will be required before any pay is

issued to them. A roll, kept and forwarded, of those so discharged , and who

have delivered up their arms, would supply accidental losses of their

certificates . We are endeavorin g to get bayonet belts made. The State

quarter-ma ster affirms the cartouch boxes sent from this place (nine hundred

and fifty-nine in number), were all in good condition. I therefore suppose the

three hundred you received in such very bad order, must have gone from the

Continental quarter-ma ster at Petersburg , or, per







Correspond ence 93 







haps, have been pillaged, on the road, of their flaps, to mend shoes, &c. I

must still press the return of as many wagons as possible. All you will send,

shall be loaded with spirits, or something else for the army. By their next

return, we shall have a good deal of bacon collected. The enclosed is a copy of

what was reported to me, as heretofore sent by the wagons. I am, Sir, with the

greatest esteem, 







Your most obedient humble servant. 



­­







TO­­,1 







RICHMOND, August 4, 1780. 



SIR,­Your several favors of July 19, 21, and 22, are now before me. I have

enquired into the state of the cartouch boxes which were sent from our

magazine. The Quartermas ter assures me they were in very good order. I must,

therefore, conclude, that the 30o complained of by General Stevens, were some

sent from Petersburg by the Continental Quartermas ter, or that they were

pillaged of the leather on the way, to mend shoes, &c. We had hopes of getting

2,000 from the Board of War, but we got only about 600, and they are said to be

unfit for use. We are engaged in making bayonet belts, which shall be

forwarded, but it is 







#[1 This letter has no direction, but was probably addressed to General Gates,

then commandin g the Southern army. It was written by Mr. Jefferson in his

character of Governor of Virginia, to which office he was elected on the 1st of

June, 1779.­En.] 







94 Jefferson's Works 







extremely difficult to procure leather. The consumptio n of beef by your army

will, I hope, remove the want of this article another year. I have ordered the

500 axes you desired, with some tomahawks, to be made. They turn out about 20 a

day. About 10o will go on by the wagons General Stevens sent us, which are now

loading at this place. These wagons will carry some ammunition and spirit. A

vessel with about 3,00o stand of arms, coming down the bay for the use of your

army, was driven by privateers into Wicomico. We are endeavorin g to get them

forwarded either by land or water. The want of wagons will greatly retard them.

What is to be done for tents, I know not. I am assured that very little duck

can be got in this country. Whatever there is, however, will be produced under

a commission gone out for that purpose. The duck you speak of as being in North

Carolina, cannot be procured by that State, on Continental account, for the use

of the army. I communicat ed your orders to Colonel Finnie, and to Colonel

Buford, and have directed proper application s for the repairs of the bridges,

&c., you mention. Arms are ready for Buford's, Davies's, and Gibson's men.

Gibson's men are clothed, and wait only to be paid, which will be done within

the course of a week. Clothing has been issued some time for the others, which

is making up under the superinten dence of Colonel Davies. They are utterly

destitute of blankets, and I fear we shall be unable to get any. Brent's 







Correspond ence 95 







infantry are but 30, and cannot be sent on without bringing on disagreeabl e

disputes about rank between his officers and Gibson's. To silence these the

march of his men has been counterman ded. Colonel Finnie informs me, that Major

Lee's infantry has been sent back by special orders. We have ordered 243 horses

to be purchased for Colonels White, and Washington . The orders to Mr. Lewis to

purchase beef in Carolina were given by the Continental Commissary , so long

ago as last winter, when it was not foreseen there would be such a call for it

in that country. Having no other means of conveying a letter to him, I take the

liberty of putting one under cover to you, with instruction s to him to

discontinue his purchases in North Carolina, and to furnish you with so much of

the beef he has, as you may think necessary. It would be expedient for you to

leave in his hands whatever, quantity is not absolutely necessary for your

army; as, depending on that, no other provision has been made for the post at

Charlottesv ille, and you know our country so well as to foresee that a port,

at which 5,000 rations a day are issued, cannot be fed by the purchase of the

day. 







We have reason to believe the French fleet arrived at Newport the 10th ult.,

but it is not certain. Admiral Graves, with six sail of the line, is certainly

arrived at New York. 







I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, Sir, 







Your most obedient and most humble servant. 







96 Jefferson's Works 







TO MAJOR-GEN ERAL GATES. 







RICHMOND, August 15, 1780. 



SIR,­Your favor of August the 3d, is just now put into my hand. Those formerly

received have been duly answered, and my replies will, no doubt, have reached

you before this date. My last letter to you was by Colonel Drayton. 







I spoke fully with you on the difficulty of procuring wagons here, when I had

the pleasure of seeing you, and for that reason pressed the sending back as

many as possible. One brigade of twelve has since returned, and is again on its

way with medicine, military stores, and spirit. Any others which come, and as

fast as they come, shall be returned to you with spirit and bacon. I have ever

been informed, that the very plentiful harvests of North Carolina, would render

the transportat ion of flour from this State as unnecessar y as it would be

tedious, and that, in this point of view, the wagons should carry hence only

the articles before mentioned, which are equally wanting with you. Finding that

no great number of wagons is likely to return to us, we will immediately order

as many more to be bought and sent on, as we possibly can. But, to prevent too

great expectation s, I must again repeat, that I fear no great number can be

got. I do assure you, however, that neither attention nor expense shall be

spared, to forward to you every support for which we can obtain means of

transportat ion.







Correspond ence 97 







You have, probably, received our order on Colonel Lewis, to deliver you any of

the beeves he may have purchased. 







Tents, I fear, it is in vain, to expect, because there is not in this country

stuff to make them. We have agents and commission ers in constant pursuit of

stuff; but hitherto researches have been fruitless. Your order to Colonel

Carrington shall be immediately communicat ed. A hundred copies of the

proclamatio n shall also be immediately printed and forwarded to you. General

Muhlenbur g is come to this place, which he will now make his head-quart ers. I

think he will be able to set into motion, within a very few days, five hundred

regulars, who are now equipped for their march, except some blankets still

wanting, but I hope nearly procured and ready to be delivered. 







I sincerely congratulat e you on your successful advances on the enemy, and

wish to do everything to second your enterprises , which the situation of this

country, and the means and powers put into my hands, enable me to do. 







I am, Sir, with sincere respect and esteem, 







Your most obedient and most humble servant. 







TO HIS EXCELLENC Y GENERAL WASHINGTO N. 







RICHMOND, September 3, 1780. 



SIR,­As I know the anxieties you must have felt, since the late misfortune to

the South, and our latter 







#VOL. IV-7# 







98 Jefferson's Works 







accounts have not been quite so favorable as the first, I take the liberty of

enclosing you a statement of this unlucky affair, taken from letters from

General Gates, General Stevens, and Governor Nash, and, as to some circumstan

ces, from an officer who was in the action.1 Another army is collecting; this

amounted, on the 23d ultimo, to between four and five thousand men, consisting

of about five hundred Maryland regulars, a few of Hamilton's artillery, and

Portersfiel d corps, Armand's legion, such of the Virginia militia as had been

reclaimed, and about three thousand North Carolina militia, newly embodied. We

are told they will increase these to eight thousand. Our new recruits will

rendezvous in this State between the 10th and 25th instant. We are calling out

two thousand militia, who, I think, however, will not be got to Hillsboroug h

till the 25th of October. About three hundred and fifty regulars marched from

Chesterfiel d a week ago. Fifty march to-morrow, and there will be one hundred

or one hundred and fifty more from that post, when they can be cleared of the

hospital. This is as good a view as I can give you of the force we are

endeavorin g to collect; but they are unarmed. Almost the whole small arms

seems to have been lost in the late rout. There are of arms, sent by Congress,

and we have still a few 







#[1 The circumstan ces of the defeat of General Gates's army, near Camden, in

August, 178o, being of historical notoriety, this statement is omitted.] # 







Correspond ence 99 







here, on their way southward, three thousand stand in our magazine. I have

written pressingly, as the subject well deserves, to Congress, to send

immediate supplies, and to think of forming a magazine here, that in case of

another disaster, we may not be left without all means of opposition. 







I enclosed, to your Excellency, some time ago a resolution, of the Assembly,

instructing us to send a quantity of tobacco to New York for the relief of our

officers there, and asking the favor of you to obtain permission. Having

received no answer, I fear my letter or your answer has miscarried. I therefore

take the liberty of repeating my application to you. 







I have the honor to be, with the most profound respect, your Excellency' s most

obedient and most humble servant. 







TO EDWARD STEVENS. 







RICHMOND, September 3, 1780. 



DEAR SIR,­I sincerely condole with you on our late misfortune, 1 which sits the

heavier on my mind as being produced by my own countryme n. Instead of

considerin g what is past, however, we are to look forward and prepare for the

future. I write General Gates and Governor Nash as to supplies and reinforcem

ents. Another body of 2,000 militia are ordered to you to rendezvous at

Hillsboroug h, on 







#[1 Battle of Camden, August 16th, 1780.]# 







100 Jefferson's Works 







the 25th of October. They come from the middle and north counties, beyond and

adjoining the Blue Ridge. I am told, also, that a spirit of raising volunteers

is springing up. The truth of this, however, is not certainly known, nor can

its success be depended on. Governor Nash writes me that 400 wagons were lost.

An officer here, however, thinks they are not. This, indeed, would be a heavy

loss, as well as that of the small arms. We shall exert every nerve to assist

you in every way in our power, being, as we are, without any money in the

Treasury, or any prospect of more till the Assembly meets in October. 







I am with great esteem your most obedient and most humble servant. 







TO THE HON. MAJOR GENERAL GATES. 







RICHMOND, September 11, 1780. 



DEAR SIR,­Your bill for £54,712 in favor of Mallette, has been duly honored,

that for £95,288 we shall also discharge; another bill (which being delivered

back to be presented at the end of the ten days, I cannot recollect either the

name of the holder or the sum) has been accepted. We are now without one

shilling in the treasury, or a possibility of having it recruited till the

meeting of the Assembly, which takes place on the 15th of the next month. In

this condition Mr. Duncan Ochiltree found us when he delivered your letter of

the 5th 







Correspond ence 101 







instant, and draught for £100,000 in favor of Col. Polk. The only thing in our

power, after stating to him our situation, was to assure him that it should be

paid as soon as we should be enabled to do it by the Assembly, which I flatter

myself will be as soon as they meet. Of this I am to notify him, that he may

know when to call for payment. I shall be very glad if you can accommodat e, to

the same circumstan ces, any other draughts you may find it necessary to make

on me. 







We have sent a Mr. Paten, Commissary for the State, to collect beeves in our

southern counties, and forward them to your army. He has orders to keep up a

proper correspond ence with your Commissary . 







I have the honor to be with the greatest esteem and respect, Sir, your most

obedient and most humble servant. 







TO GENERAL EDWARD STEVENS. 







RICHMOND, September 12, 1780. 



SIR,­Your letters of August 27th and 30th are now before me. The subsequent

desertions of your militia have taken away the necessity of answering the

question, How they shall be armed? On the contrary, as there must now be a

surplus of arms, I am in hopes you will endeavor to reserve them, as we have

not here a sufficient number by fifteen hundred or two thousand for the men who

will march hence, if they march in numbers equal to our expectation s. 







102 Jefferson's Works 







I have sent expresses into all the counties from which those militia went,

requiring the county lieutenants to exert themselves in taking them; and such

is the detestation with which they have been received, that I have heard from

many counties they were going back of themselves. You will, of course, hold

courts martial on them, and make them soldiers for eight months. If you will be

so good as to inform me, from time to time, how many you have, we may, perhaps,

get the supernume rary officers in the State to take command of them. By the

same opportuniti es, I desired notice to be given to the friends of the few

remaining with you, that they had lost their clothes and blankets, and

recommend ed that they should avail themselves of any good opportunit y to send

them supplies. 







We approve of your accommodat ing the hospital with medicines, and the Maryland

troops with spirits. They really deserve the whole, and I wish we had means of

transportat ion for much greater quantities, which we have on hand and cannot

convey. This article we could furnish plentifully to you and them. What is to

be done for wagons, I do not know. We have not now one shilling in the treasury

to purchase them. We have ordered an active quarter-ma ster to go to the

westward, and endeavor to purchase on credit, or impress a hundred wagons and

teams. But I really see no prospect of sending you additional supplies, till

the same wagons return from you, which we sent on with the last. I informed

you, in my last 







Correspond ence 103 







letter, we had ordered two thousand militia more, to rendezvous at Hillsboroug

h on the 25th of October. You will judge yourself, whether, in the meantime,

you can be more useful by remaining where you are, with the few militia left

and coming in, or by returning home, where, besides again accommodat ing

yourself after your losses, you may also aid us in getting those men into

motion, and in pointing out such things as are within our power, and may be

useful to the service. And you will act accordingl y. I am, with great

friendship and esteem, dear Sir, 







Your most obedient, humble servant. 







TO GENERAL EDWARD STEVENS. 







RICHMOND, Sept. 15th, 1780. 



SIR,­I beg leave to trouble you with a private letter, on a little matter of my

own, having no acquaintan ce at camp, with whom I can take that liberty. Among

the wagons impressed, for the use of your militia, were two of mine. One of

these, I know is safe, having been on its way from hence to Hillsboroug h, at

the time of the late engagemen t. The other, I have reason to believe, was on

the field. A wagon master, who says he was near it, informs me the brigade

quarter-ma ster cut out one of my best horses, and made his escape on him, and

that he saw my wagoner loosening his own horse to come off, but the enemy's

horse were then coming up, and he knows nothing further. He was a negro man, 







104 Jefferson's Works 







named Phill, lame in one arm and leg. If you will do me the favor to enquire

what has become of him, what horses are saved, and to send them to me, I shall

be much obliged to you. The horses were not public property, as they were only

impressed and not sold. Perhaps your certificate of what is lost, may be

necessary for me. The wagon master told me, that the public money was in my

wagon, a circumstan ce which, perhaps, may aid your enquiries. After

apologising for the trouble, I beg leave to assure you that I am, with great

sincerity, 







Your friend and servant. 







TO MAJOR GENERAL GATES. 







RICHMOND, September 23, 1780. 



SIR,­I have empowered Colonel Carrington to have twelve boats, scows or

batteaux, built at Taylor's Ferry, and to draw on me for the cost. I recommend

ed the constructin g them so as to answer the transportat ion of provisions

along that river, as a change of position of the two armies, may render them

unnecessar y at Taylor's ferry; and I am thoroughly persuaded, that, unless we

can find out some channel of transportation by water, no supplies of bread, of

any consequenc e, can be sent you from this State for a long time to come. The

want of wagons is a bar insuperabl e, at least, in any reasonable time. I have

given orders to have Fry and Jefferson's map, and Henry's map of Virginia,

sought for and purchased.







Correspond ence 105 







As soon as they can be got, I will forward them. I have also written to General

Washington on the subject of wintering the French fleet in the Chesapeake . Our

new levies rendezvous in large numbers. As General Washington had constituted

them into eight battalions, and allotted none to Colonel Harrison, we think to

deliver him about four hundred drafts of another kind, who are to serve

eighteen months also. Unless Congress furnish small arms, we cannot arm more

than half the men who will go from this State. The prize you mention of tents

and blankets is very fortunate. It is absolutely out of our power to get these

articles, to any amount, in this country, nor have we clothing for our new

levies. They must, therefore, go to you clothed as militia, till we can procure

and send on supplies. They will be as warm in their present clothing at

Hillsboroug h, as at Chesterfiel d Court House. 







We have an agent, collecting all the beeves which can be got from the counties

round about Portsmouth , to send off to you. They have there also plentiful

crops of corn growing. We have instructed him to try whether means of conveying

it down into the Sounds, and up some of the rivers of North Carolina, or by

land to Meherrin river, and thence down Chowan, and up Roanoke, cannot be

rendered practicable . 







I am, with every sentiment of esteem and respect, your most obedient and most

humble servant. 







106 Jefferson's Works 







P. S. I enclose a certificate, acknowledg ing satisfaction for the money

furnished by Colonel Kosciusko. 







TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTO N. 







RICHMOND, September 23, 1780. 



SIR,­I yesterday forwarded to you a letter from Colonel Wood, informing you of

his situation. That post has, for some time past, been pretty regularly

supplied, and I hope will continue to be for some time to come. A person, whose

punctuality can be relied on, offers to contract for victualling it. If we can

agree on terms, and the Assembly will strengthen our hands sufficiently , we

think to adopt that method, as the only one to be relied on with certainty. I

have heard it hinted that Colonel Wood thinks of quitting that post. I should

be exceedingl y sorry, indeed, were he to do it. He has given to those under

his charge the most perfect satisfaction , and, at the same time, used all the

cautions which the nature of his charge has required. It is principally owing

to his prudence and good temper, that the late difficulties have been passed

over, almost without a murmur. Any influence which your Excellency shall think

proper to use, for retaining him in his present situation, will promote the

public good, and have a great tendency to keep up a desirable harmony with the

officers of that corps. Our new recruits are rednezvous ing very generally.

Colonel Harrison was uneasy







Correspond ence 107 







at having none of them assigned to his corps of artillery, who have very much

distinguish ed themselves in the late unfortunat e action, and are reduced

almost to nothing. We happened to have about four hundred drafts, raised in the

last year, and never called out and sent on duty by their county lieutenants ,

whom we have collected and are collecting. We think to deliver these to Colonel

Harrison: they are to serve eighteen months from the time of rendezvous . The

numbers of regulars and militia ordered from this State into the southern

service, are about seven thousand. I trust we may count that fifty-five hundred

will actually proceed; but we have arms for three thousand only. If, therefore,

we do not speedily receive a supply from Congress, we must counterman d a

proper number of these troops. Besides this supply, there should certainly be a

magazine laid in here, to provide against a general loss as well as daily

waste. When we deliver out those now in our magazine, we shall have sent seven

thousand stand of our own into the southern service, in the course of this

summer. We are still more destitute of clothing, tents and wagons for our

troops. The southern army suffers for provisions, which we could plentifully

supply, were it possible to find means of transportat ion. Despairing of this,

we directed very considerabl e quantities, collected on the navigable waters,

to be sent northwardl y by the quarter-ma ster. This he is now doing; slowly,

however, Unapprised what 







108 Jefferson's Works 







may be proposed by our allies, to be done with their fleet in the course of the

ensuing winter, I would beg leave to intimate to you, that if it should appear

to them eligible that it should winter in the Chesapeake , they can be well

supplied with provisions, taking their necessary measures in due time. The

waters communicat ing with that bay furnish easy, and (in that case) safe

transportat ion, and their money will call forth what is denied to ours. 







I am, with all possible esteem and respect, your Excellency' s most obedient

and humble servant. 







TO HIS EXCELLENC Y GENERAL WASHINGTO N. 







RICHMOND, September 26, 1780. 



SIR,­The enclosed copy of a letter from Lord Cornwallis¹ to Colonel Balfour,

was sent me by Governor







#¹TO LIEUTENAN T COLONEL NISBET BALFOUR, COMMANDE R AT NINETY-SI X. 







I have the happiness to inform you, that on Wednesday the 16th instant, I

totally defeated General Gates's army. One thousand were killed and wounded,

about eight hundred taken prisoners. We are in possession of eight pieces of

brass cannon, all they had in the field, all their ammunition wagons, a great

number of arms, and one hundred and thirty baggage wagons: in short, there

never was a more complete victory. I have written to Lieutenant Colonel

Turnbull, whom I sent to join Major Johnson on Little river, to push on after

General Sumter to the Waxhaws, whose detachment is the only collected force of

rebels in all this country. Colonel Tarleton is in pursuit of Sumter. Our loss

is about three hundred killed and wounded, chiefly of the thirty-thir d

regiment and volunteers, of Ireland. I have given orders that all the

inhabitants of this province, who have subscribed and taken part in this

revolt, should be punished with the greatest rigor; also, that those who will

not turn, out may be # 







Correspond ence 109 







Rutledge: lest you should not have seen it, I do myself the pleasure of

transmittin g it, with a letter from General Harrington to General Gates giving

information of some late movements of the enemy. 







I was honored yesterday with your favor of the 5th instant, on the subject of

prisoners, and particularl y Lieutenant Governor Hamilton. You are not

unapprised of the influence of this officer with the Indians, his activity and

embittered zeal against us. You also, perhaps, know how precarious is our

tenure of the Illinois country, and how critical is the situation of the new

counties on the Ohio. These circumstan ces determined us to detain Governor

Hamilton and Major Hay within our power, when we delivered up the other

prisoners. On a late representa tion from the people of Kentucky, by a person

sent here from that country, and expression s of what they had reason to

apprehend from these two prisoners, in the event of their liberation, we

assured them they would not be parted with, though we were giving up our other

prisoners. Lieutenant Colonel Dabusson, aid 







#imprisone d, and their whole property taken from them, and destroyed. I have

also ordered that satisfaction should be made for their estates, to those who

have been injured and oppressed by them. I have ordered, in the most positive

manner, that every militia man who has borne arms with us and afterwards joined

the enemy, shall be immediately hanged. I desire you will take the most

rigorous measures to punish the rebels in the district in which you command,

and that you will obey, in the strictest manner, the directions I have given in

this letter, relative to the inhabitants of this country. CORNWALLI S. August,

1780.# 







110 Jefferson's Works 







to Baron de Kalb, lately came here on his parole, with an offer from Lord

Rawdon, to exchange him for Hamilton. Colonel Towles is now here with a like

proposition for himself, from General Phillips, very strongly urged by the

General. These, and other overtures, do not lessen our opinion of the

importance of retaining him; and they have been, and will be, uniformly

rejected. Should the settlement, indeed, of a cartel become impracticab le,

without the consent of the States to submit their separate prisoners to its

obligation, we will give up these two prisoners, as we would anything, rather

than be an obstacle to a general good. But no other circumstan ce would, I

believe, extract them from us. These two gentlemen, with a Lieutenant Colonel

Elligood, are the only separate prisoners we have retained, and the last, only

on his own request, and not because we set any store by him. There is, indeed,

a Lieutenant Governor Rocheblawe of Kaskaskie, who has broken his parole, and

gone to New York, whom we must shortly trouble your Excellency to demand for

us, as soon as we can forward to you the proper documents. Since the forty

prisoners sent to Winchester, as mentioned in my letter of the 9th ultimo,

about one hundred and fifty mere have been sent thither, some of them taken by

us at sea, others sent on by General Gates. 







The exposed and weak state of our western settlements , and the danger to which

they are subject from the northern Indians, acting under the influence







Correspond ence 111 







of the British post at Detroit, render it necessary for us to keep from five to

eight hundred men on duty, for their defence. This is a great and perpetual

expense. Could that post be reduced and retained, it would cover all the States

to the southeast of it. We have long meditated the attempt under the direction

of Colonel Clarke, but the expense would be so great, that whenever we have

wished to take it up, the circumstan ce has obliged us to decline it. Two

different estimates make it amount to two millions of pounds, present money. We

could furnish the men, provisions, and every necessary, except powder, had we

the money, or could the demand from us be so far supplied from other quarters,

as to leave it in our power to apply such a sum to that purpose; and, when once

done, it would save annual expenditur es to a great amount. When I speak of

furnishing the men, I mean they should be militia, such being the popularity of

Colonel Clarke, and the confidence of the western people in him, that he could

raise the requisite number at any time. We, therefore, beg leave to refer this

matter to yourself, to determine whether such an enterprise would not be for

the general good, and if you think it would, to authorize it at the general

expense. This is become the more reasonable, if, as I understand , the

ratification of the Confederati on has been rested on our cession of a part of

our western claim; a cession which (speaking my private opinion) I verily

believe will be 







112 Jefferson's Works 







agreed to, if the quantity demanded is not unreasonably great. Should this

proposition be approved of, it should be immediately made known to us, as the

season is now coming on, at which some of the preparatio ns must be made. The

time of execution, I think, should be at the time of the breaking up of the ice

in the Wabash, and before the lakes open. The interval, I am told, is

considerabl e. 







I have the honor to be. &c., your most obedient and humble servant. 







TO MAJOR-GEN ERAL GATES. 







RICHMOND, October 4, 1780. 



SIR,­My letter of September 23d, answered your favors received before that

date, and the present serves to acknowledg e the receipt of those of September

24th and 27th. I retain in mind, and recur, almost daily, to your requisition s

of August; we have, as yet, no prospect of more than one hundred tents. Flour

is ordered to be manufactur ed, as soon as the season will render it safe; out

of which, I trust, we can furnish not only your requisition of August, but that

of Congress of September 11th. The corn you desire, we could furnish when the

new crops come in, fully, if water transportat ion can be found; if not, we

shall be able only to send you what lies convenient to the southern boundary,

in which neighborho od the crops have been much abridged by a flood in Roanoke.

We have no rice. Rum 







Correspond ence 113 







and other spirits we can furnish to a greater amount than you require, as soon

as our wagons are in readiness, and shall be glad to commute into that article

some others which we have not, particularl y sugar, coffee and salt. The

vinegar is provided. Colonel Finnie promised to furnish to Colonel Muter, a

list of the spades, hoes, &c., which could be furnished from the Continental

stores. This list has never yet come to hand. It is believed, the Continental

stores here will f all little short of your requisition, except in the article

of axes, which our shops are proceeding on. Your information of September 24th,

as to the quality of the axes, has been notified to the workmen, and will, I

hope, have a proper effect on those made hereafter. Application has been made

to the courts, to have the bridges put in a proper state, which they have

promised to do. We are endeavorin g again to collect wagons. About twenty are

nearly finished at this place. We employed, about three weeks ago, agents to

purchase, in the western counties, a hundred wagons and teams. Till these can

be got, it will be impossible to furnish anything from this place. I am

exceedingl y pleased to hear of your regulation for stopping our wagons at

Roanoke. This will put it in our power to repair and replace them, to calculate

their returns, provide loads, and will be a great encourage ment to increase

their number, if possible, as their departure hence will no longer produce the

idea of a final adieu to them. 







#VOL. IV-8 







114 Jefferson's Works 







Colonel Senf arrived here the evening before the last. He was employed

yesterday and to-day, in copying some actual and accurate surveys, which we had

had made of the country round about Portsmouth , as far as Cape Henry to the

eastward, Nansemond river to the westward, the Dismal Swamp to the southward,

and northwardl y, the line of country from Portsmouth by Hampton and York, to

Williamsbur g, and including the vicinities of these three last posts. This

will leave him nothing to do, but to take drawings of particular places, and

the soundings of such waters as he thinks material. He will proceed on this

business to-morrow, with a letter to General Nelson, and powers to call for the

attendance of a proper vessel. 







I suppose, that your drafts in favor of the quartermas ter, if attended with

sixty days' grace, may be complied with to a certain amount. We will certainly

use our best endeavors to answer them. I have only to desire that they may be

made payable to the quarter-ma ster alone, and not to the bearer. This is to

prevent the mortificatio n of seeing an unapprised individual taken in by an

assignment of them, as if they were ready money. Your letter to Colonel Finnie

will go to Williamsbur g immediately . Those to Congress, with a copy of the

papers enclosed to me, went yesterday by express. I will take order as to the

bacon you mention. I fear there is little of it, and that not capable of being

long kept. You are surely not uninformed , that Congress required 







Correspond ence 115 







the greater part of this article to be sent northward, which has been done. I

hope, by this time, you receive supplies of beeves from our commissary , Mr.

Eaton, who was sent three weeks or a month ago to exhaust of that article the

counties below, and in the neighborho od of Portsmouth ; and from thence, was

to proceed to the other counties, in order, as they stood exposed to an enemy. 







The arrival of the French West India fleet (which, though not authentical ly

communicat ed, seems supported by so many concurring accounts from individuals

, as to leave scarcely room for doubt), will, I hope, prevent the enemy from

carrying into effect the embarkatio n they had certainly intended from New

York, though they are strengthen ed by the arrival of Admiral Rodney at that

place, with twelve sail of the line and four frigates, as announced by General

Washington to Congress, on the 19th ultimo. The accounts of the additional

French fleet are varied, from sixteen to nineteen ships of the line, besides

frigates. The number of the latter has never been mentioned. The extracts of

letters, which you will see in our paper of this day, are from General

Washington , President Huntingdon and our Delegates in Congress to me: That

from Bladensbur g is from a particular acquaintance of mine, whose credit

cannot be doubted. The distress we are experiencin g from want of leather to

make shoes, is great. I am sure you have thought of preventing it in future, by

the appointmen t of a commissary of 







116 Jefferson's Works 







hides, or some other good regulation for saving and tanning the hides, which

the consumptio n of your army will afford. 







I have the honor to be, with all possible esteem and respect, Sir, your most

obedient, and most humble servant. 







TO GENERAL GATES. 







RICHMOND, October 15, 1780. 



SIR,­I am rendered not a little anxious by the paragraph of yours of the 7th

instant, wherein you say, "It is near a month since I received any letter from

your Excellency; indeed, the receipt of most that I have written to you remain

unacknowle dged." You ought, within that time, to have received my letter of

September the 3d, written immediately on my return to this place, after a

fortnight's absence; that of September the 11th, acknowledg ing the receipt of

yours which covered drafts for money; that of September the 23d, on the subject

of batteaux at Taylor's ferry, wagons, maps of Virginia, wintering the French

fleet in the Chesapeake , our new levies, and provisions from our lower

counties; and that of October the 4th, in answer to yours of September the

24th, and 27th. I begin to apprehend treachery in some part of our chain of

expresses, and beg the favor of you, in your next, to mention whether any, and

which of these letters have come to hand. This acknowledg es the receipt of

yours of September the 







Correspond ence 117 







28th, and October the 3d, 5th, and 7th. The first of these was delivered four

or five days ago by Captain Drew. He will be permitted to return as you desire,

as we would fulfil your wishes in every point in our power, as well as indulge

the ardor of a good officer. Our militia from the western counties, are now on

their march to join you. They are fond of the kind of service in which Colonel

Morgan is generally engaged, and are made very happy by being informed you

intend to put them under him. Such as pass by this place, take muskets in their

hands. Those from the southern counties beyond the Blue Ridge, were advised to

carry their rifles. For those who carry neither rifles nor muskets, as well as

for our eighteen months' men, we shall send on arms as soon as wagons can be

procured. In the meantime, I had hoped that there were arms for those who

should first arrive at Hillsboroug h, as by General Stevens's return, dated at

his departure thence, there were somewhere between five and eight hundred

muskets (I speak from memory, not having present access to the return)

belonging to this State, either in the hands of the few militia who were there,

or stored. Captain Fauntleroy, of the cavalry, gives me hopes he shall

immediately forward a very considerabl e supply of accoutrements, for White's

and Washington 's cavalry. He told me yesterday, he had received one hundred

and thirteen horses for that service, from us. Besides those, he had rejected

sixty odd, after we 







118 Jefferson's Works 







had purchased them, at £30 apiece. Nelson's two troops were returned to me,

deficient only twelve horses, since which, ten have been sent to him by

Lieutenant Armstead. I am not a little disappointe d, therefore, in the number

of cavalry fit for duty, as mentioned in the letter you enclosed me. Your

request (as stated in your letter of the 7th) that we will send no men into the

field, or even to your camp, that are not well furnished with shoes, blankets,

and every necessary for immediate service, would amount to a stoppage of every

man; as we have it not in our power to furnish them with real necessaries

completely. I hope they will be all shod. What proportion will have blankets, I

cannot say: we purchase every one which can be found out; and now I begin to

have a prospect of furnishing about half of them with tents, as soon as they

can be made and forwarded. As to provisions, our agent, Eaton of whom I before

wrote, informs me in a letter of the 5th instant, he shall immediately get

supplies of beef into motion, and shall send some corn by a circuitous

navigation. But till we receive our wagons from the western country, I cannot

hope to aid you in bread. I expect daily to see wagons coming in to us. The

militia were ordered to rendezvous at Hillsboroug h, expecting they would

thence be ordered by you into service. I send you herewith, a copy of Henry's

map of Virginia. It is a mere cento of blunders. It may serve to give you a

general idea of the courses of rivers, and positions 







Correspond ence 119 







of counties. We are endeavorin g to get you a copy of Fry and Jefferson's ; but

they are now very scarce. I also enclose you some newspaper s, in which you

will find a detail of Arnold's apostasy and villany. 







I am, with all sentiments of sincere respect and esteem, Sir, your most

obedient and most humble servant. 







P. S. Just as I was closing my letter, yours of the 9th instant was put into my

hands. I enclose, by this express, a power to Mr. Lambe, quartermas ter, to

impress for a month, ten wagons from each of the counties of Brunswick,

Mecklenbur g, Lunenburg , Charlotte, and Halifax, and direct him to take your

orders, whether they shall go first to you, or come here. If the latter, we can

load them with arms and spirits. Before their month is out, I hope the hundred

wagons from the westward will have come in. We will otherwise provide a relief

for these. I am perfectly astonished at your not having yet received my letters

before mentioned. I send you a copy of that of the 4th of October, as being

most material. I learn from one of General Muhlenbur g's family, that five

wagons have set out from hence, with three hundred stand of arms, &c. However,

the General writes to you himself. 







120 Jefferson's Works 







TO HIS EXCELLENC Y GENERAL WASHINGTO N. 







RICHMOND, October 22, 1780. 



SIR,­I have this morning received certain information of the arrival of a

hostile fleet in our bay, of about sixty sail. The debarkatio n of some light

horse, in the neighborho od of Portsmouth , seems to indicate that as the first

scene of action. We are endeavoring to collect as large a body to oppose them

as we can arm; this will be lamentably inadequate, if the enemy be in any

force. It is mortifying to suppose that a people, able and zealous to contend

with their enemy, should be reduced to fold their arms for want of the means of

defence. Yet no resources, that we know of, insure us against this event. It

has become necessary to divert to this new object, a considerabl e part of the

aids we had destined for General Gates. We are still, however, sensible of the

necessity of supporting him, and have left that part of the country nearest him

uncalled on, at present, that they may reinforce him as soon as arms can be

received. We have called to the command of our forces Generals Weeden and

Muhlenbur g, of the line, and Nelson and Stevens of the militia. You will be

pleased to make to these such additions as you may think proper. As to the aids

of men, I, ask for none, knowing that if the late detachment of the enemy shall

have left it safe for you to spare aids of that kind, you will not await my

application. Of the troops we shall raise, there 







Correspond ence 121 







is not a single man who ever saw the f ace of an enemy. Whether the Convention

troops will be removed or not, is yet undetermin ed. This must depend on the

force of the enemy, and the aspect of their movements. 







I have the honor to be your Excellency' s most obedient humble servant. 







TO MAJOR GENERAL GATES. 







IN COUNCIL, Oct. 22d, 1780. 



SIR,­The letters which accompany this will inform you of the arrival of a large

fleet of the enemy within our capes, and that they have begun their debarkatio

n.¹ We are taking measures to collect a body to oppose them, for which purpose

it seems necessary to retain such regulars, volunteers and militia as have not

yet gone on to you. We have left the counties of Lunenburg , Mecklenbur g,

Halifax, and all above them on the south side of James river, uncalled on, that

they may be in         







#[¹ About the 22d of Oct. 1780, a British fleet made its appearance in the

Chesapeake , having on board some three thousand troops, under the command of

General Leslie. Different detachment s were landed neat Portsmouth , Hampton,

and on the bay-side of Princess Anne. The whole force was subsequent ly

collected at Portsmouth ; but Leslie, probably disappointe d in his expectation

of forming a juncture with Cornwallis, suddenly re-embarke d for South

Carolina. On the 29th of the following December, Arnold made his appearance ,

with twenty-seven sail of vessels, within the Virginian capes, and commenced

his invasion. On 26th of March, 1781, he was superseded in his command by

General Phillips, who joined him at Portsmouth with some two thousand

troops.­En. ]#







122 Jefferson's Works 







readiness to reinforce you as soon as arms can be procured. I am in hopes the

eighteen months' men and western militia, who will have joined you with the

volunteers from Washington and Montgomer y, as proposed by Col. Preston, and

the eighteen months' militia, wall be a useful reinforcem ent to you, and shall

continue to divide our attention both as to men and provisions, between the

army in your front and that which is posting itself within our own country. 







I have the honor to be, with the greatest esteem, Sir, your most obedient and

most humble servant. 







P. S. Col. Carrington is arrived since writing the above, and says you want

thirty horses to move your artillery. They shall be immediately sent to you. 







TO HIS EXCELLENC Y GENERAL WASHINGTO N. 







RICHMOND, October 25, 1780. 



SIR,­I take the liberty of enclosing to you letters from Governor Hamilton, for

New York. On some representa tions received by Colonel Towles, that an

indulgence to Governor Hamilton and his companions to go to New York, on

parole, would produce the happiest effect on the situation of our officers in

Long Island, we have given him, Major Hay, and some of the same party at

Winchester, leave to go there on parole. The two former go by water, the latter

by land. 







Correspond ence 123 







By this express I hand on, from General Gates to Congress, intelligence of the

capture of Augusta, in Georgia, with considerabl e quantities of goods; and

information , which carries a fair appearance , of the taking of Georgetown ,

in South Carolina, by a party of ours, and that an army of six thousand French

and Spaniards had landed at Sunbury. This is the more credible, as Cornwallis

retreated from Charlotte on the 12th instant, with great marks of precipitatio

n. Since my last to you, informing you of an enemy's fleet, they have landed

eight hundred men in the neighborho od of Portsmouth , and some more on the bay

side of Princess Anne. One thousand infantry landed at New-ports- news, on the

morning of the 23d, and immediately took possession of Hampton. The horse were

proceeding up the road. Such a corps as Major Lee's would be of infinite

service to us. Next to a naval force, horse seems to be most capable of

protecting a country so intersected by waters. 







I am, with the most sincere esteem, your Excellency' s most obedient and most

humble servant. 







TO HIS EXCELLENC Y GENERAL WASHINGTO N. 







RICHMOND, October 26, 1780. 



SIR,­The Executive of this State think it expedient, under our present

circumstan ces, that the prisoners of war under the Convention of Saratoga, be

removed from their present situation. It will be 







124 Jefferson's Works 







impossible, as long as they remain with us, to prevent the hostile army from

being reinforced by numerous desertions from this corps; and this expectation

may be one among the probable causes of this movement of the enemy. Should,

moreover, a rescue of them be attempted, the extensive disaffectio n which has

of late been discovered, and the almost total want of arms in the hands of our

good people, render the success of such an enterprise by no means desperate.

The fear of this, and the dangerous convulsion s to which such an attempt would

expose us, divert the attention of a very considerabl e part of our militia

from an opposition to an invading enemy. An order has been, therefore, this day

issued to Colonel Wood, to take immediate measures for their removal; and every

aid has been, and will be given him, for transportin g, guarding, and

subsisting them on the road, which our powers can accomplish. Notice hereof is

sent to his Excellency Governor Lee, on whose part, I doubt not, necessary

preparatio ns will be made. 







I have the honor to be, with the greatest esteem and respect, your Excellency'

s most obedient and most humble servant. 







TO GENERAL GATES. 







RICHMOND, October 28, 1780. 



SIR,­Your letters of the 14th, 20th and 21st have come to hand, and your

despatches to Congress have







Correspond ence 125 







been regularly forwarded. I shall attend to the caveat against Mr. Ochiltree's

bill. Your letter to Colonel Senf remains still in my hands, as it did not come

till the enemy had taken possession of the ground, on which I knew him to have

been, and I have since no certain information where a letter might surely find

him. My proposition as to your bills in favor of the quarter-ma ster, referred

to yours of September 27th. I have notified to the Continental quarter-ma ster,

your advance of nine hundred dollars to Cooper. As yet, we have received no

wagons. I wish Mr. Lambe may have supplied you. Should those from the western

quarter not come in, we will authorize him or some other, to procure a relief,

in time, for those first impressed. We are upon the eve of a new arrangeme nt

as to our commissary 's and quarter-ma ster's department s, as the want of

money, introducin g its substitute force, requires the establishme nt of a

different kind of system. 







Since my first information to you of the arrival of an enemy, they have landed

about eight hundred men near Portsmouth , some on the bay side of Princess

Anne, one thousand at Hampton, and still retained considerabl e part on board

their ships. Those at Hampton, after committing horrid depredatio ns, have

again retired to their ships, which, on the evening of the 26th, were strung

along the road from New-ports- news, to the mouth of Nansemond, which seems to

indicate an intention of coming up 







126 Jefferson's Works 







James river. Our information is, that they have from four to five thousand men,

commanded by General Leslie, and that they have come under convoy of one

forty-gun ship, and some frigates (how many has never been said), commanded by

Commodore Rodney. Would it not be worth while to send out a swift boat from

some of the inlets of Carolina, to notify the French Admiral that his enemies

are in a net, if he has leisure to close the mouth of it? Generals Muhlenbur g

and Nelson are assembling a force to be ready for them, and General Weeden has

come to this place, where he is at present employed in some arrangeme nts. We

have ordered the removal of the Saratoga prisoners, that we may have our hands

clear for these new guests. 







I have the honor to be, with the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your

most obedient and most humble servant. 







TO HIS EXCELLENC Y GENERAL WASHINGTO N. 







RICHMOND, November 3, 1780. 



SIR,­Since I had the honor of writing to your Excellency, on the 25th ultimo,

the enemy have withdrawn their forces from the North of James River, and have

taken post at Portsmouth , which, we learn, they are fortifying. Their highest

post is Suffolk, where there is a very narrow and defensible pass between

Nansemond river and the Dismal Swamp, which covers the country below, from 







Correspond ence 127 







being entered by us. More accurate information of their force, than we at first

had, gives us reason to suppose them to be from twenty-fiv e hundred to three

thousand strong, of which between sixty and seventy are cavalry. They are

commanded by General Leslie, and were convoyed by the Romulus, of forty guns,

the Blonde, of thirty-two guns, the Delight sloop, of sixteen, a twenty-gu n

ship of John Goodwick's, and two row gallies, commanded by Commodore Grayton.

We are not assured, as yet, that they have landed their whole force. Indeed,

they give out themselves, that after drawing the force of this State to

Suffolk, they mean to go to Baltimore. Their movements had induced me to think

they came with an expectation of meeting with Lord Cornwallis in this country,

that his precipitate retreat has left them without a concerted object, and that

they were waiting further orders. Information of this morning says, that being

informed of Lord Cornwallis' s retreat, and a public paper having been procured

by them, wherein were printed the several despatches which brought this

intelligence from General Gates, they unladed a vessel and sent her off to

Charleston immediately . The fate of this army of theirs hangs on a very

slender naval force, indeed. 







The want of barracks at fort Frederick, as represente d by Colonel Wood, the

difficulty of getting wagons sufficient to move the whole Convention troops,

2nd the state of uneasiness in which the 







128 Jefferson's Works 







regiment of guards is, have induced me to think it would be better to move

these troops in two divisions; and as the whole danger of desertion to the

enemy, and correspond ence with the disaffected in our southern counties, is

from the British only, (for from the Germans we have no apprehensi ons on

either head), we have advised Colonel Wood to move on the British in the first

division, and to leave the Germans in their present situation, to form a second

division, when barracks may be erected at fort Frederick. By these means, the

British may march immediately under the guard of Colonel Crochet's battalion;

while Colonel Taylor's regiment of guards remains with the Germans. I cannot

suppose this will be deemed such a separation as is provided against by the

Convention , nor that their officers will wish to have the whole troops crowded

into barracks, probably not sufficient for half of them. Should they, however,

insist on their being kept together, I suppose it would be the opinion that the

second division should follow the first as soon as possible, and that their

being exposed, in that case, to a want of covering, would be justly imputable

to themselves only. The delay of the second division, will lessen the distress

for provisions, which may, perhaps, take place on their first going to the new

post, before matters are properly arranged. 







I have the honor to be, with great esteem and respect, your Excellency' s most

obedient and most humble servant. 







Correspond ence 129 







TO HIS EXCELLENC Y GENERAL WASHINGTON. 







RICHMOND, November 10, 1780. 



SIR,­I inclose your Excellency a copy of an intercepted letter from Major

General Leslie, to Lord Cornwallis. ¹ It was taken from a person endeavorin g

to pass through the country from Portsmouth towards Carolina. When apprehend

ed, and a proposal made to search him, he readily consented to be searched,

but, at the same time, was observed to put his hand into his pocket and carry

something towards his mouth, as if it were a quid of tobacco; it was examined,

and found to be a letter, of which the inclosed is a copy, written on silk

paper, rolled up in gold-beate r's skin, and nicely tied at each end, so as not

to be larger than a goose-quill . As this is the first authentic disclosure of

their purpose in coming here, and may serve to found, with somewhat more of

certainty, conjecture s respecting their future movements, while their

disappoint ment in not meeting with Lord Cornwallis may occasion new plans at

New York, I thought it worthy of communicat ion to your Excellency. 







Some deserters were taken yesterday, said to be 







#¹ TO LORD CORNWALLI S: 







PORTSMOU TH, Virginia, November 4th, 1780. 







MY LORD; I have been here near a week, establishin g a post. I wrote to you to

Charleston, and by another messenger, by land. I cannot hear, for a certainty,

where you are: I wait your orders. The bearer is to be handsomely rewarded, if

he brings me any note or mask from your Lordship. A. L. 







#VOL. IV-9# 







130 Jefferson's Works 







of the British Convention troops, who have found means to get to the enemy at

Portsmouth , and were seventy or eighty miles on their way back to the

barracks, when they were taken. They were passing under the guise of deserters

from Portsmouth . 







I have the honor to be, with the greatest esteem and respect, your Excellency'

s most obedient and most humble servant. 







TO­­ ¹ 







RICHMOND, November 10, 1780. 



SIR,­Your favor of the 3d instant, enclosing Colonel Preston's letter, came to

hand on the 8th. The proposals mentioned in the Colonel's letter, for sending

volunteers to you, were accepted, and put, as was necessary, into such precise

form as that all parties might know what they had a right to expect. In doing

this, two circumstan ces happened to interfere with what had been expected. We

required that they should be subject to your orders, and those of such other

officer as you should place them under: this was to enable you to make use of

them in constitutin g the corps you had proposed under General Morgan; 2, that

there should be two companies of rifles only to each battalion: this was the

advice of General Morgan in a conversatio n with me. We have since dispensed

with the last of these conditions, and allowed every man to carry his rifle, as

we found 







#[¹ Probably addressed to General Gates.]# 







Correspond ence 131 







that absolutely necessary to induce them to go. Colonel Skiller, of Boletourt,

writes me he has 150 engaged, and we shall endeavor to prevail upon Colonel

Campbell to raise another corps, in which, if he undertakes it, I trust he will

succeed. I am much at a loss what should be done as to the prisoners taken at

King's Mountain. I do not think Montgomer y Courthouse a good place, because it

is very disaffected . It is too near their own country, and would admit their

co-operatio n in any enterprize on our lead mines, which are about eight miles

from thence. I have taken measures for continuing their march under a guard

northwardl y, and in the meantime for receiving instruction s from Congress

where to terminate their journey The British Convention troops will proceed

immediately to Fort Frederick in Maryland. The Germans will remain in Albemarle

till accommodat ions can be provided for them in the same place. From them we

have no apprehensi ons of desertion to the enemy. Some British were taken

yesterday, who are said to have been with the enemy, and were returning to the

barracks. Two or three days ago, a British emissary from Portsmouth was taken

endeavorin g to proceed towards Carolina. On a proposal to search him, they

observed him to put his hand in his pocket and put something to his mouth like

a quid of tobacco. On examination it was found to be a letter, of which the

enclosed is a copy, written on silk paper, rolled up in gold beater's skin, and

nicely 







132 Jefferson's Works 







tied at each end, the whole not larger than a goosequill. By this you will find

our conjecture s verified, that they expected to meet with Lord Cornwallis in

the neighborho od at least of this county, and are disappointe d and without an

object. Can you not take measures for finding out the other messenger to Lord

Cornwallis, who went by land? The force we shall now immediately have together,

authorizes me to assure you, you need not apprehend their penetratin g any

distance southwardl y. I only lament that this measure should have intercepted

our reinforcem ents to you. We have left all the counties south of James River,

and nearer to Hillsboroug h than Portsmouth , uncalled on, that they may be

ready to go to the aid of our Southern friends whenever arms can be procured. 







I am, with the greatest esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient and most

humble servant. 







TO EDWARD STEVENS. 







RICHMOND, November 10, 1780. 



SIR,­Your two letters of October 24th and October ­ have been duly received. I

have been informed that the beeves which have been collected in Princess Anne

and Norfolk, to be sent southwardl y, were the first things which fell into the

hands of the enemy. We received notice of this invasion a few hours after you

left this place, and despatched a letter to recall you, which we expected would

have 







Correspond ence 133 







found you in Petersburg . However, you had gone on, and as there should be a

general officer with the men from this State in the Southern service, and we

have here three general officers, we have not repeated our call for your

assistance. The force called on to oppose the enemy, is as yet in a most

chaotic state, consisting of fragments of three months' militia eight months'

men, eighteen months' men, volunteers; and new militia. 







Were it possible to arm men, we would send on substantial reinforcem ents to

you; notwithsta nding the presence of the enemy with us; but the prospect of

arms with us is very bad indeed. I have never received a line from Mr. Lambe as

to his success in pressing wagons. None have yet come in from the westward. The

Executive were so far from allowing the eight months' men to enlist into the

Volunteer Corps, as you say; they pretend they were expressly excluded from it

in the several proposition s we made for raising volunteers. Nothing of moment

has happened here since the arrival of the enemy. General Muhlenbur g is at

Stoarier's Mills, at the head of Pagan Creek, with our main force. General

Nelson is on the north side of James River with another body. General Weeden is

gone to join the one or the other. A British emissary was taken two or three

days ago with a letter from General Leslie to Lord Cornwallis; informing him he

was at Portsmouth , but could not learn where his Lordship was; that he had

sent one letter to him to Charlestow n by 







134 Jefferson's Works 







water, another by land, and waited his orders. Cannot measures be taken to

apprehend the messenger who went by land? 







I am, with the greatest esteem, Sir, your most humble servant. 







TO GENERAL GATES.¹ 







RICHMOND, November 19, 1780. 



SIR,­The vessel which had been sent by General Leslie to Charlestow n, as we

supposed, returned about the 12th instant. The enemy began to embark soon after

from Portsmouth , and in the night of the 15th, completed the embarkatio n of

their whole force. On the morning of the 16th, some of our people entered

Portsmouth . They had left their works unfinished and undestroye d. Great

numbers of negroes, who had gone over to them, were left, either for the want

of ship-room or through choice. They had not moved from Elizabeth river at 11

o'clock a.m. of the 16th. They gave out that they intended to go up James

River; but the precipitate abandoning of works on receipt of some communicat

ion or other from Charlestow n, was not likely to be for the purpose of coming

up James River. I received this intelligence by express from General Muhlenbur

g yesterday morning. As the enemy's. 







#[¹ After the battle of Camden­August 16th, 1780­Congr ess removed General

Gates from the command of the Southern army, and placed General Greene at its

head. In December, 1780, he assumed the command.]# 







Correspond ence 135 







situation was such as to give reason to expect every moment a movement in some

direction, I delayed sending off notice to you, in hopes that that movement

would point out their destination . But no such information being yet come to

hand, I think it proper no longer to delay communicat ing to you so much. 







Since writing so far, your favor of the 8th instant comes to hand, accompanie d

by one from General Stevens at Hillsboroug h of the 10th­a strange derangeme

nt, indeed, our riders have got into, to be nine days coming from Hillsboroug

h. I shall be very happy if the departure of the enemy, which I hourly expect

to be confirmed, shall leave us at liberty to send you a substantial reinforcem

ent. The men, being now in the field, may be marched directly southwardl y.

What may be its precise amount, I cannot say, till I get from General Muhlenbur

g a return of the eighteen months' men, the eight months' men, and militia, who

had been stopped here on their way to the southward, and from General Lawson a

return of the volunteers he has engaged to go to the southward. 







I have the honor to be, with the greatest esteem, Sir, your most obedient and

most humble servant. 







TO HIS EXCELLENC Y GENERAL WASHINGTO N. 







RICHMOND, November 26, 1780. 



SIR,­I have been honored with your Excellency' s letter of the 8th instant.

Having found it impractible







136 Jefferson's Works 







to move, suddenly, the whole Convention troops, British and German, and it

being represente d that there could not, immediately , be covering provided for

them all at Fort Frederick, we concluded to march off the British first, from

whom was the principal danger of desertion, and to permit the Germans, who show

little disposition to join the enemy, to remain in their present quarters till

something further be done. The British, accordingl y, marched the 20th instant.

They cross the Blue Ridge at Rock Fish Gap, and proceed along that valley. I am

to apprise your Excellency, that the officers of every rank, both British and

German; but particularl y the former; have purchased within this State some of

the finest horses in it. You will be pleased to determine, whether it be proper

that they carry them within their lines. I believe the Convention of Saratoga

entitles them to keep the horses they then had. But I presume none of the line,

below the rank of field officers, had a horse. Considerin g the British will be

now at Fort Frederick, and the Germans in Albemarle, Alexandria seems to be the

most central point to which there is navigation. Would it not, therefore, be

better that the flag vessel, solicited by General Phillips, should go to that

place? It is about equally distant from the two posts. The roads to Albemarle

are good. I know not how those are which lead to Fort Frederick. Your letter

referring me to General Greene, for the mode of constructin g light portable

boats; unfortunat ely did not come to 







Correspond ence 137 







hand till he had left us. We had before determined to have something done in

that way, and as they are still unexecuted , we should be greatly obliged by

any draughts or hints, which could be given by any person within the reach of

your Excellency. 







I received advice, that on the 22d instant, the enemy's fleet got all under

way, and were standing towards the capes: as it still remained undecided

whether they would leave the bay or turn up it, I waited the next stage of

information , that you might so far be enabled to judge of their destination .

This I hourly expected, but it did not come till this evening, when I am

informed they all got out to sea in the night of the 22d. What course they

steered afterwards, is not known. I must do their General and Commander the

justice to say, that in every case to which their attention and influence could

reach, as far as I have been well informed, their conduct was such as does them

the greatest honor. In the few instances of wanton and unnecessar y devastation

, they punished the aggressors . 







I have the honor to be, 







Your Excellency' s most obedient humble servant. 







TO EDWARD STEVENS. 







RICHMOND, November 26, 1780. 



SIR,­The enemy, which lately invaded us, left our capes in the night of the 22d

instant. What course they steered afterwards, is not known. Another 







138 Jefferson's Works 







fleet of transports, under the command of Admiral Rodney, fell down to the Hook

on the 11th instant. As this, as well as the fleet, which lately left us, is

destined for Charleston, we shall march from their present encampmen t all the

forces who are so equipped as that they can proceed to distant service. With

them, will go on between three and four hundred tents belonging to this State.

Three hundred more are on the road from Philadelphi a, and as many to follow.

As Baron Steuben remains here to organize our forces, I shall be obliged, by

special returns of the eighteen months' men, eight months' men, and three

months' Militia, which have or shall come unto you as frequently as convenient.

The Assembly being now met, will shortly, I hope, furnish us with money, so

that we may be once more able to send supplies to the southward. We have

collected here, at length, by impress principles, about thirty wagons, which

have been delivered to the Continental Quarter-Ma ster, to be sent on with

stores to Taylor's Ferry. 







I am, with great esteem, sir, 



Your most obedient humble servant 







TO LT. JOHN LOUIS DE UNGER.¹ 







RICHMOND, November 30th, 1780. 



SIR,­The letter which covers this, being of a public nature, I wished to

acknowledg e separately the 







#[¹ One of the Convention prisoners, in Albemarle.] # 







Correspond ence 139 







many things personally obliging to me, expressed in your two letters. The very

small amusement which it has been in my power to furnish, in order to lighten

some of your heavy hours, by no means merited the acknowledg ment you make.

Their impression must be ascribed to your extreme sensibility rather than to

their own weight. My wishes for your happiness give me participatio n in your

joy at being exchanged, sensibly, however, alloyed by a presentime nt of the

loss I shall sustain, when I shall again be permitted to withdraw to that scene

of quiet retirement, abstracted from which I know no happiness in this world.

Your line of life must have given you attachment s to objects of a very

different nature. When the course of events shall have removed you to distant

scenes of action, where laurels, not tarnished with the blood of my country,

may be gathered, I shall urge sincere prayers for your obtaining every honor

and preferment which may gladden the heart of a soldier. On the other hand,

should your fond ness for philosophy resume its merited ascendancy, is it

impossible to hope that this unexplored country may tempt your residence by

holding out materials wherewith to build a fame, founded on the happiness and

not the calamities of human nature? Be this as it may, whether philosophe r or

soldier, I wish you many felicities, and assure you that I am, with great

personal esteem, Sir, 







Your most obedient, and most humble servant. 







140 Jefferson's Works 







TO HIS EXCELLENC Y GENERAL WASHINGTON. 







RICHMOND, December 15, 1780. 



SIR,­I had the honor of writing to your Excellency on the subject of an

expedition contemplat ed by this State, against the British post at Detroit,

and of receiving your answer of October the 10th. Since the date of my letter,

the face of things has so far changed, as to leave it no longer optional in us

to attempt or decline the expedition, but compels us to decide in the

affirmative, and to begin our preparatio ns immediately . The army the enemy at

present have in the south, the reinforcem ents still expected there, and their

determinati on to direct their future exertions to that quarter, are not

unknown to you. The regular force, proposed on our part to counteract those

exertions, is such, either from the real or supposed inability of this State,

as by no means to allow a hope that it may be effectual. It is, therefore, to

be expected that the scene of war will either be within our country, or very

nearly advanced to it; and that our principal dependenc e is to be on militia,

for which reason it becomes incumbent to keep as great a proportion of our

people as possible free to act in that quarter. In the meantime, a combinatio n

is forming in the westward, which, if not diverted, will call thither a

principal and most valuable part of our militia. From intelligence received, we

have reason to expect that a confederac y of British and Indians, to the amount

of two thousand men, is 







Correspondence 141 







formed for the purpose of spreading destruction and dismay through the whole

extent of our frontier in the ensuing spring. Should this take place, we shall

certainly lose in the South all aids of militia beyond the Blue Ridge, besides

the inhabitants who must fall a sacrifice in the course of the savage

irruptions. 







There seems to be but one method of preventing this, which is, to give the

western enemy employment in their own country. The regular force Colonel Clarke

already has, with a proper draft from the militia beyond the Alleghany, and

that of three or four of our most northern counties, will be adequate to the

reduction of Fort Detroit, in the opinion of Colonel Clarke; and he assigns the

most probable reasons for that opinion. We have, therefore, determined to

undertake it, and commit it to his direction: Whether the expense of the

enterprise shall be defrayed by the Continent or State, we will leave to be

decided hereafter by Congress, in whose justice we can confide, as to the

determinati on. In the meantime, we only ask the loan of such necessaries as;

being already at Fort Pitt, will save time and an immense expense of

transportat ion. These articles shall either be identically or specifically

returned; should we prove successful, it is not improbable they may be where

Congress would choose to keep them; I am, therefore, to solicit your

Excellency' s order to the commandan t of Fort Pitt, for the articles contained

in the annexed list, which shall not be called for until everything is in

readiness; after which, 







142 Jefferson's Works 







there can be no danger of their being wanted for the post at which they are:

indeed, there are few of the articles essential for the defence of the post. 







I hope your Excellency will think yourself justified in lending us this aid,

without awaiting the effect of an application elsewhere, as such a delay would

render the undertakin g abortive, by postponing it to the breaking up of the

ice in the lake. Independe nt of the favorable effects, which a successful

enterprise against Detroit must produce to the United States, in general, by

keeping in quiet the frontier of the northern ones, and leaving our western

militia at liberty to aid those of the South, we think the like friendly office

performed by us to the States, whenever desired, and almost to the absolute

exhausture of our own magazines, give well-found ed hopes that we may be

accommodat ed on this occasion. The supplies of military stores, which have

been furnished by us to Fort Pitt itself, to the northern army, and, most of

all, to the southern, are not altogether unknown to you. I am the more urgent

for an immediate order, because Colonel Clarke awaits here your Excellency' s

answer by the express, though his presence in the western country, to make

preparatio ns for the expedition, is so very necessary if you enable him to

undertake it. To the above, I must add a request to you to send for us to

Pittsburg, persons proper to work the mortars, &c., as Colonel Clarke has none

such, nor is there one in this State. They shall be in the pay of this State,

from the time they 







Correspond ence 143 







leave you. Any money necessary for their journey, shall be repaid at Pittsburg,

without fail, by the first of March. 







At the desire of the General Assembly, I take the liberty of transmitting to

you the enclosed resolution; and have the honor to be, with the most perfect

esteem and regard, your Excellency' s most obedient, and most humble servant. 







TO HIS EXCELLENC Y GENERAL WASHINGTO N. 







RICHMOND, January 10, 1781. 



SIR,­It may seem odd, considerin g the important events which have taken place

in this State within the course of ten days, that I should not have transmitted

an account of them to your Excellency; but such has been their extraordinary

rapidity, and such the unremitted attention they have required from all

concerned in governmen t, that I do not recollect the portion of time which I

could have taken to commit them to paper. 







On the 31st of December, a letter, from a private gentleman to General Nelson,

came to my hands, notifying, that in the morning of the preceding day,

twenty-sev en sail of vessels had entered the capes; and from the tenor of the

letter, we had reason to expect, within a few hours, further intelligence ;

whether they were friends or foes, their force, and other circumstan ces. We

immediately despatched General Nelson to the lower country, with powers 







144 Jefferson's Works 







to call on the militia in that quarter, or act otherwise as exigencies should

require; but waited further intelligence , before we would call for militia

from the middle or upper country. No further intelligence came until the 2d

instant, when the former was confirmed; it was ascertained they had advanced up

James River in Wanasquea k bay. All arrangeme nts were immediately taken, for

calling in a sufficient body of militia for opposition. In the night of the 3d,

we received advice that they were at anchor opposite Jamestown; we then

supposed Williamsbur g to be their object. The wind, however, which had

hitherto been unfavorabl e, shifted fair, and the tide being also in their

favor, they ascended the river to Kennons' that evening, and, with the next

tide, came up to Westover, having, on their way, taken possession of some works

we had at Hood's, by which two or three of their vessels received some damage,

but which were of necessity abandoned by the small garrison of fifty men placed

there, on the enemy's landing to invest the works. Intelligenc e of their

having quitted the station at Jamestown, from which we supposed they meant to

land for Williamsbur g, and of their having got in the evening to Kennons',

reached us the next morning at five o'clock, and was the first indication of

their meaning to penetrate towards this place or Petersburg . As the orders for

drawing militia here had been given but two days, no opposition was in

readiness. Every effort was therefore necessary,







Correspond ence 145 







to withdraw the arms and other military stores, records, &c., from this place.

Every effort was, accordingl y, exerted to convey them to the foundry five

miles, and to a laboratory six miles, above this place, till about sunset of

that day, when we learned the enemy had come to an anchor at Westover that

morning. We then knew that this, and not Petersburg was their object, and began

to carry across the river everything remaining here, and to remove what had

been transporte d to the foundry and laboratory to Westham, the nearest

crossing, seven miles above this place, which operation was continued till they

had approached very near. They marched from Westover at two o'clock in the

afternoon of the 4th, and entered Richmond at one o'clock in the afternoon of

the 5th: A regiment of infantry and about thirty horse continued on, without

halting, to the foundry. They burnt that, the boring mill, the magazine and two

other houses, and proceeded to Westham; but nothing being in their power there,

they retired to Richmond. The next morning, they burned some buildings of

public and private property, with what stores remained in them, destroyed a

great quantity of private stores, and about twelve o'clock, retired towards

Westover, where they encamped within the neck the next day. 







The loss sustained is not yet accurately known. As far as I have been able to

discover, it consisted, at this place, of about three hundred muskets, some 







#VOL. IV-10# 







146 Jefferson's Works 







soldiers' clothing to a small amount, some quarter- master's stores, of which

one hundred and twenty sides of leather was the principal article, part of the

artificers' tools, and three wagons. Besides which, five brass four pounders

which we had sunk in the river, were discovered to them, raised and carried

off. At the foundry we lost the greater part of the papers belonging to the

Auditor's office, and of the books and papers of the Council office. About five

or six tons of powder, as we conjecture, was thrown into the canal, of which

there will be a considerabl e saving by re-manufacturing it. The roof of the

foundry was burned, but the stacks of chimneys and furnaces not at all injured.

The boring mill was consumed. Within less than forty-eight hours from the time

of their landing, and nineteen from our knowing their destination , they had

penetrated thirty-thre e miles, done the whole injury, and retired. Their

numbers, from the best intelligence I have had, are about fifteen hundred

infantry; and, as to their cavalry, accounts vary from fifty to one hundred and

twenty; the whole commanded by the parricide Arnold. Our militia, dispersed

over a large tract of country, can be called in but slowly. On the day the

enemy advanced to this place, two hundred only were embodied. They were of this

town and its neighborho od, and were too few to do anything. At this time they

are assembled in pretty considerabl e numbers on the south side of James River,

but are not yet brought to a point. On the 







Correspond ence 147 



north side are two or three small bodies, amounting in the whole, to about nine

hundred men. The enemy were at four o'clock yesterday evening still remaining

in their encampmen t at Westover and Berkeley neck. In the meanwhile, Baron

Steuben, a zealous friend, has descended from the dignity of his proper command

to direct our smallest movements. His vigilance has, in a great measure,

supplied the want of force in preventing the enemy from crossing the river,

which might have been very fatal. He has been assiduousl y employed in

preparing equipments for the militia as they should assemble, pointing them to

a proper object, and other offices of a good commander. Should they loiter a

little longer, and he be able to have a sufficient force, I still flatter

myself they will not escape with total impunity. To what place they will point

their next exertions we cannot even conjecture. The whole country on the tide

waters and some distance from them is equally open to similar insult. I have

the honor to be, with every sentiment of respect, your Excellency' s most

obedient, and most humble servant. 







TO HIS EXCELLENC Y THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. 







RICHMOND, January 15, 1781. 



SIR,­As the dangers which threaten our western frontiers the ensuing spring,

render it necessary that we should send thither Colonel Crocket's battalion, 







148 Jefferson's Works 







at "present on guard at Frederickt own, but raised for the western service, I

thought it necessary to give your Excellency previous information thereof, that

other forces may be provided in time to succeed to their duties. Captain Reid's

troop of horse, if necessary, may be continued a while longer on guard. 







I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, your Excellency' s most

obedient, and most humble servant. 







TO HIS EXCELLENC Y THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. 







RICHMOND, January 15, 1781. 



SIR,­I received some time ago from Major Forsyth, and afterwards from you, a

requisition to furnish one half of the supplies of provision for the Convention

troops, removed into Maryland. I should sooner have done myself the honor of

writing to you on this subject, but that I hoped to have laid it before you

more fully than could be done in writing, by a gentleman who was to pass on

other public business to Philadelphi a. The late events in this State having

retarded his setting out, I think it my duty no longer to postpone explanation

on this head. 







You cannot be unapprised of the powerful armies of our enemy, at this time in

this and the southern States, and that their future plan is to push their

successes in the same quarter, by still larger reinforcem ents.







Correspond ence 149 







The forces to be opposed to these must be proportion ably great, and these

forces must be fed. By whom are they to be fed? Georgia and South Carolina are

annihilated , at least as to us. By the requisition to us to send provisions

into Maryland, it is to be supposed that none are to come to the southern army

from any State north of this; for it would seem inconsisten t, that while we

should be sending North, Maryland and other States beyond that, should be

sending their provisions South. Upon North Carolina, then, already exhausted by

the ravages of two armies, and on this State, are to depend for subsistenc e

those bodies of men who are to oppose the greater part of the enemy's force in

the United States, the subsistenc e of the German, and of half the British

Convention ers. To take a view of this matter on the Continental requisition s

of November the 4th, 1780, for specific quotas of provisions, it is observable

that North Carolina and Virginia are to furnish 10,475,740 pounds of animal

food, and 13,529 barrels of flour, while the States north of these will yield

25,293,810 pounds of animal food, and 106,471 barrels of flour. 







If the greater part of the British armies be employed in the South, it is to be

supposed that the greater part of the American force will be sent there to

oppose them. But should this be the case, while the distributio n of the

provisions is so very unequal, would it be proper to render it still more so,

by







150 Jefferson's Works 







withdrawin g a part of our contributio ns to the support of posts northward of

us? It would certainly be a great convenienc e to us, to deliver a portion of

our specifics at Frederickt own, rather than in Carolina; but I leave it to you

to judge, whether this would be consistent with the general good or safety.

Instead of sending aids of any kind to the northward, it seems but too certain

that unless very timely and substantial assistance be received from thence, our

enemies are yet far short of the ultimate term of their successes. I beg leave,

therefore, to refer to you whether the specifics of Maryland, as far as shall

be necessary, had not better be applied to the support of the posts within it,

for which its quota is much more than sufficient, or, were it otherwise,

whether those of the States north of Maryland had not better be called on, than

to detract anything from the resources of the southern opposition, already much

too small for the encounter to which it is left. I am far from wishing to count

or measure our contributio ns by the requisition s of Congress. Were they ever

so much beyond these, I should readily strain them in aid of any one of our

sister States. But while they are so far short of those calls to which they

must be pointed in the first instance, it would be great misapplicat ion to

divert them to any other purpose; and I am persuaded you will think me

perfectly within the line of duty, when I ask a revisal of this requisition,







Correspond ence 151 







I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, sir, 







Your most obedient, and most humble servant. 







TO HIS EXCELLENC Y THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. 







RICHMOND, January 17, 1781. 



SIR,­I do myself the honor of transmittin g to your Excellency a resolution of

the General Assembly of this Commonwea lth, entered into in consequenc e of the

resolution of Congress of September the 6th, 1780, on the subject of the

Confederati on. I shall be rendered very happy if the other States of the

Union, equally impressed with the necessity of that important convention, shall

be willing to sacrifice equally to its completion. This single event, could it

take place shortly, would overweigh every success which the enemy have hitherto

obtained, and render desperate the hopes to which those successes have given

birth. 







I have the honor to be, with the most real esteem and respect, your Excellency'

s most obedient, and most humble servant. 







TO THE VIRGINIA DELEGATES IN CONGRESS. 







RICHMOND, January 18, 1781. 



GENTLEME N­I enclose you a Resolution of Assembly, directing your conduct as to

the navigation of the Mississippi. 







152 Jefferson's Works 







The loss of powder lately sustained by us (about five tons), together with the

quantities sent on to the southward, have reduced our stock very low indeed. We

lent to Congress, in the course of the last year (previous to our issues for

the southern army), about ten tons of powder. I shall be obliged to you, to

procure an order from the board of war, for any quantity from five to ten tons,

to be sent us immediately from Philadelphi a or Baltimore, and to enquire into

and hasten, from time to time, the execution of it. The stock of cartridge-

paper is nearly exhausted. I do not know whether Captain Irish, or what other

officer, should apply for this. It is essential that a good stock should be

forwarded, and without a moment's delay. If there be a rock on which we are to

split, it is the want of muskets, bayonets and cartouch-b oxes. 







The occurrence s, since my last to the President, are not of any magnitude.

Three little rencounter s have happened with the enemy. In the first, General

Smallwood led on a party of two or three hundred militia, and obliged some

armed vessels of the enemy to retire from a prize they had taken at Broadway's

, and renewing his attack the next day with a four-pound er or two (for on the

first day he had only muskets); he obliged some of their vessels to fall down

from City Point to their main fleet at Westover. The enemy's loss is not known;

ours was four men wounded. One of the evenings, during their encampmen t at

Westover and Berkeley, their 







Correspond ence 153 







light horse surprised a party of about one hundred or one hundred and fifty

militia at Charles City Court House, killed and wounded four, and took, as has

been generally said, about seven or eight. On Baron Steuben's approach towards

Hood's, they embarked at Westover; the wind which, till then, had set directly

up the river from the time of their leaving Jamestown, shifted in the moment to

the opposite point. Baron Steuben had not reached Hood's, by eight or ten

miles, when they arrived there. They landed their whole army in the night,

Arnold attending in person. Captain Clarke (of Kaskaskias ) had been sent on

with two hundred and forty men by Baron Steuben, and having properly disposed

of them in ambuscade, gave them a deliberate fire, which killed seventeen on

the spot, and wounded thirteen. They returned it in confusion, by which we had

three ox four wounded, and our party being so small and without bayonets, were

obliged to retire, on the enemy's charging with bayonets. They fell down to

Cobham, whence they carried all the tobacco there (about sixty hogsheads) ; and

the last intelligence was, that on the 16th, they were standing for New-ports-

news. Baron Steuben is of opinion, they are proceeding to fix a post in some of

the lower counties. Later information has given no reason to believe their

force more considerabl e than we at first supposed. I think, since the arrival

of the three transports which had been separated in a storm, they may be

considered 







154 Jefferson's Works 







as about two thousand strong. Their naval force, according to the best

intelligence , is the Charon, of forty-four guns, Commodore Symmonds, the

Amphitrite, Iris, Thames, and Charlestow n frigates, the Forvey, of twenty

guns, two sloops of war, a privateer ship and two brigs. We have about

thirty-seve n hundred militia embodied, but at present they are divided into

three distant encampmen ts: one under General Weeden, at Fredericks burg, for

the protection of the important works there; another under General Nelson, at

and near Williamsbur g; and a third under Baron Steuben, at Cabin Point. As

soon as the enemy fix themselves, these will be brought to a point. 







I have the honor to be, with very great respect, gentlemen, your most obedient

servant. 







TO­­.¹ 







RICHMOND, January 21, 1781. 



SIR,­Acquainted as you are with the treasons of Arnold, I need say nothing for

your information , or to give you a proper sentiment of them. You will readily

suppose, that it is above all things desirable to drag him from those under

whose wing he is now sheltered. On his march to and from this place, I am

certain it might have been done with facility by men of enterprise and

firmness. I think it may still 







#[¹This letter has no address, but it was probably to General Muhlenburg.]# 







Correspond ence 155 







be done, though perhaps not quite so easily. Having peculiar confidence in the

men from the western side of the mountains, I meant, as soon as they should

come down, to get the enterprise proposed to a chosen number of them: such

whose courage and whose fidelity would be above all doubt. Your perfect

knowledge of those men personally, and my confidence in your discretion,

induces me to ask you to pick from among them proper characters, in such

numbers as you think best, to reveal to them our desire, and engage them to

undertake to seize and bring off this greatest of all traitors. Whether this

may be best effected by their going in as friends, and awaiting their

opportunit y, or otherwise, is left to themselves. The smaller the number the

better, so that they be sufficient to manage him. Every necessary caution must

be used on their part, to prevent a discovery of their design by the enemy, as,

should they be taken, the laws of war will justify against them the most

rigorous sentence. I will undertake, if they are successful in bringing him off

alive, that they shall receive five thousand guineas reward among them. And to

men, formed for such an enterprise, it must be a great incitement to know that

their names will be recorded with glory in history, with those of Vanwert,

Paulding, and Williams. The enclosed order from Baron Steuben will authorize

you to call for and dispose of any force you may think necessary, to place in

readiness for covering the enterprise and securing the retreat 







156 Jefferson's Works 







of the party. Mr. Newton, the bearer of this, and to whom its contents are

communicat ed in confidence, will provide men of trust to go as guides. These

may be associated in the enterprise or not, as you please. But let that point

be previously settled, that no difficulties may arise as to the parties

entitled to participate of the reward. You know how necessary profound secrecy

is in this business, even if it be not undertaken . 







TO HIS EXCELLENC Y GENERAL WASHINGTO N. 







RICHMOND, February 8, 1781. 



SIR,­I have just received intelligence , which, though from a private hand, I

believe is to be relied on, that a fleet of the enemy's ships have entered Cape

Fear river, that eight of them had got over the bar, and many others were

laying off; and that it was supposed to be a reinforcem ent to Lord Cornwallis,

under the command of General Prevost. This account, which had come through

another channel, is confirmed by a letter from General Parsons at Halifax, to

the gentleman who forwards it to me. I thought it of sufficient importance to

be communicat ed to your Excellency by the stationed expresses. The fatal want

of arms puts it out of our power to bring a greater force into the field, than

will barely suffice to restrain the adventures of the pitiful body of men they

have at Portsmouth . Should any more be added to them, this country 







Correspond ence 157 







will be perfectly open to them, by land as well as water. 







I have the honor to be, with all possible respect, your Excellency' s most

obedient and most humble servant.







TO HIS EXCELLENC Y GENERAL WASHINGTO N. 







RICHMOND, February 12, 1781. 



SIR,­The enclosed extract of a letter from Governor Nash,¹ which I received

this day, being a confirmatio n of the intelligence I transmitted in a former

letter, I take the liberty of transmittin g it to your Excellency. I am

informed, through a private channel on which I have considerabl e reliance,

that the enemy had landed five hundred troops under the command of a Major

Craig, who were joined by a number of disaffected ; that they had penetrated

forty miles; that their aim appeared to be the magazine at Kingston, from which

place they were about twenty miles distant. 







Baron Steuben transmits to your Excellency a letter from General Greene, by

which you will learn the events which have taken place in that quarter since

the defeat of Colonel Tarleton, by General Morgan. These events speak best for

themselves, and no doubt will suggest what is necessary to be done to prevent

the successive losses of State after State, to which the want of arms and of a

regular 







#[¹Governo r of North Carolina.]# 







158 Jefferson's Works 







soldiery, seem more especially to expose those in the South. 







I have the honor to be, with every sentiment of respect, your Excellency' s

most obedient and most humble servant. 







TO HIS EXCELLENC Y GENERAL WASHINGTO N. 







RICHMOND, February 17, 1781. 



SIR,­By a letter from General Greene, dated Guilford Court House, February 10th

we are informed that Lord Cornwallis had burnt his own wagons, in order to

enable himself to move with greater facility, and had pressed immediately on.¹

The prisoners 







#[¹General Greene, after taking command of the Southern army, divided his

force, and sent one division of it, under General Morgan, to the western part

of South Carolina. Cornwallis, who was now nearly prepared to invade North

Carolina, unwilling to leave Morgan in his rear, sent Tarleton in pursuit of

him. The two detachment s met on the 17th of January, 1781, when the battle of

Cowpens was fought, and Tarleton defeated. Cornwallis, after the defeat of

Tarleton, abandoned the invasion of North Carolina for the present, and started

in pursuit of Morgan. Greene, suspecting his intention, hastened to join

Morgan, and, after a fatiguing march, effected a junction at Guilford Court

House. During this march he was closely pursued by Cornwallis, who, as stated

in the above letter, "burnt his own wagons in order to enable himself to move

with greater facility." After this junction at Guilford Court House, Greene

crossed the Dan, into Virginia-ag ain narrowly escaping the pursuit of

Cornwallis, who now retired to Hillsboroug h, where, erecting the royal

standard, he issued his proclamatio n, inviting the loyalists to join him, and

sent Tarleton with a detachment to support a body of them collected between the

Havre and Deep Rivers. Greene, having despatched Generals Pickens and Lee to

watch the movements of Tarleton, and having been reinforced in Virginia, now

returned into North Carolina, and fought the battle of Guilford Court House on

the 8th of March, 1781. Ed.]# 







Correspond ence 159 







taken at the Cowpens, were happily saved by the accidental rise of a water-cour

se, which gave so much time as to withdraw them from the reach of the enemy.

Lord Cornwallis had advanced to the vicinities of the Moravian towns, and was

still moving on rapidly. His object was supposed to be to compel General Greene

to an action, which, under the difference of force they had, would probably be

ruinous to the latter. General Greene meant to retire by the way of Boyd's

ferry, on the Roanoke. As yet he had lost little or no stores or baggage, but

they were far from being safe. In the instant of receiving this intelligence ,

we ordered a reinforcem ent of militia to him, from the most convenient

counties in which there was a hope of finding any arms. Some great event must

arise from the present situation of things, which, for a long time, will

determine the condition of southern affairs. 







Arnold lies close in his quarters. Two days ago, I received information of the

arrival of a sixty-four gun ship and two frigates in our bay, being part of the

fleet of our good ally at Rhode Island. Could they get at the British fleet

here, they are sufficient to destroy them; but these being drawn up into

Elizabeth River, into which the sixty-four cannot enter, I apprehend they could

do nothing more than block up the river. This, indeed, would reduce the enemy,

as we could cut off their supplies by land; but the operation being tedious,

would probably be too dangerous for the auxiliary force. Not having 







160 Jefferson's Works 







yet had any particular information of the designs of the French Commander , I

cannot pretend to say what measures this aid will lead to. 







Our proposition to the Cherokee Chiefs, to visit Congress, for the purpose of

preventing or delaying a rupture with that nation, was too late. Their

distresses had too much ripened their alienation from us, and the storm had

gathered to a head, when Major Martin got back. It was determined to carry the

war into their country, rather than await it in ours, and thus disagreeabl y

circumstan ced, the issue has been successful. 







The militia of this State and North Carolina penetrated into their country,

burned almost every town they had, amounting to about one thousand houses in

the whole, destroyed fifty thousand bushels of grain, killed twenty-nin e; and

took seventeen prisoners. The latter are mostly women and children. 







I enclose your Excellency the particulars as reported to me. Congress will be

pleased to determine on Col. Campbell's proposition to build the fort at the

confluence of the Holston and Tennessee. 



I have the honor to be, &c., your Excellency' s most obedient humble servant. 







P. S. Since writing the above, I have received information which, though not

authentic, deserves attention: that Lord Cornwallis had got to Boyd's ferry on

the 14th. I am issuing orders, in consequenc e, to other counties, to embody

and march all 







Correspond ence 161 







the men they can arm. In this fatal situation, without arms, there will be no

safety for the Convention troops but in their removal, which I shall accordingl

y order. The prisoners of the Cowpens were at New London (Bedford Court House)

on the 14th. 







TO GENERAL GATES. 







RICHMOND, February 17, 1781. 



DEAR GENERAL,­ The situation of affairs here and in Carolina, is such as must

shortly turn up important events, one way the other. By letter from General

Greene, dated Guilford Court. House, February the 10th, I learn that Lord

Cornwallis, rendered furious by the affair at the Cowpens and the surprise of

Georgetown ; had burned his own wagons, to enable himself to move with

facility, had pressed on to the vicinity of the Moravian towns, and was still

advancing. The prisoners, taken at the Cowpens, were saved by a hair's­brea dth

accident, and Greene was retreating. His force, two thousand regulars, and no

militia; Cornwallis' s, three thousand. General Davidson was killed in a

skirmish. Arnold lies still at Portsmouth with fifteen hundred men. A French

sixty-four gun ship, and two frigates of thirty-six each, arrived in our bay

three days ago. They would suffice to destroy the British shipping here (a

forty-four frigate, and a twenty,) could they get at them. But these are

withdrawn up Elizabeth river, which the sixty-four cannot enter. We have

ordered about 







VOL. IV-11 







162 Jefferson's Works 







seven hundred riflemen from Washington , Montgomery and Bedford, and five

hundred common militia from Pittsylvani a and Henry, to reinforce General

Greene;, and five hundred new levies will march from Chesterfiel d Court House,

in a few days. I have no doubt, however, that the southweste rn counties will

have turned out in greater numbers before our orders reach them. 







I have been knocking at the door of Congress for aids of all kinds, but

especially of arms, ever since the middle of summer. The speaker, Harrison, is

gone to be heard on that subject. Justice, indeed, requires that we should be

aided powerfully. Yet if they would repay us the arms we have lent them, we

should give the enemy trouble, though abandoned to ourselves. 







After repeated application s, I have obtained a warrant for your advance money,

£18,000, which I have put into the hands of Mr. McAlister, to receive the money

from the Treasurer, and carry it to you. 







I am, with very sincere esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant. 







TO COLONEL CAMPBELL. 







RICHMOND, February 17, 1781. 



SIR,­I have received your several favors by Mr Sathim, and am much pleased at

the happy issue of the expedition against the Cherokees. I wish it to be used

for the purpose of bringing about peace, 







Correspond ence 163 







which, under our present circumstan ces, is as necessary for us, as it can

possibly be to them. 







If you can effect this, a right should be reserved of building a fort at the

confluence of Holston and Tennessee; a matter which we must refer to Congress,

as it lies not within our boundary. The prisoners you have taken had better be

kept for the purpose of exchanging for any of ours taken by them. Should any

surplus be on hand at the conclusion of peace, they should be given up. Nancy

Ward seems rather to have taken refuge with you. In this case, her inclination

ought to be followed as to what is done with her. 



As by our laws, the pay of militia is made the same with that of the

Continental troops, and that, by a resolution of Congress, is to be in the new

money of March 18th, 1780, or in old money at forty for one, I apprehend you

will be paid at that rate. By a late arrangeme nt, the Commissary is directed

to have a deputy in every county. I hope that by their means the militia may

henceforwa rd be better supplied with provisions when proceeding on an

expedition. The fort at Powell's Valley you will please to proceed on. We

approve of the company you have raised for patrolling against the Indians and

garrisonin g the fort. 







I am, with much respect, sir, your most obedient servant. 







164 Jefferson's Works 







TO HIS EXCELLENC Y GENERAL WASHINGTO N. 







RICHMOND, February 26, 1781. 



SIR,­I gave you information in my last letter, that General Greene had crossed

the Dan, at Boyd.'s ferry, and that Lord Cornwallis had arrived at the opposite

shore. Large reinforcem ents of militia having embodied both in front and rear

of the enemy, he is retreating with as much rapidity as he advanced; his route

is towards Hillsboroug h. General Greene re-crossed the Dan on the 21st, in

pursuit of him. I have the pleasure to inform you, that the spirit of

opposition was as universal as could have been wished for. There was no

restraint on the numbers that embodied, but the want of arms. 







The British at Portsmouth lie close in their lines. The French squadron keep

them in by water, and since their arrival, as they put it out of the power of

the enemy to cut off our retreat by sending up Nansemond river, our force has

been moved down close to their lines. 







I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, 







Your most obedient and most humble servant. 







TO M. DE MARBOIS.¹ 







RICHMOND, March 4th, 1781. 



SIR,­I have been honored with your letter of Feb. 5th. Mr. Jones did put into

my hands a paper containing







#[¹M. de Marbois was attached to the French Legation in Philadelphi a.­ED.]# 







Correspond ence 165 







sundry inquiries into the present state of Virginia, which he informed me was

from yourself, and some of which I meant to do myself the honor of answering. 







Hitherto it has been in my power to collect a few materials only, which my

present occupation s disable me from completing. I mean, however, shortly to be

in a condition which will leave me quite at leisure to take them up, when it

shall be one of my first undertakin gs to give you as full information as I

shall be able to do on such of the subjects as are within the sphere of my

acquaintan ce. On some of them, however, I trust Mr. Jones will engage abler

hands. Those in particular which relate to the commerce of the State, a subject

with which I am wholly unacquaint ed, and which is probably the most important

in your plan. 



* * * * * * * * 







TO HIS EXCELLENC Y GENERAL WASHINGTO N. 







RICHMOND, March 8th, 1781. 



SIR,­I had the pleasure of receiving a letter from General Greene, dated

High-rock Ford, February 29th (probably March the 1st), who informs me, that on

the night of the 24th Colonel McCall surprised a subaltern's guard at Hart's

Mill, killed eight, and wounded and took nine prisoners, and that on the 25th

General Pickens and Lieutenant Colonel Lee routed a body of near three hundred

Tories on the 







166 Jefferson's Works 







Haw river, who were in arms to join the British army, killed upwards of one

hundred, and wounded most of the rest, which had a very happy effect on the

disaffected in that country. 







By a letter from Major Magill, an officer of this State, whom I had sent to

General Greene's headquarte rs for the purpose of giving us regular

intelligence , dated Guilford County, March 2d, I am informed that Lord

Cornwallis, on his retreat, erected the British standard at Hillsboroug h, that

a number of disaffected under the command of Colonel Piles were resorting to

it, when they were intercepted by General Pickens and Lieutenant Colonel Lee,

as mentioned by General Greene, and that their commandin g officer was among

the slain: that Lord Cornwallis, after destroying everything he could, moved

down the Haw river from Hillsboroug h: that General Greene was within six miles

of him: that our superiority in the goodness, though not in the number of our

cavalry, prevented the enemy from moving with rapidity or foraging. Having been

particular in desiring Major Magill to inform me what corps of militia from

this State joined General Greene, he accordingl y mentioned that seven hundred

under General Stevens, and four hundred from Botetourt, had actually joined

him; that Colonel Campbell was to join him that day with six hundred, and that

Colonel Lynch with three hundred from Bedford, was shortly expected: the last

three numbers being riflemen. Besides these mentioned by Major Magill, 







Correspond ence 167 







General Lawson must, before this, have crossed Roanoke with a body of militia,

the number of which has not been stated to me. Report makes them a thousand;

but I suppose the number to be exaggerate d. Four hundred of our new levies

left Chesterfiel d Court House on the 25th February, and probably would cross

the Roanoke about the 1st or 2d of March. 







I was honored with your Excellency' s letter of February the 21st, within seven

days after its date. We have, accordingl y, been making every preparatio n on

our part which we are able to make. The militia proposed to co-operate, will be

upwards of four thousand from this State, and one thousand or twelve hundred

from Carolina, said to be under General Gregory. The enemy are, at this time,

in a great measure blockaded by land, there being a force on the east side of

Elizabeth river. They suffer for provisions, as they are afraid to venture far,

lest the French squadron should be in the neighborho od, and come upon them.

Were it possible to block up the river, a little time would suffice to reduce

them by want and desertions, and would be more sure in its event than an

attempt by storm. I shall be very happy to have it in my power to hand you a

favorable account of these two armies in the South. 







I have the honor to be, with the greatest esteem and respect, your Excellency'

s most obedient and most humble servant. 







168 Jefferson's Works 







TO HIS EXCELLENC Y THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. 







RICHMOND, March 19, 1781. 



SIR,­I have the honor of enclosing to your Excellency a copy of a letter from

General Greene, with some other intelligence received, not doubting your

anxiety to know the movements in the South. I find we have deceived ourselves

not a little by counting on the whole numbers of the militia which have been in

motion, as if they had all remained with General Greene, when, in fact, they

seem only to have visited and quitted him. 







The Marquis Fayette arrived at New York on the 15th. His troops still remained

at the head of the bay, till the appearance of some force which should render

their passage down safe. 







I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest esteem and respect, your

Excellency' s most obedient and most humble servant. 







TO HIS EXCELLENC Y THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. 







RICHMOND, March 21, 1781. 



SIR,­The enclosed letter will inform you of the arrival of a British fleet in

the Chesapeake bay. 







The extreme negligence of our stationed expresses is no doubt the cause why, as

yet, no authentic account has reached us of a general action, which happened on

the 15th instant, about a mile and a half from Guilford Court House, between

General 







Correspond ence 169 







Greene and Lord Cornwallis. Captain Singleton, an intelligent officer of

Harrison's artillery, who was in the action, has this moment arrived here, and

gives the general information that both parties were prepared and desirous for

action; the enemy were supposed about twenty-fiv e hundred strong, our army

about four thousand. That, after a very warm and general engagemen t, of about

an hour and a half, we retreated about a mile and a half from the field, in

good order, having, as he supposed, between two and three hundred killed and

wounded: the enemy between five and seven hundred killed and wounded; that we

lost four pieces of artillery: that the militia, as well as regulars, behaved

exceedingl y well: that General Greene, he believes, would have renewed the

action the next day, had it not proved rainy, and would renew it as soon as

possible, as he supposes: that the whole of his troops, both regulars and

militia, were in high spirits and wishing a second engagemen t: that the loss

has fallen pretty equally on the militia and regulars: that General Stevens

received a ball through the thigh. Major Anderson, of Maryland, was killed, and

Captain Barrett, of Washington 's cavalry; Captain Fauntleroy, of the same

cavalry, was shot through the thigh, and left on the field. 



Captain Singleton, having left the camp the day after the battle, does not

speak from particular returns, none such having been then made. I must inform

your Excellency from him, till more regular application s can reach you, that

they are in extreme 







170 Jefferson's Works 







want of lead, cartridge paper and thread. I think it improper, however it might

urge an instantaneo us supply, to repeat to you his statement of the extent of

their stock of these articles. In a former letter, I mentioned to you the

failure of the vein of our lead mines, which has left the army here in a state

of equal distress and danger. 







I have the honor to be, with very high respect and esteem, your Excellency' s

most obedient and most humble servant. 







P. S. Look-out boats have been ordered from the seaboard of the eastern shore,

to apprise the Commander of the French fleet, on its approach, of the British

being in the Chesapeake. 







TO HIS EXCELLENC Y THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. 







IN COUNCIL, RICHMOND, March 26, 1781. 



SIR,­The appointmen t of commission er to the war office of this State, having

lately become vacant, the Executive are desirous to place Colonel William

Davies, of the Virginian Continental s, in that office. This gentleman,

however, declines undertakin g it, unless his rank in the army, half pay for

life and allowance for depreciatio n of pay, can be reserved to him; observing

with justice, that these emoluments , distant as they are, are important to a

person who has spent the most valuable part of his youth in the service of his

country. As this indulgence rests in the power of Congress alone, I am induced

to request 







Correspond ence 171 







it of them on behalf of the State, to whom it is very interesting that the

office be properly filled, and I may say, on behalf of the Continent also, to

whom the same circumstan ce is interesting , in proportion to its reliance upon

this State for supplies to the southern war. We should not have given Congress

the trouble of this application, had we found it easy to call any other to the

office, who was likely to answer our wishes in the exercise of it. 







I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest respect, your

Excellency' s most obedient and most humble servant. 







TO HIS EXCELLENC Y THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. 







RICHMOND, March 28, 1781. 



SIR,­I forward to your Excellency, under cover with this, copies of letters

received from Major General Greene and Baron Steuben, which will give you the

latest account of the situation of things with us and in North Carolina. 







I observe a late resolve of Congress, for furnishing a number of arms to the

southern States; and I lately wrote you on the subject of ammunition and

cartridge paper. How much of this State, the enemy thus reinforced, may think

proper to possess themselves of, must depend on their own moderation and

caution, till these supplies arrive. We had hoped to receive by the French

squadron under Monsieur Destouches , eleven hundred stand of arms, which 







172 Jefferson's Works 







we had at Rhode Island, but were disappointe d. The necessity of hurrying

forward the troops intended for the southern operations, will be doubtless

apparent from this letter. 







I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, your Excellency' s most

obedient and most humble servant. 







TO HIS EXCELLENC Y THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. 







RICHMOND, March 31, 1781. 



SIR,­The letters and papers accompanyi ng this will inform your Excellency of

the arrival of a British flag vessel with clothing, refreshmen ts, money, &c.,

for their prisoners, under the Convention of Saratoga. The gentlemen conducting

them, have, on supposition that the prisoners, or a part of them, still

remained in this State, applied to me by letters, copies of which I transmit

your Excellency, for leave to allow water transportat ion as far as possible,

and then, for themselves to attend them to the post where they are to be

issued. These indulgence s were usually granted them here, but the prisoners

being removed, it becomes necessary to transmit the application to Congress for

their direction. In the meantime, the flag will wait in James river. 







Our intelligence from General Greene's camp as late as the 24th, is, that Lord

Cornwallis' s march of the day before had decided his route to Cross creek. 







The amount of the reinforcem ents to the enemy, 







Correspond ence 173 







arrived at Portsmouth , is not yet known with certainty. Accounts differ from

fifteen hundred to much larger numbers. We are informed they have a considerabl

e number of horse. The affliction of the people for want of arms is great; that

of ammunition is not yet known to them. An apprehensi on is added, that the

enterprise on Portsmouth being laid aside, the troops under the Marquis Fayette

will not come on. An enemy three thousand strong, not a regular in the State,

nor arms to put in the hands of the militia, are, indeed, discouragi ng

circumstan ces. 







I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest respect, your

Excellency' s most obedient and most humble servant.







TO HIS EXCELLENC Y THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. 







RICHMOND, April 7, 1781. 



SIR,­Heari ng that our arms from Rhode Island have arrived at Philadelphi a, I

have begged the favor of our Delegates to send them on in wagons immediately ,

and, for the conveyance of my letter, have taken the liberty of setting the

Continental line of expresses in motion, which I hope our distress for arms

will justify, though the errand be not purely Continental . 







I have nothing from General Greene later than the 27th of March; our accounts

from Portsmouth vary 







174 Jefferson's Works 







the reinforcem ents which came under General Phillips, from twenty-fiv e

hundred to three thousand. Arnold's strength before, was, I think, reduced to

eleven hundred. They have made no movement as yet. Their preparatio n of boats

is considerabl e; whether they mean to go southwardl y or up the river, no

leading circumstan ce has yet decided. 







I have the honor to be, with the highest respect, your Excellency' s most

obedient and most humble servant. 







TO HIS EXCELLENC Y THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. 







IN COUNCIL, April 18, 1781. 



SIR,­I was honored, yesterday, with your Excellency' s favor enclosing the

resolutions of Congress of the 8th instant, for removing stores and provisions

from the counties of Accomack and Northampton. We have there no military

stores, except a few muskets in the hands of the militia. There are some

collections of forage and provisions belonging to the Continent, and some to

the State, and the country there, generally, furnishes an abundance of forage.

But such is the present condition of Chesapeake Bay that we cannot even get an

advice boat across it with any certainty, much less adventure on transportat

ion. Should, however, any interval happen, in which these articles may be

withdrawn, we shall certainly avail ourselves of it, and bring thence whatever

we can.







Correspond ence 175 







If I have been rightly informed, the horses there are by no means such, as that

the enemy could apply them to the purposes of cavalry. Some large enough for

the draught may, perhaps, be found, but of these not many. 







I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, your Excellency' s most

obedient and most humble servant. 







TO HIS EXCELLENC Y GENERAL WASHINGTO N. 







RICHMOND, April 23, 1781, 



SIR,­On the 18th instant, the enemy came from Portsmouth up James river, in

considerabl e force, though their numbers are not yet precisely known to us.

They landed at Burwell's ferry, below Williamsbur g, and also a short distance

above the mouth of Chickahomi ny. This latter circumstan ce obliged Colonel

Innis, who commanded a body of militia, stationed on that side the river to

cover the country from depredatio n, to retire upwards, lest he should be

placed between their two bodies. One of these entered Williamsbur g on the

20th, and the other proceeded to a ship-yard we had on Chickahomi ny. What

injury they did there, I am not yet informed. I take for granted, they have

burned an unfinished twenty-gu n ship we had there. Such of the stores,

belonging to the yard as were movable, had been carried some miles higher up

the river. Two small gallies also retired up the river. Whether 







176 Jefferson's Works 







by this, either the stores or gallies were saved, is yet unknown. I am just

informed, from a private hand, that they left Williamsbur g early yesterday

morning. If this sudden departure was not in consequenc e of some circumstan ce

of alarm unknown to us, their expedition to Williamsbur g has been unaccounta

ble. There were no public stores at that place, but those which were necessary

for the daily subsistence of the men there. Where they mean to descend next,

the event alone can determine. Besides harassing our militia with this kind of

war, the taking them from their farms at the interesting season of planting

their corn, will have an unfortunat e effect on the crop of the ensuing year. 







I have heard nothing certain of General Greene since the 6th instant, except

that his head-quart ers were on Little river on the 11th. 







I have the honor to be, with the highest respect and esteem, your Excellency' s

most obedient and most humble servant. 







TO HIS EXCELLENC Y GENERAL WASHINGTO N. 







RICHMOND, May 9, 1781. 



SIR,­Since the last letter which I had the honor of addressing to your

Excellency, the military movements in this State, except a very late one, have

scarcely merited communicat ion. 







Correspond ence 177 







The enemy, after leaving Williamsbur g, came directly up James river and landed

at City Point, being the point of land on the southern point of the confluence

of Appomattox and James rivers. They marched upon Petersburg , where they were

received by Baron Steuben, with a body of militia somewhat under one thousand,

who, though the enemy were two thousand and three hundred strong, disputed the

ground very handsomely two hours, during which time the enemy gained only one

mile, and that by inches. Our troops were then ordered to retire over a bridge,

which they did in perfectly good order. Our loss was between sixty and seventy,

killed, wounded, and taken. The enemy's is unknown, but it must be equal to

ours; for their own honor they must confess this, as they broke twice and run

like sheep, till supported by fresh troops. An inferiority in number obliged

our force to withdraw about twelve miles upwards, till more militia should be

assembled. The enemy burned all the tobacco in the warehouses at Petersburg and

its neighborho od. They afterwards proceeded to Osborne's, where they did the

same, and also destroyed the residue of the public armed vessels, and several

of private property, and then came to Manchester , which is on the hill

opposite this place. 







By this time, Major General Marquis Fayette having been advised of our danger,

had, by forced marches, got here with his detachment of Continental troops; and

reinforcem ents of militia having also 



#VOL. IV-12# 







178 Jefferson's Works 







come in, the enemy, finding we were able to meet them on equal footing, thought

proper to burn the warehouses and tobacco at Manchester , and retire to

Warwick, where they did the same. Ill armed and untried militia, who never

before saw the face of an enemy, have, at times, during the course of this war,

given occasions of exultation to our enemies, but they afforded us, while at

Warwick, a little satisfaction in the same way. Six or eight hundred of their

picked men of light infantry, with General Arnold at their head, having crossed

the river from Warwick, fled from a patrole of sixteen horse, every man into

his boat as he could, some pushing North, some South, as their fears drove

them. Their whole force then proceeded to the Hundred, being the point of land

within the confluence of the two rivers, embarked, and fell down the river.

Their foremost vessels had got below Burwell's ferry on the 6th instant, when,

on the arrival of a boat from Portsmouth , and a signal given, the whole

crowded sail up the river again with a fair wind and tide, and came to anchor

at Brandon; there six days' provision was dealt out to every man; they landed,

and had orders to march an hour before day the next morning. We have not yet

heard which way they went, or whether they have gone, but having, about the

same time, received authentic information that Lord Cornwallis had, on the 1st

instant, advanced from Wilmington half way to Halifax, we have no doubt,

putting all circumstan ces together, that these two armies are forming a

junction. 







Correspond ence 179 







We are strengthen ing our hands with militia, as far as arms, either public or

private, can be collected, but cannot arm a force which may face the combined

armies of the enemy. It will, therefore, be of very great importance that

General Wayne's forces be pressed on with the utmost despatch. Arms and a naval

force, however, are what must ultimately save us. This movement of our enemies

we consider as most perilous in its consequenc es. 







Our latest advices from General Greene were of the 26th ult., when he was lying

before Camden, the works and garrison of which were much stronger than he had

expected to find them. 







I have the honor to be, with great respect, your Excellency' s most obedient

humble servant. 







TO THE VIRGINIA DELEGATES IN CONGRESS. 







IN COUNCIL, May 10, 1781. 



GENTLEME N­A small affair has taken place between the British commandin g

officer in this State, General Phillips, and the Executive, of which, as he may

endeavor to get rid of it through the medium of Congress, I think it necessary

previously to apprise you. 







General Scott obtained permission from the Commandan t at Charleston, for

vessels with necessary supplies to go from hence to them, but instead of

sending the original, sent only a copy of the permission







180 Jefferson's Works 







taken by his brigade major. I applied to General Phillips to supply this

omission by furnishing a passport for the vessel. Having just before taken

great offence at a threat of retaliation in the treatment of prisoners, he

enclosed his answer to my letter under this address, "To Thomas Jefferson Esq.,

American Governor of Virginia." I paused on receiving the letter, and for some

time would not open it; however, when the miserable condition of our brethren

in Charleston occurred to me, I could not determine that they should be left

without the necessaries of life, while a punctilio should be discussing between

the British General and myself; and, knowing that I had an opportunit y of

returning the compliment to Mr. Phillips in a case perfectly corresponding, I

opened the letter. 







Very shortly after, I received, as I expected, the permission of the board of

war, for the British flag vessel then in Hampton Roads with clothing and

refreshmen ts, to proceed to Alexandria. I enclosed and addressed it, "To

William Phillips, Esq., commandin g the British forces in the Commonwea lth of

Virginia." Personally knowing Phillips to be the proudest man of the proudest

nation on earth, I well know he will not open this letter; but having occasion,

at the same time, to write to Captain Gerlach, the flag-master , I informed him

that the Convention troops in this State should perish for want of necessaries

, before any should be carried to them through this State, till General

Phillips either 







Correspond ence 181 







swallowed this pill of retaliation, or made an apology for his rudeness. And in

this, should the matter come ultimately to Congress, we hope for their support.









He has the less right to insist on the expedition of his flag, because his

letter, instead of enclosing a passport to expedite ours, contained only an

evasion of the application, by saying he had referred it to Sir Henry Clinton,

and in the meantime, he has come up the river, and taken the vessel with her

loading, which we had chartered and prepared to send to Charleston, and which

wanted nothing but the passport to enable her to depart. 







I would further observe to you, that this gentleman' s letters to the Baron

Steuben first, and afterwards to the Marquis Fayette, have been in a style so

intolerably insolent and haughty, that both these gentlemen have been obliged

to inform him, that if he thinks proper to address them again in the same

spirit, all intercourse shall be discontinue d. 







I am, with great respect and esteem, Gentlemen, 







Your most obedient servant 







TO HIS EXCELLENC Y GENERAL WASHINGTO N. 







CHARLOTTE SVILLE, May 28, 1781. 



SIR,­I make no doubt you will have heard, before this shall have the honor of

being presented to your Excellency, of the junction of Lord Cornwallis with the

force at Petersburg under Arnold, who had succeeded







182 Jefferson's Works 







to the command on the death of Major-gene ral Phillips. I am now advised that

they have evacuated Petersburg , joined at Westover a reinforcem ent of two

thousand men just arrived from New York, crossed James River, and on the 26th

instant, were three miles advanced on their way towards Richmond; at which

place, Major-Gene ral the Marquis Fayette lay with three thousand men, regulars

and militia: these being the whole number we could arm, until the arrival of

the eleven hundred arms from Rhode Island, which are, about this time, at the

place where our public stores are deposited. The whole force of the enemy

within this State, from the best intelligence I have been able to get, is, I

think, about seven thousand men, infantry and cavalry, including, also, the

small garrison left at Portsmouth . A number of privateers, which are

constantly ravaging the shores of our rivers, prevent us from receiving any aid

from the counties lying on navigable waters; and powerful operations meditated

against our western frontier, by a joint force of British and Indian savages,

have, as your Excellency before knew, obliged us to embody between two and

three thousand men in that quarter. Your Excellency will judge from this state

of things, and from what you know of our country, what it may probably suffer

during the present campaign. Should the enemy be able to produce no opportunit

y of annihilatin g the Marquis's army, a small proportion of their force may

yet restrain his movements effectually







Correspond ence 183 







while the greater part are employed, in detachment , to waste an unarmed

country, and lead the minds of the people to acquiesce under those events which

they see no human power prepared to ward off. We are too far removed from the

other scenes of war to say, whether the main force of the enemy be within this

State. But I suppose they cannot anywhere spare so great an army for the

operations of the field. Were it possible for this circumstan ce to justify in

your Excellency a determinati on to lend us your personal aid, it is evident,

from the universal voice, that the presence of their beloved countryma n, whose

talents have so long been successfull y employed in establishin g the freedom

of kindred States, to whose person they have still flattered themselves they

retained some right, and have ever looked up, as their dernier resort in

distress, would restore full confidence of salvation to our citizens, and would

render them equal to whatever is not impossible. I cannot undertake to foresee

and obviate the difficulties which lie in the way of such a resolution. The

whole subject is before you, of which I see only detached parts; and your

judgment will be formed on a view of the whole. Should the danger of this State

and its consequenc e to the Union, be such, as to render it best for the whole

that you should repair to its assistance, the difficulty would then be, how to

keep men out of the field. I have undertaken to hint this matter to your

Excellency, not only on my own 







184 Jefferson's Works 







sense of its importance to us, but at the solicitation s of many members of

weight in our legislature, which has not yet assembled to speak their own

desires. 







A few days will bring to me that relief which the constitutio n has prepared

for those oppressed with the labors of my office, and a long declared

resolution of relinquishi ng it to abler hands, has prepared my way for

retirement to a private station: still, as an individual, I should feel the

comfortable effects of your presence, and have (what I thought could not have

been) an additional motive for that gratitude, esteem, and respect, with which

I have the honor to be, your Excellency' s most obedient humble servant. 







TO THE MARQUIS LA FAYETTE. 







MONTICELL O, August 4, 1781. 



SIR,­I am much obliged by the trouble you took in forwarding to me the letter

of his Excellency, the President of Congress. It found me in Bedford, an

hundred miles southward of this, where I was confined till within these few

days, by an unfortunat e fall from my horse. This has occasioned the delay of

the answer which I now take the liberty of enclosing to you, as the confidentia

l channel of conveyance , pointed out by the President. 







I thank you also for your kind sentiments and friendly offer on the occasion,

which, that I cannot avail myself of, has given me more mortificatio n than

almost any occurrence of my life. I lose an 







Correspond ence 185 







opportunit y, the only one I ever had, and perhaps ever shall have, of

combining public service with private gratificatio n. Of seeing countries whose

improveme nts in science, in arts, and in civilization, it has been my fortune

to admire at a distance, but never to see, and at the same time of lending some

aid to a cause, which has been handed on from its first organizatio n to its

present stage, by every effort of which my poor faculties were capable. These,

however, have not been such as to give satisfaction to some of my countryme n,

and it has become necessary for me to remain in the State till a later period

in the present year, than is consistent with an acceptance of what has been

offered me.¹ Declining higher objects, therefore, my only one must be to show

that suggestion and f act are different things, and that public misfortune may

be produced as well by public poverty and private disobedien ce to the laws, as

by the misconduct of public servants.² The independen ce of private life under

the protection of republican laws will, I hope, yield me the happiness from

which no slave is so remote as the minister of 







#[¹On the 15th of June, 1781, Mr. Jefferson was appointed, with Mr. Adams, Dr.

Franklin, Mr: Jay, and Mr. Laurens, Minister Plenipotent iary for negotiating

peace, then expected to be effected through the mediation of the Empress of

Russia.­ED.] 



[²In 1781, the depredatio ns of the enemy, and the public and private losses

which they occasioned, produced the ordinary effect of complaint against those

who had charge of the public defence, and especially against Mr. Jefferson (the

Governor of Virginia). A popular clamor was excited against him, and, under the

impulses of the moment, Mr. George Nicholas, a member from Albemarle, moved his

impeachme nt.# 







186 Jefferson's Works 







a commonwea lth. From motives of private esteem as well as public gratitude, I

shall pray it to be your lot in every line of life, as no one can with more

truth subscribe himself with the highest regard and respect, Sir, your most

obedient, and most humble servant. 







TO EDMUND RANDOLPH, ESQ. 







MONTICELL O, September 16, 1781. 



DEAR SIR,­I have received your letter of the 7th instant. That, mentioned to

have been sent by the preceding post, has not come to hand, nor two others,

which Mrs. Randolph informs me you wrote before you left Virginia, nor indeed

any others, should you have been so kind as to have written any others. When I

received the first letter from the President of Congress, enclosing their

resolution, and mentioning the necessity of an expeditious departure, my

determinati on to attend at the next session of the Assembly offered a ready

and insuperabl e 







#The charges were, 1. That he had not, as soon as advised by General Washington

of the meditated invasion, put the country in a state of preparatio n and

defence; 2. That during the invasion, he did not use the means of resistance

which were at his command; 3. That he too much consulted his personal safety,

when Arnold first entered Richmond, by which others were dispirited and

discourage d; 4. That he ignominiou sly fled from Monticello to the neighborin

g mountain on Tarleton's approach to Charlottesv ille; and 5. That he abandoned

the office of Governor as soon as it became one of difficulty and danger. 







Mr. Jefferson has been long since acquitted of these charges by the almost

unanimous voice of his countryme n.­En.]# 







Correspond ence 187 







obstacle to my accepting of that appointmen t, and left me under no necessity

of deliberatin g with myself whether, that objection being removed, any other

considerati ons might prevent my undertakin g it. I find there are many, and

must, therefore, decline it altogether. Were it possible for me to determine

again to enter into public business, there is no appointmen t whatever which

would have been so agreeable to me. But I have taken my final leave of

everything of that nature. I have retired to my farm, my family and books, from

which I think nothing will evermore separate me. A desire to leave public

office, with a reputation not more blotted than it has deserved, will oblige me

to emerge at the next session of our Assembly, and perhaps to accept of a seat

in it. But as I go with a single object, I shall withdraw when that shall be

accomplish ed. I should have thought that North Carolina, rescued from the

hands of Britain, Georgia and almost the whole of South Carolina recovered,

would have been sufficiently humiliating to induce them to treat with us. If

this will not do, I hope the stroke is now hanging over them which will satisfy

them that their views of Southern conquests are likely to be as visionary as

those of Northern. I think it impossible Lord Cornwallis should escape. Mrs.

Randolph will be able to give you all the news on this subject, as soon as you

shall be able to release her from others. I am, with much esteem, dear Sir your

friend and servant. 







188 Jefferson's Works 







TO GENERAL WASHINGTO N. 







MONTICELL O, October 28th, 1781. 



SIR,­I hope it will not be unacceptable to your Excellency to receive the

congratulat ions of a private individual on your return to your native country,

and, above all things, on the important success which has attended it.¹ Great

as this has been, however, it can scarcely add to the affection with which we

have looked up to you. And if, in the minds of any, the motives of gratitude to

our good allies were not sufficiently apparent, the part they have borne in

this action must amply evince them. Notwithsta nding the state of perpetual

decrepitude to which I am unfortunat ely reduced, I should certainly have done

myself the honor of paying my respects to you personally; but I apprehend these

visits, which are meant by us as marks of our attachment to you, must interfere

with the regulations of a camp, and be particularl y inconvenie nt to one whose

time is too precious to be wasted in ceremony. 







I beg you to believe me among the sincerest of those who subscribe themselves,

your Excellency' s most obedient­ and most humble servant. 







TO GENERAL GATES. 







RICHMOND, December 14th, 1781. 



DEAR SIR,­I have received your friendly letters of August 2d and November 15th,

and some of the 







#[¹The battle of Yorktown.] # 







Correspond ence 189 







gentlemen to whom you wished them to be communicat ed not being here, I have

taken the liberty of handing them to some others, so as to answer the spirit of

your wish. It seems likely to end, as I ever expected it would, in a final

acknowledg ment that good disposition s and arrangeme nts will not do without a

certain degree of bravery and discipline in those who are to carry them into

execution. This, the men whom you commanded , or the greater part of them at

least, unfortunat ely wanted on that particular occasion. 







I have not a doubt but that, on a fair enquiry, the returning justice of your

countryme n will remind them of Saratoga, and induce them to recognize your

merits. My future plan of life scarcely admits a hope of my having the pleasure

of seeing you at your seat; yet I assuredly shall do it should it ever lie

within my power, and am assured that Mrs. Jefferson will join me in sincere

thanks for your kind sentiments and invitation, and in expression s of equal

esteem for Mrs. Gates and yourself, and in a certain hope that, should any

circumstan ce lead you within our reach, you will make us happy by your company

at Monticello. We have no news to communicat e. That the Assembly does little,

does not come under that description . 







I am, with very sincere esteem, dear sir your friend and servant. 







190 Jefferson's Works 







TO JAMES MADISON. 







MONTICELL O, March 24th, 1782. 



DEAR SIR,­I have received from you two several favors, on the subject of the

designs against the territorial rights of Virginia.¹ I never before could

comprehen d on what principle our rights to the western country could be

denied, which would not, at the same time, subvert the right of all the States

to the whole of their territory. What objections may be founded on the charter

of New York, I cannot say, having never seen that charter, nor been able to get

a copy of it in this country. I had thought to have seized the first leisure on

my return from the last Assembly, to have considered and stated our rights, and

to have communicat ed to our delegates, or perhaps to the public, so much as I

could trace, and expected to have derived some assistance from ancient MSS.,

which I have been able to collect. These, with my other papers and books,

however, had been removed to Augusta to be out of danger from the enemy, and

have not yet 







#[¹The title of Virginia to the Northweste rn territory was controvert ed, as

early as 1779, by some of the other States, upon the ground that all lands, the

title of which had originally been in the crown and had never been alienated,

were the common property of the Confederati on, by right of conquest­t he

revolution having transferre d the title from the British sovereign to the

Confederati on. This view was resisted by Virginia in an able remonstran ce to

Congress in October, 1779. The question, however, never came to an issue; for

Virginia, moved by a patriotic impulse, and ready to sacrifice her individual

interest to the general good, made a voluntary cession of the whole territory

to the Confederati on.]# 







Correspond ence 191 







been brought back. The ground on which I now find the question to be bottomed

is so unknown to me that it is out of my power to say anything on the subject.

Should it be practicable for me to procure a copy of the charter of New York, I

shall probably think on it, and would cheerfully communicat e to you whatever

could occur to me worth your notice. But this will probably be much too late to

be of any service before Congress, who doubtless will decide, ere long, on the

subject. I sincerely wish their decision may tend to the preservatio n of

peace. If I am not totally deceived in the determinati on of this country, the

decision of Congress, if unfavorabl e, will not close the question. I suppose

some people on the western waters, who are ambitious to be Governors, &c., will

urge a separation by authority of Congress. But the bulk of the people westward

are already thrown into great ferment by the report of what is proposed, to

which I think they will not submit. This separation is unacceptab le to us in

form only, and not in substance. On the contrary, I may safely say it is

desired by the eastern part of our country whenever their western brethren

shall think themselves able to stand alone. In the meantime, on the petition of

the western counties, a plan is digesting for rendering their access to

governmen t more easy. I trouble you with the enclosed to Mons. Marbois. I had

the pleasure of hearing that your father and family were all well yesterday, by

your brother, who is 







192 Jefferson's Works 







about to study the law in my neighborho od. I shall always be glad to hear from

you, and, if it be possible for me, retired from public business, to find

anything worth your notice, I shall communicat e it with great pleasure. 







I am with sincere esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant. 







JAMES MONROE TO THOMAS JEFFERSON . 







RICHMOND, 11th of May, 1782. 



DEAR SIR,­As I so lately wrote you by Mr. Short, and have since daily expected

to see you here, I did not propose writing to you till after I should have that

pleasure; but as I begin to fear you will not abate that firmness and decision

which you have frequently shown in the service of your country, even upon this

occasion, and as I have had an opportunity since I last wrote of being better

informed of the sentiments of those whom I know you put the greatest value on,

I think it my duty to make you acquainted therewith. It is publicly said here,

that the people of your country informed you that they had frequently elected

you in times of less difficulty and danger than the present to please you; but

that now they had called you forth into public office to serve themselves. This

is a language which has been often used in my presence; and you will readily

conceive that, as it furnishes 







Correspond ence 193 







those who argue on the fundamenta l maxims of a Republican governmen t with

ample field for declamation , the conclusion has always been, that you should

not decline the service of your country. The present is generally conceived to

be an important era, which, of course, makes your attendance particularl y

necessary. And as I have taken the liberty to give you the public opinion and

desire upon this occasion, and as I am warmly interested in whatever concerns

the public interest or has relation to you, it will be necessary to add, it is

earnestly the desire of, dear Sir, 







Your sincere friend and obedient servant. 







TO COLONEL JAMES MONROE. 







MONTICELL O, May 20th, 1782. 



DEAR SIR,­I have been gratified with your two favors of the 6th and 11th inst.

It gives me pleasure that your county has been wise enough to enlist your

talent into their service. I am much obliged by the kind wishes you express of

seeing me also in Richmond, and am always mortified when anything is expected

from me which I cannot fulfill, and more especially if it relate to the public

service. Before I ventured to declare to my countryme n my determinati on to

retire from public employment , I examined well my heart to know whether it

were thoroughly cured of every principle of political 







#VOL. IV-13#







194 Jefferson's Works 



ambition, whether no lurking particle remained which might leave me uneasy,

when reduced within the limits of mere private life. I became satisfied that

every fibre of that passion was thoroughly eradicated. I examined also, in

other views, my right to withdraw. I considered that I had been thirteen years

engaged in public service­th at, during that time, I had so totally abandoned

all attention to my private affairs as to permit them to run into great

disorder and ruin­that I had now a family advanced to years which require my

attention and instruction ­that, to these, was added the hopeful offspring of a

deceased friend, whose memory must be forever dear to me, and who have no other

reliance for being rendered useful to themselves or their country­th at by a

constant sacrifice of time, labor, parental and friendly duties, I had, so far

from gaining the affection of my countryme n, which was the only reward I ever

asked or could have felt, even lost the small estimation I had before

possessed. 







That, however I might have comforted myself under the disapproba tion of the

well-meani ng but uninformed people, yet, that of their representa tives was a

shock on which I had not calculated. That this, indeed, had been followed by an

exculpator y declaration . But, in the meantime, I had been suspected in the

eyes of the world, without the least hint then or afterwards being made public,

which might restrain them from supposing that I stood 







Correspond ence 195 







arraigned for treason of the heart, and not merely weakness of the mind; and I

felt that these injuries, for such they have been since acknowledg ed, had

inflicted a wound on my spirit which will only be cured by the all-healing

grave. If reason and inclination unite in justifying my retirement, the laws of

my country are equally in favor of it. Whether the State may command the

political services of all its members to an indefinite extent, or, if these be

among the rights never wholly ceded to the public power, is a question which I

do not find expressly decided in England. Obiter dictums on the subject I have

indeed met with, but the complexion of the times in which these have dropped

would generally answer them. Besides that, this species of authority is not

acknowledg ed in our possession. 







In this country, however, since the present governmen t has been established ,

the point has been settled by uniform, pointed and multiplied precedents .

Offices of every kind, and given by every power, have been daily and hourly

declined and resigned from the Declaration of Independe nce to this moment. The

General Assembly has accepted these without discriminat ion of office, and

without ever questionin g them in point of right. If the difference between the

office of a delegate and any other could ever have been supposed, yet in the

case of Mr. Thompson Mason, who declined the office of delegate, and was

permitted so to do by 







196 Jefferson's Works 







the House, that supposition has been proved to be groundless . But, indeed, no

such distinction of offices can be admitted. Reason, and the opinions of the

lawyers, putting all on a footing as to this question, and so giving to the

delegate the aid of all the precedents of the refusal of other offices. The law

then does not warrant the assumption of such a power by the State over its

members. For if it does, where is that law? Nor yet does reason. For though I

will admit that this does subject every individual, if called on, to an equal

tour of political duty, yet it can never go so far as to submit to it his whole

existence. If we are made in some degree for others, yet, in a greater, are we

made for ourselves. It were contrary to feeling, and indeed ridiculous to

suppose that a man had less rights in himself than one of his neighbors, or

indeed all of them put together. This would be slavery, and not that liberty

which the bill of rights has made inviolable, and for the preservatio n of

which our governmen t has been charged. Nothing could so completely divest us

of that liberty as the establishme nt of the opinion, that the State has a

perpetual right to the services of all its members. This, to men of certain

ways of thinking, would be to annihilate the blessings of existence, and to

contradict the Giver of life, who gave it for happiness and not for wretchedne

ss. And certainly, to such it were better that they had never been born,

However, with these, I may think public service and private misery inseparabl y







Correspond ence 197 







linked together, I have not the vanity to count myself among those whom the

State would think worth oppressing with perpetual service. I have received a

sufficient memento to the contrary. I am persuaded that, having hitherto

dedicated to them the whole of the active and useful part of my life, I shall

be permitted to pass the rest in mental quiet. I hope, too, that I did not

mistake modes any more than the matter of right when I preferred a simple act

of renunciatio n, to the taking sanctuary under those disqualifica tions

(provided by the law for other purposes indeed but) affording asylum also for

rest to the wearied. I dare say you did not expect by the few words you dropped

on the right of renunciatio n to expose yourself to the fatigue of so long a

letter, but I wished you to see that, if I had done wrong, I had been betrayed

by a semblance of right at least. I take the liberty of enclosing to you a

letter for General Chattellux, for which you will readily find means of

conveyance . But I mean to give you more trouble with the one to Pelham, who

lives in the neighborho od of Manchester , and to ask the favor of you to send

it by your servant­ex press­whic h I am in hopes may be done without absenting

him from your person, but during those hours in which you will be engaged in

the house. I am anxious that it should be received immediately . * * * * * * *

It will give me great pleasure to see you here whenever you can favor us with

your company. You will find me still 







198 Jefferson's Works 







busy, but in lighter occupation s. But in these and all others you will find me

to retain a due sense of your friendship, and to be, with sincere esteem, dear

Sir, 







Your most obedient and most humble servant. 







TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTO N. 







CHESTERFI ELD, November 26, 1782. 







SIR,­I received yesterday the letter with which you have been pleased to honor

me, enclosing the resolution of Congress of the 12th instant, renewing my

appointmen t as one of their ministers plenipotent iary for negotiating a

peace­and beg leave, through you, to return my sincere thanks to that August

body, for the confidence they are pleased to repose in me, and to tender the

same to yourself for the obliging manner in which you have notified it.¹ I will

employ in this arduous charge, with diligence 







#[¹Mr. Jefferson's reasons for now accepting this appointmen t, which he had

previously declined, are thus explained by himself:­"I had, about two months

before, lost the cherished companion of my life [his wife], in whose affection,

unabated on both sides, I had lived the last ten years in unchequer ed

happiness. " On the 19th of December, 1782, he left Monticello for Philadelphi

a, where he intended to embark for Europe; but the French Minister Luzerne,

offering him a passage in the French frigate Romulus, then lying below

Baltimore, he accepted the offer. The sailing of this frigate being delayed by

ice, and a British fleet on the coast, information, in the meantime, reached

America that a provisional treaty of peace had been signed by the American

Commission ers, to become absolute on the conclusion of peace between France

and England. On the arrival of this information , Mr. Jefferson was released

from his mission, and returned to his home in Virginia on the 15th May, 1783:

ED.]#







Correspond ence 199 







and integrity, the best of my poor talents, which I am conscious are far short

of what it requires. This, I hope, will ensure to me from Congress a kind

constructio n of all my transaction s. And it gives me no small pleasure, that

my communicat ions will pass through the hands of a gentleman with whom I have

acted in the earlier stages of this contest, and whose candor and discernmen t

I had the good fortune then to approve and esteem. Your letter finds me at a

distance from home, attending my family under inoculation. This will add to the

delay which the arrangeme nts of my particular affairs would necessarily

occasion. I shall lose no moment, how ever, in preparing for my departure, and

shall hope to pay my respects to Congress and yourself at some time between the

20th and the last of December. 







I have the honor to be, with very great esteem and respect, dear Sir, your most

obedient and most humble servant. 







TO THE CHEVALIER DE CHATTELL UX. 







AMPHILL, November 26, 1782. 



DEAR SIR,­I received your friendly letters of ­ and June 30th, but the latter

not till the 17th of October. It found me a little emerging from the stupor of

mind which had rendered me as dead to the world as was she whose loss

occasioned it.¹ Your letter recalled to my memory that there were 







#[¹The death of Mrs. Jefferson.] # 







200 Jefferson's Works 







persons still living of much value to me. If you should have thought me remiss

in not testifying to you sooner, how deeply I had been impressed with your

worth in the little time I had the happiness of being with you, you will, I am

sure, ascribe it to its true cause, the state of dreadful suspense in which I

have been kept all the summer, and the catastroph e which closed it 







Before that event, my scheme of life had been determined . I had folded myself

in the arms of retirement, and rested all prospects of future happiness on

domestic and literary objects. A single event wiped away all my plans, and left

me a blank which I had not the spirits to fill up. In this state of mind an

appointmen t from Congress found me, requiring me to cross the Atlantic. And

that temptation might be added to duty, I was informed, at the same time, from

his Excellency the Chevalier de Luzerne, that a vessel of force would be

sailing about the middle of December in which you would be passing to France. I

accepted the appointmen t, and my only object now is, to so hasten over those

obstacles which would retard my departure, as to be ready to join you in your

voyage­fon dly measuring your affection by my own, and presuming your consent.

It is not certain that I can, by any exertion, be in Philadelphi a by the

middle of December ­the contrary is most probable. But hoping it will not be

much later, and counting on those procrastina tion's which usually attend the

departure of vessels 







Correspond ence 201 







of size, I have hopes of being with you in time. This will give me full leisure

to learn the result of your observatio ns on the natural bridge, to communicat

e to you my answers to the enquiries of Monsieur de Marbois, to receive

edification from you on these and other subjects of science; considerin g

chess, too, as a matter of science. Should I be able to get out in tolerable

time, and any extraordina ry delays attend the sailing of the vessel, I shall

certainly do myself the honor of waiting on his Excellency the Count de

Rochambea u, at his head-quart ers, and assuring him in person of my high

respect and esteem for him­an object of which I have never lost sight. To

yourself, I am unable to express the warmth of those sentiments of friendship

and attachment with which I have the honor, to be dear Sir, 







Your most obedient and most humble servant. 







TO MR. STEPTOE. 







November 26, 1782. 



DEAR SIR,­I received in August your favor, wherein you give me hopes of being

able to procure for me some of the big bones. I should be unfaithful to my own

feeling, were I not to express to you how much I am obliged by your attention

to the requests I made you on that subject. A specimen of each of the several

species of bones now to be found, is to me the most desirable objects in

natural 







202 Jefferson's Works 







history. And there is no expense of package or of safe transportat ion which I

will not gladly reimburse, to procure them safely. Elk horns of very

extraordina ry size, or anything else uncommon, would be very acceptable. You

will hear of my going to Europe, but my trip there will be short. I mention

this, lest you should hesitate forwarding any curiosities to me. New London in

Bedford, Staunton in Augusta, or Frederick County, are places from whence I can

surely get them. Any observatio ns of your own on the subject of the big bones

or their history, or on anything else in the western country, will come

acceptably to me, because I know you see the works of nature in the great and

not merely in detail. Description s of animals, vegetables, minerals, or other

curious things; notes as to the Indians' information of the country between the

Mississippi and waters of the South Sea, &c., &c., will strike your mind as

worthy being communicat ed. I wish you had more time to pay attention to them.

I perceive by your letter, you are not unapprized that your services to your

country have not made due impression on every mind. That you have enemies, you

must not doubt, when you reflect that you have made yourself eminent. If you

meant to escape malice, you should have confined yourself within the sleepy

line of regular duty. When you transgress ed this, and enterprise d deeds which

will hand down your name with honor to future times, you made yourself a mark

for envy and malice to shoot at. Of these 







Correspond ence 203 







there is enough, you know, both in and out of office. I was not a little

surprised, however, to find one person hostile to you, as far as he has

personal courage to show hostility to any man. Who he is, you will probably

have heard, or may know him by this description ­as being all tongue without

either head or heart. In the variety of his crooked schemes, however, his

interest may probably veer about, so as to put it in your power to be useful to

him. In which case, he certainly will be your friend again, if you want him.

That you may long continue a fit object for his enmity, and for that of every

person of his complexion in the State, which I know can only be by your

continuing to do good to your country and to acquire honor to yourself, is the

earnest prayer of one who subscribes himself, with great truth and sincerity,

dear Sir, 







Your friend and servant. 







TO JAMES MADISON. 







AMPHILL, IN CHESTERFI ELD, 







November 26th, 1782. 



DEAR SIR,­Your favor by Colonel Basset is not yet come to hand. The intimation

through the attorney, I received the day before Colonel Bland's arrival, by

whom I am honored with yours of the 14th inst. It finds me at this place

attending my family under inoculation. This will of course retard those 







204 Jefferson's Works 







arrangeme nts of my domestic affairs, which will of themselves take time and

cannot be made but at home. I shall lose no time, however, in preparing for my

departure. And from the calculation I am at present enabled to make, I suppose

I cannot be in Philadelphi a before the 20th of December, and that possibly it

may be the last of that month. Some days I must certainly pass there, as I

could not propose to jump into the midst of a negotiation without a single

article of previous information . From these data, you will be enabled to judge

of the chance of availing myself of his Excellency, the Chevalier de Luzerne's,

kind offers, to whom I beg you to present my thanks for his friendly attention,

and let him know I shall use my best endeavors to be in time for the departure

of his frigate. No circumstan ces of a private nature could induce me to hasten

over the several obstacles to my departure more unremittin g than the hope of

having the Chevalier de Chattellux as a companion in my voyage. A previous

acquaintan ce with his worth and abilities, had impressed me with an affection

for him which, under the then prospect of never seeing him again, was perhaps

imprudent. 







I am with very sincere esteem, dear Sir, your very affectionat e friend, and

humble servant. 







Correspond ence 205







TO GEORGE WASHINGTO N. 







PHILADELP HIA, January 22d, 1783. 







SIR,­Havin g lately received a call from Congress to pass the Atlantic in the

character of their minister for negotiating peace, I cannot leave the continent

without separating myself for a moment from the general gratitude of my

country, to offer my individual tribute to your Excellency for all you have

suffered and all you have effected for us. Were I to indulge myself in those

warm effusions which this subject forever prompts, they would wear an

appearance of adulation very foreign to my nature; for such is become the

prostitutio n of language that sincerity has no longer distinct terms in which

to express her own truths. Should you give me occasion, during the short

mission on which I go, to render you any service beyond the water, I shall, for

a proof of my gratitude, appeal from language to the zeal with which I shall

embrace it. The negotiation s to which I am joined may perhaps be protracted

beyond our present expectation s, in Which case, though I know you must receive

much better intelligence from the gentlemen whose residence there has brought

them into a more intimate acquaintan ce with the characters and views of the

European courts, yet I shall certainly presume to add my mite, should it only

serve to convince you of the warmth of those sentiments of respect and esteem

with which I have the honor to be, your Excellency' s most obedient, and most

humble servant. 







206 Jefferson's Works 







TO THE CHEVALIER DE LA LUZERNE, MINISTER OF FRANCE. 







BALTIMORE , February 7th, 1783. 



SIR,­The Chevalier de Ville Brun was so kind as to communicat e to me yesterday

your Excellency' s letter to him of January, together with the intelligence

therein referred to. I feel myself bound to return you my thanks, for your

orders to the Guadeloupe frigate to receive me, if I should think a passage

should be hazarded under present circumstan ces. According to this information

(which is the most worthy of credit of any we have received here), it would

seem that our capture would be unavoidabl e were we to go out now. This,

therefore, is a risk to which I cannot think of exposing his Majesty's vessel

and subjects; however I might be disposed to encounter personal hazards, from

my anxiety to execute, with all the promptitud e in my power, a service which

has been assigned to me. I shall therefore wait with patience the arrival of

the moment when the Chevalier de Ville Brun shall be of opinion that the one or

the other of the vessels may venture out without any greater risk than he shall

think proportion ed to her proper object, independen tly of mine. It has been

suggested to me this evening, that perhaps their safe departure might be

greatly forwarded by their falling down to York, or Hampton, there to be ready

at a moment's warning, to avail themselves of those favorable circumstan ces

which the present season sometimes offers. 







Correspond ence 207 







But of this, yourself will be the proper judge. I cannot close my letter

without expressing to you my obligations to the Chevalier de Ville Brun for the

particular attention he has shown to my accommodat ion on board his ship. The

apartments he has had constructe d for me are ample and commodious , and his

politeness and deportment as an officer are an agreeable presage of everything

that shall depend on him. I have delivered to him the two large packets you

were pleased to put into my hands, and he will dispose of them according to

your orders. 







I have the honor to be, with the highest sentiments of esteem, your Excellency'

s most obedient, and most humble servant. 







TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTO N, SECRETARY FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS. 







BALTIMORE , February 7, 1783. 







SIR,­I arrived here on the 30th of the last month, and had a short interview

the same evening with the Chevalier de Ville Brun, commander of the Ramilies.

There appeared at that time little apprehensi on but that we might sail in a

few days, but we were not very particular in our conference, as we expected to

see each other again. The severity of the cold, however, which commenced that

night, obliged the Chevalier de Ville Brun to fall twelve miles below this

place, and excluded all correspond ence with him till yesterday, when I found

means to get through the ice on 







208 Jefferson's Works 







board his ship. He then communicat ed to me, by direction of his Excellency,

the minister of France, intelligence as to the number and force of the cruisers

now actually watching the capes of the Chesapeake. I must acknowledg e that the

appearance s are such as to render a capture certain were we to hazard it. The

minister was pleased at the same time to submit the Guadeloupe to my wishes, if

I chose to adventure. I take the liberty of troubling you with a copy of my

letter to him on that subject. I should certainly be disposed to run very

considerabl e risks myself to effect my passage; but should think it an

unfortunat e introductio n to an ally, who has already done so much for us,

were I to add to his losses and disburseme nts that of a valuable ship and

crew. I wish that the present delay offered some period less distant than the

lassitude of an avaricious enemy to watch for prey. Perhaps you may be able to

put me on some more expeditious mode of passage than the one under which I am

acquiescin g at present. I shall be much pleased to adopt any such which may

come recommend ed from you, without regard to personal risk or trouble. In the

meantime, any intelligence which you can collect and will be pleased to give me

as to the state of our coast, will be of utility in determinin g whether and

when we shall depart hence. 







I have the honor to be with very great esteem and respect, Sir, your most

obedient and most humble servant. 







Correspond ence 209 







P. S. Your letter of the 31st ultimo came safely to hand with the packet to Mr.

Adams accompanyi ng it. 







GEORGE WASHINGTO N TO THE HONORABLE THOMAS JEFFERSON. 







NEWBURGH, 10th February, 1783. 







DEAR SIR,­I have been honored with your favor of 22d of January from

Philadelphi a. I feel myself much flattered by your kind remembran ce of me in

the hour of your departure from this continent, for the favorable sentiments

you are pleased to entertain of my services for this our common country. To

merit the approbatio n of good and virtuous men is the height of my ambition,

and will be a full compensati on for all my toils and sufferings in the long

and painful contest in which we have been engaged. It gave me great pleasure to

hear that the call upon you from Congress to pass the Atlantic in the character

of one of their ministers for negotiating peace had been repeated; but I hope

you will have found the business already done. The speech of his Britannic

Majesty is strongly indicative of the olive branch; and yet, as he observes,

unforeseen events may place it out of reach. At present, the prospect of peace

absorbs, or seems to do so, every other considerati on among us; and would, it

is to be feared, leave us in a very unprepare d state to continue the war, if

the negotiation s at Paris should terminate 







#VOL. IV-14.# 







210 Jefferson's Works 







otherwise than in a general pacification . But I will hope that it is the

dearth of other news that fills the mouths of every person with peace, while

their minds are employed in contemplati ng on the means of prosecutin g the

war, if necessity should drive us to it. You will please to accept my grateful

thanks for your obliging offer of services during your stay in France. To hear

from you frequently will be an honor and very great satisfaction to, dear Sir,

your most obedient, and most humble servant. 







ROBERT R. LIVINGSTO N TO THOMAS JEFFERSON . 







PHILADELP HIA, 14th February, 1783. 



SIR,­I have delayed in answering your favor of the 7th instant until I could

obtain the sense of Congress on the matter it contains. I conceive it hardly

possible, while the British cruisers retain their present station, for you to

elude their vigilance in either of the ships offered to your choice. This,

concurring with the late advices from England, has induced Congress to pass the

enclosed resolution. ¹ We have 







¹BY THE UNITED STATES IN CONGRESS ASSEMBLE D: 







February 14, 1783. 



The committee consisting of Mr. Jones, Mr. Rutledge, and Mr. Wilson, to whom

was referred a letter of the 7th from the Honorable Thomas Jefferson, reported

thereon, whereupon on motion of Mr. Gorham, seconded by Mr. Wolcott, ordered:

That the Secretary for Foreign Affairs inform Mr. Jefferson, that it is the

pleasure of Congress, considerin g the advices lately received in America and

the probable situation of affairs in Europe, that he do not proceed on his

intended voyage until he shall receive their further instruction s. 







CHARLES THOMPSON, (copied) 



Secretary. 







Correspond ence 211 







reason to conjecture that peace is already concluded; whether it is or not, a

few days will determine. I transmit the speech of his Britannic Majesty, which,

with what you already know of the state of our negotiation s, will enable you

to form your opinion on the same ground that we do. I have the honor to be,

Sir, with great respect and esteem, your most obedient, and most humble

servant. 







TO R. R. LIVINGSTO N. 







BALTIMORE , February 14, 1783. 



SIR,­I apprised you in my former letter of the causes which had so long delayed

my departure. These still continue. I have this moment received a printed copy

of his British Majesty's speech to his Parliament, by which we learn that the

preliminari es between Great Britain and America, among which is one for the

acknowledg ment of our independen ce, have been provisional ly agreed to on his

part. That the negotiation s with the other powers at war were considerabl y

advanced, and that he hoped, in a very short time, they would end in terms of

pacification . As considerabl e progress has been made in the negotiation s for

peace since the appointmen t with which Congress were pleased to honor me, it

may have become doubtful whether any communicat ions I could make or any

assistance I could yield to the very able gentlemen in whose hands the business

already is, would compensate the expense of prose







212 Jefferson's Works 







cuting my voyage to Europe. I therefore beg leave through you, Sir, to assure

Congress that I desire this question to be as open to them now as it was on the

day of my appointmen t, and that I have not a wish either to go or to stay.

They will be pleased to weigh the economy of the one measure against the chance

which the other may offer of my arriving in such time as that any communicat

ions which have been confided to me may produce effect on definitive articles.

I shall continue here for the prosecutio n of my voyage, under the orders

before received, or for its discontinua nce, should that be more eligible to

Congress, and be signified at any moment before my departure. I have the honor

to be, &c. 







ROBERT R. LIVINGSTO N TO THOMAS JEFFERSON . 







PHILADELP HIA, February 18, 1783. 



SIR,­I was yesterday honored with your favor of the 14th, which I shall lay

before Congress this morning. As you have by this time received their

resolution which I had the honor to send you by the last post, and again

enclosed, you will be relieved, in some measure from your embarrass ments,

though not entirely of your suspense with respect to their final determinati

on. But that cannot be long doubtful, since the negotiation s have certainly

arrived at such a crisis as either to terminate soon in a peace or a total

rupture. In the latter case, you will necessarily be obliged to proceed on your

voyage, as Congress 







Correspond ence 213 







seems anxious to avail themselves of your abilities and information in the

negotiation s, unless they are fully assured that a speedy peace will preclude

them from that advantage. 







I enclose a paper which contains all that we have yet received on that

interesting subject. It may, perhaps, be difficult to account for our ministers

having signed before those of France. But if this letter is genuine; it serves,

when compared with their instruction s, to prove that the terms of peace are

acceptable to us and not disagreeabl e to France. I have the honor to be, Sir,

with great respect and esteem, your most obedient, and most humble servant. 







TO THE HON. R. R. LIVINGSTO N. 







PHILADELP HIA, March 13, 1783. 



SIR,­Suppo sing the despatches received by the Washington , may have enabled

Congress to decide on the expediency of continuing, or of counterman ding my

mission to Europe, I take the liberty of expressing to you the satisfaction it

will give me to receive their ultimate will, so soon as other business will

permit them to revert to this subject.¹ I have the honor, &c. 







#[¹ The following resolution was passed by Congress relative to Mr, Jefferson's

mission to Europe.­ED .] 







BY THE UNITED STATES IN CONGRESS ASSEMBLE D: 



April 1st, 1783. 



Resolved, That the Secretary for Foreign Affairs inform the Hon. Thomas

Jefferson, in answer to his letter of the 13th of March, that# 







214 Jefferson's Works 







TO JOHN JAY. 







PHILADELP HIA, April 11, 1783. 



DEAR SIR,­In a letter which I did myself the honor of writing to you by the

Chevalier de Chattellux, I informed you of my being at this place, with the

intention of joining you in Paris. But the uncommon vigilance of the enemy's

cruisers, immediately after the departure of the French fleet, deterred every

vessel from attempting to go out. The arrival of the preliminari es soon after

showed the impropriet y of my proceeding , and I am just now setting out on my

return to Virginia. I cannot, however, take my departure, without paying to

yourself and your worthy colleague my homage for the good work you have

completed for us, and congratulat ing you on the singular happiness of having

borne so distinguish ed a part both in the earliest and latest transaction s of

this revolution. The terms obtained for us are indeed great, and are so deemed

by your country­a few ill-designin g debtors excepted. I am in hopes you will

continue at some one of the European courts most agreeable to yourself, that we

may still have the benefit of your talents. I took the liberty 







#Congress consider the object of his appointmen t so far advanced as to render

it unnecessar y for him to pursue his voyage, and that Congress are well

satisfied with the readiness he has shown in undertakin g a service which from

the present situation of affairs they apprehend can be dispensed with. Extracts

from the minutes, 



CHARLES THOMPSON, (copied) 



Secretary.# 







Correspond ence 215 







in my letter of suggesting a wish that you would be so kind as to engage

lodgings for me. Should you have given yourself this trouble, I beg leave to

return you my thanks, and to ask the favor of you to communicat e the amount of

their hire to Mr. Robert Morris, of this city, who will immediately remit it to

you, as I lodge money in his hands for this purpose. Accept my warmest wishes

for your happiness, and be assured of the sincerity with which I have the honor

to be, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant. 







P. S. I beg to be affectionat ely remembere d to Dr. F. and Mr. A., if they be

still with you. 







TO HIS EXCELLENC Y GENERAL WASHINGTO N. 







ANNAPOLIS , April 16, 1784. 



DEAR SIR,­I received your favor of April 8th, by 



Colonel Harrison. The subject of it is interesting , and, so far as you have

stood connected with it, has been matter of anxiety to me; because, whatever

may be the ultimate fate of the institution of the Cincinnati, in its course,

it draws to it some degree of disapproba tion. I have wished to see you

standing on ground separated from it, and that the character which will be

handed to future ages at the head of our Revolution, may, in no instance, be

compromitt ed in subordinat e altercation s. The subject has been at the point

of my pen in every letter I have 







216 Jefferson's Works 







written to you, but has been still restrained by the reflection that you had

among your friends more able counsellors , and, in yourself, one abler than

them all. Your letter has now rendered a duty what was before a desire, and I

cannot better merit your confidence than by a full and free communicat ion of

facts and sentiments, as far as they have come within my observatio n. When the

army was about to be disbanded, and the officers to take final leave, perhaps

never again to meet, it was natural for men who had accompanie d each other

through so many scenes of hardship, of difficulty, and danger, who, in a

variety of instances, must have been rendered mutually dear by those aids and

good offices, to which their situations had given occasion; it was natural, I

say, for these to seize with fondness any proposition which promised to bring

them together again, at certain and regular periods. And this, I take for

granted, was the origin and object of this institution; and I have no suspicion

that they foresaw, much less intended, those mischiefs which exist, perhaps in

the foreboding s of politicians only. I doubt, however, whether, in its

execution, it would be found to answer the wishes of those who framed it, and

to foster those friendships it was intended to preserve. The members would be

brought together at their annual assemblies, no longer to encounter a common

enemy, but to encounter one another in debate and sentiment. For something, I

suppose, is to be done at these meetings, and, however unimportan t, it will 







Correspond ence 217 







suffice to produce difference of opinion, contradicti on and irritation. The

way to make friends quarrel is to put them in disputation under the public eye.

An experience of near twenty years has taught me, that few friendships stand

this test, and that public assemblies, where every one is free to act and

speak, are the most powerful looseners of the bands of private friendship. I

think, therefore, that this institution would fail in its principal object, the

perpetuatio n of the personal friendships contracted through the war. 







The objections of those who are opposed to the institution shall be briefly

sketched. You will readily fill them up. They urge that it is against the

Confederati on­against the letter of some of our constitutio ns­against the

spirit of all of them; -that the foundation on which all these are built, is

the natural equality of man, the denial of every preeminenc e but that annexed

to legal office, and, particularl y, the denial of a pre-eminen ce by birth;

that, however, in their present disposition s, citizens might decline accepting

honorary instalments into the order, a time may come, when a change of

disposition s would render these flattering, when a well directed distributio n

of them might draw into the order all the men of talents, of office and wealth,

and in this case, would probably procure an ingraftmen t into the governmen t;

that in this, they will be supported by their foreign members, and the wishes

and influence of foreign courts; that experience has 







218 Jefferson's Works 







shown that the hereditary branches of modern governmen ts are the patrons of

privilege and prerogativ e, and not of the natural rights of the people, whose

oppressors they generally are; that, besides these evils, which are remote,

others may take place more immediately ; that a distinction is kept up between

the civil and military, which it is for the happiness of both to obliterate;

that when the members assemble they will be proposing to do something, and what

that something may be, will depend on actual circumstan ces; that being an

organized body, under habits of subordinati on, the first obstruction to

enterprise will be already surmounte d; that the moderation and virtue of a

single character have probably prevented this Revolution from being closed, as

most others have been, by a subversion of that liberty it was intended to

establish; that he is not immortal, and his successor, or some of his

successors, may be led by false calculation into a less certain road to glory. 







What are the sentiments of Congress on this subject, and what line they will

pursue, can only be stated conjectural ly. Congress, as a body, if left to

themselves, will, in my opinion, say nothing on the subject. They may,

however,, be forced into a declaration by instruction s from some of the

States, or by other incidents. Their sentiments, if forced from them, will be

unfriendly to the institution. If permitted to pursue their own path, they will

check it by side-blows whenever it comes in their way, and 



Correspond ence 219 







in competition s for office, on equal or nearly equal ground, will give silent

preference s to those who are not of the fraternity. My reasons for thinking

this are, 1. The grounds on which they lately declined the foreign order

proposed to be conferred on some of our citizens. 2. The fourth of the

fundamenta l articles of constitutio n for the new States. I enclose you the

report; it has been considered by Congress, recommitte d and reformed by a

committee, according to sentiments expressed on other parts of it, but the

principle referred to, having not been controvert ed at all, stands in this as

in the original report; it is not yet confirmed by Congress. 3. Private

conversatio ns on this subject with the members. Since the receipt of your

letter, I have taken occasion to extend these; not, indeed, to the military

members, because, being of the order, delicacy forbade it, but to the others

pretty generally; and among these, I have as yet found but one who is not

opposed to the institution, and that with an anguish of mind, though covered

under a guarded silence, which I have not seen produced by any circumstan ce

before. I arrived at Philadelphi a before the separation of the last Congress,

and saw there and at Princeton some of its members, not now in delegation.

Burke's piece happened to come out at that time, which occasioned this

institution to be the subject of conversatio n. I found the same impression s

made on them which their successors have received. I hear from other quarters

that it 







220 Jefferson's Works 







is disagreeabl e, generally, to such citizens as have attended to it, and,

therefore, will probably be so to all, when any circumstan ce shall present it

to the notice of all. 







This, Sir, is as faithful an account of sentiments and facts as I am able to

give you. You know the extent of the circle within which my observatio ns are

at present circumscri bed, and can estimate how far, as forming a part of the

general opinion, it may merit notice, or ought to influence your particular

conduct. 







It remains now to pay obedience to that part of your letter, which requests

sentiments on the most eligible measures to be pursued by the society, at their

next meeting. I must be far from pretending to be a judge of what would, in

fact, be the most eligible measures for the society. I can only give you the

opinions of those with whom I have conversed, and who, as I have before

observed, are unfriendly to it. They lead to these conclusions : 1. If the

society proceed according to its institution, it will be better to make no

application s to Congress on that subject, or any other, in their associated

character. 2. If they should propose to modify it, so as to render it

unobjectio nable, I think this would not be effected without such a modificatio

n as would amount almost to annihilatio n; for such would it be to part with

its inheritabili ty, its organizatio n, and its assemblies. 3. If they shall be

disposed to discontinue the whole, it would remain with them to 







Correspond ence 221 







determine whether they would choose it to be done by their own act only, or by

a reference of the matter to Congress, which would infallibly produce a

recommend ation of total discontinua nce. 







You will be sensible, Sir, that these communicat ions are without reserve. I

supposed such to be your wish, and mean them but as materials, with such others

as you may collect, for your better judgment to work on. I consider the whole

matter as between ourselves alone, having determined to take no active part in

this or anything else, which may lead to altercation, or disturb that quiet and

tranquillity of mind, to which I consign the remaining portion of my life. I

have been thrown back by events, on a stage where I had never more thought to

appear.¹ It is but for a time, however, and as a 







#[¹ Mr. Jefferson being released from his mission to Europe on account of the

news of peace, and having returned to Virginia, was again appointed by the

Legislature a delegate to Congress on the 6th of June, 1783. On the 3d of the

following November he arrived at Trenton, where Congress was then sitting, and

took his seat on the 4th, on which day that body adjourned to meet at Annapolis

on the 26th. Mr. Jefferson remained in the discharge of his duties as a

delegate until the 7th of May, 1784, when Congress, having determined to add a

third minister plenipotent iary to Mr. Adams and Dr. Franklin, conferred the

appointmen t on him. On the 6th of August, 1784, he reached Paris. The purpose

for which he had been associated with Mr. Adams and Dr. Franklin was to

negotiate commercial treaties with the European nations. In June, 1785, Mr.

Adams removed to London as our minister at that court, and Dr. Franklin

obtained permission to return to America, thus leaving Mr. Jefferson our only

representa tive at Paris in the character of minister plenipotent iary. Here he

remained until the 26th of September, 1789, something more than five years,

when he took leave of Paris, and landed at Norfolk in the latter part of

November.­ ED. ]# 







222 Jefferson's Works 







day laborer, free to withdraw, or be withdrawn at will. While I remain, I shall

pursue in silence the path of right, but in every situation, public or private,

I shall be gratified by all occasions of rendering you service, and of

convincing you there is no one to whom your reputation and happiness are dearer

than to, Sir, 







Your most obedient, and most humble servant. 







The following letters,¹ written by Jefferson before his mission to Europe, were

not included in the Congressio nal Edition of 1853: 







TO WILLIAM FLEMING.² 







RICHMOND, 1763. 



DEAR WILL,­Fro m a crowd of disagreeabl e companions , among whom I have spent

three or four of the most tedious hours of my life, I retire into Gunn's

bed-chamb er to converse in black and white with an absent friend. I heartily

wish you were here that I might converse with a Christian once more before I

die; for die I must this night unless I should be relieved by the arrival of

some sociable fellow. But I will now endeavor to forget my present sufferings

and think of what is more agreeable to both of us. Last 







#¹ These letters, however, were included in an edition of Jefferson's Writings

edited by the late Paul Leicester Ford. This edition, published by G. P.

Putnam's Sons, was limited to 750 sets, and is now out of print. 



² This letter was first published in the Southern Literary Messenger, and was

probably written by Jefferson in Richmond during the month of September, 1763.#









Correspond ence 223 







Saturday I left Ned Carters where I had been happy in other good company, but

particularl y that of Miss Jenny Taliaferro: and though I can view the beauties

of this world with the most philosophic al indifferenc e, I could not but be

sensible of the justice of the character you had given me of her. She is in my

opinion a great resemblanc e of Nancy Wilton, but prettier. I was vastly

pleased with her playing on the spinnette and singing, but could not help

calling to mind those sublime verses of the Cumberlan d genius. 







Oh! I was charmed to see 



Orpheus' music all in thee. 







When you see Patsy Dandridge, tell her "God bless her." I do not like the ups

and downs of a country life: to-day you are frolicking with a fine girl and

to-morrow you are moping by yourself. Thank God! I shall shortly be where my

happiness will be less interrupte d. I shall salute all the girls below in your

name, particularl y Sukey Potter. Dear Will, I have thought of the cleverest

plan of life that can be imagined. You exchange lands for Edgehill, or I mine

for Fairfields, you marry S­y P­r, I marry R­a B­1 join and get a pole chair

and a pair of keen horses, practise the law in the same courts, and drive about

to all the dances in the country together. How do you like it? Well I am sorry

you are at such a distance I cannot hear your answer, but however you must let

me know it by the first opportunit y,







224 Jefferson's Works 







and all the other news in the world which you imagine will affect me. I am,

dear Will, 







Yours affectionat ely, 







TO COLONEL WILLIAM PRESTON.¹ 







STAUNTON, Aug. 18, 1768. 







DEAR SIR,­I sit down to petition your suffrage in favor of a friend whose

virtues and abilities have made him much to me, and will give him equal place

in your esteem whenever you have an opportunit y of becoming acquainted with

them. The gentleman I speak of is the Rev. James Fontaine, who offers himself

as a candidate for the place of chaplain to the House of Burgesses. I do not

wish to derogate from the merit of the gentleman who possessed the office last,

but I cannot help hoping that every friend of genius, when the other qualities

of the competitors are equal, will give a preference to superior abilities;

integrity of heart and purity of manners recommend Messrs. Price and Fontaine

equally to our esteem, but in acuteness of penetration , accuracy of judgment,

elegance of composition , propriety of performing the divine service, and in

every work of genius, the former is left a great distance behind the latter. I

do not ask your favor on a bare assurance of this from me, but from that

knowledge of Mr. Fontaine's superiority , which you will obtain on enquiring of









#¹ The original of this letter belongs to the collection of Dr. Thomas Addis

Emmet, of New York.# 







Correspond ence 225 







others. I have heard that the other has been possessed of the office; an

argument which with you will need no confutation . These small preferment s

should be reserved to reward and encourage genius, and not be strewed with an

indiscrimin ating hand among the common herd of competitors . 







TO PEYTON RANDOLPH. 







ALBEMARL E, July 23, 1770. 



HONORABLE SIR,­I am to beg the favor of your friendly interpositio n in the

following case, which I hope you will think sufficient to excuse the freedom of

the application. Some time last f all Mr. Jas. Ogilvie purposing to go for

orders made the usual application to the commissary for his recommend atory

letter to the bishop. The commissary finding him somewhat deficient in his

Greek expressed some doubts whether he could recommend him. Ogilvie to remove

them did, without thought to be sure, make use of a very unfortunat e argument,

mentioning to the commissary the case of Stevenson who without understand ing a

word of Greek had been lately recommend ed. The commissary took flame at the

hint and peremptoril y refused his recommend ation. In several subsequent

visits Ogilvie attempted to soften him and did at length prevail so far as to

obtain a promise that he would not oppose his ordination with the bishop. With

this assurance, and with an actual nomination to a parish in his pocket he took

his 







#VOL. IV-15# 







226 Jefferson's Works 







departure. But whether the commissary 's frame is such as that he does not feel

the obligations of an engagemen t or whether he really thought he had done

wrong in entering it I cannot say, but before Ogilvie reached London he had

lodged a letter with the bishop in which were these words "Mr. Ogilvie applied

to me last spring for a recommend ation to your Lordship for holy orders. For

reasons which then existed I refused him. He has now applied to me a second

time, as these reasons are not removed I have denied him again but he goes home

in opposition. " Nothing could have been more artfully contrived to do him a

prejudice. The bishop observed to Colonel Mercer, who had espoused Ogilvie's

interest with some warmth that had Mr. Horrocks mentioned his objections, it

would have left him to judge whether they were such as he might have

overlooked; but that a charge so general laid his whole character open to

censure in such a manner as to put it out of his power to vindicate it. This

young gentleman seems to have been guided through life by the hand of

misfortune itself. Some hard fatality which presides over all his measures has

rendered abortive every scheme which either his prudence or the anxiety of his

friends have ever proposed for his advanceme nt. His present undertakin g was

peculiarly unfortunat e. Before he went to London he paid a visit to his father

a Presbyteri an minister in Aberdeen, who received him with all the joy with

which an absence of many years could inspire







Correspond ence 227 



parent. Yet, so wonderful is the dominion of bigotry over her votaries that on

the first information of his purpose to receive Episcopal ordination he shut

him from his doors and abjured every parental duty. Thus rejected by that hand

from which he had expected some assistance necessary even for the short

residence on that side of the water which he had then in contemplati on he

hastened to London, and there received the last stroke which fortune had in

reserve for him. The distresses of his situation operating on a mind uncommonl

y sensible to the pains as well as to the pleasures of life may be conceived

even by those to whom fortune has been kinder. There he still remains then, and

there he must remain (for it is his last stake) till the commissary can be

prevailed on either to withdraw his opposition or to explain the grounds of it,

or till we can take such other measures as may counteract its malignity. The

former is the easier and shorter relief to Ogilvie's distress and it is not

impossible but that the commissary may by this time be disposed to assist him.

For this purpose I have ventured to ask your interpositio n with him on behalf

of this gentleman in whose cause I have warm feelings. This liberty I have

taken with you not on any assumed rights of friendship or acquaintan ce, but

merely on the principles of common humanity to which his situation seems to

recommend him, and on the hope that you will think with the good man in the

play "homo sum: humani nil a me alienum puto." I 







228 Jefferson's Works 







have no interest at our Episcopal palace, and, indeed, any application if known

to come from me would rather be of disservice. I flatter myself your

interpositio n there would have certain effect, and assure you it would lay me

under lasting obligations. I suppose the most certain assistance would be a

letter from the commissary to the bishop. But one thing I must conjure you to

do, to see the letter yourself, that you may judge whether it be really

friendly or not. I confess to you, Mr. Speaker, that I put not the least

confidence in the most solemn promises of this reverend gentleman. And unless

yourself can be assured of the security of his endeavors I had rather proceed

at once in such measures as may answer our purpose though "in opposition. "

After your application I have one further favor to ask of you, that if it is

unsuccessf ul you will give me notice by a line lodged in the post office, if

successful (as I doubt not but it will be) you would be so kind as to inclose

his letter under cover to Ogilvie, and direct to him at Mrs. Ballard's

Hungerford street in the Strand London: as this would be a more speedy

communicat ion of relief to him than sending the letter via Albemarle. I have

no proffers to make you in return for all this trouble; fortune seems to have

reserved your obligations for herself. You have nothing to ask, I nothing to

give. I can only assure you then that I sincerely rejoice in the independen ce

of your situation; I mean an independen ce of all but your own merit, than

which I am sure you cannot have a more







Correspond ence 229 







permanent dependenc e. I am Sir with much truth your very humble servant. 







TO THOMAS ADAMS.¹ 







MONTICELL O, Feb. 20, 1771. 



DEAR SIR,­Not expecting to have the pleasure of seeing you again before you

leave the country, I inclose you an order on the inspectors at Shockoe for two

hogsheads of tobacco which I consign to you, and give you also the trouble of

shipping as I am too far from the spot to do it myself. They are to be laid out

in the purchase of the articles on the back hereof. You will observe that part

of these articles (such as are licensed by the association ) are to be sent at

any event. Another part (being prohibited) are only to be sent if the tea act

should be repealed before you get home; if it is not, you will observe a third

class to be sent instead of those which are prohibited. I am not without

expectation that the repeal may take place. I believe the parliament want

nothing but a colorable motive to adopt this measure. The conduct of our

brethren of New York affords them this. You will observe by my invoice that I

have supposed my tobacco to clear me £50 sterling per hogshead; should it be

less, dock the invoice of such articles as you think I may get in the

country.­I n consequenc e of your recommend ation I wrote to Waller last June 







#¹ Originally published in Harper's New Monthly Magazine, vol. 81, p. 205.# 







230 Jefferson's Works 







for £45 sterling worth of books inclosing him a bill of exchange to that

amount. Having written to Benson Pearson for another parcel of nearly the same

amount, I directed him to purchase them also of Waller. I acquainted both of

the necessity of my situation brought on by the unlucky loss of my library, and

pressed them most earnestly to lose not a day in sending them; yet I have heard

not a tittle from either gentleman. ­I mentioned to you that I had become one

of several securities for a gentleman of my acquaintan ce lately engaged in

trade. I hope and, indeed, hear he is doing very well; I would not, therefore,

take any step to wound his credit; but as far as it can possibly be done

without affecting that, I must beg you to have me secured. It can surely do no

mischief to see that his remittances are placed to the credit of the money for

which we stand engaged, and not of any new importation s of goods made

afterwards. I must rely entirely on your friendly assistance in the matter,

which I assure you gives me concern, as should my friend prove unsuccessf ul,

(and ill fortune may render any person unsuccessf ul,) it might sweep away the

whole of my little fortune.­I must once more trouble you for my friend Ogilvie.

The commissary promised to write in his favor to the bishop by Neeks. I did not

see his letter, and with this gentleman I believe no farther than I see. I

wrote by the same opportunit y to Ogilvie and apprised him of the commissary 's

engagemen t. Should your route to the ship be through 







Correspond ence 231 







Williamsbur gh I would trouble you to know whether he has in truth written or

not. The inclosed letter to Ogilvie you will please to deliver with our most

earnest advice that he lose not a day in coming over. ­One farther favor and I

am done; to search the Herald's office for the arms of my family. I have what I

have been told were the family arms, but on what authority I know not. It is

possible there may be none. If so, I would with your assistance become a

purchaser, having Sterne's word for it that a coat of arms may be purchased as

cheap as any other coat.­The things I have desired you to purchase for me I

would beg you to hasten, particularl y the Clavichord, which I have directed to

be purchased in Hamburgh, because they are better made there, and much cheaper.

Leave me a line before you go away with instruction s how to direct to you. 







TO JAMES OGILVIE.¹ 







MONTICELL O, Feb. 20, 1771. 



DEAR OGILVIE,­I wrote you a line from Williamsbur gh last October; but lest

that may have miscarried I take this opportunit y of repeating what was

material in that. On receipt of your letter (and, oh shame! of your only

letter) of March 28, 1770, which came not to hand till August we took proper

measures for prevailing on the commissary to withdraw his opposition. But lest

you should be uneasy 







#¹From the collection of Miss Sarah N, Randolph,# 







232 Jefferson's Works 







in your situation in the mean time I directed Mr. T: Adams by the means of his

partners Perkins and Brown to let you know they would answer any calls from

you. In this your friend Mr. Walker insisted on joining me. In October I

transmitted to the commissary a certificate of your conduct in life, on which

he promised to write in your favor by Neeks, and though I did not see the

letter I expect he did. By the same opportunit y I wrote to you inclosing a

duplicate of the certificate of which you might avail yourself if the

commissary should fail us again. About the same time I wrote from Williamsbur

gh to a gentleman of the vestry in Orange to secure for you a vacancy which had

happened in that parish by the death of Martin. I have had no answer, but the

parish is still vacant, which gives me hopes it is kept for you. Mr. Maury

incumbent in Fredericks ville parish (of which I was when you were here) has a

tempting offer from another quarter. I know not whether he W ill accept of it.

If he should we shall do for you all that can be done in your absence. But for

God's sake let not that be a moment longer than is of absolute necessity. Your

settlement here would make your friends happy, and I think would be agreeable

to yourself. Your Dulcinea is in health. Her brother T. Strachan is settled

with Y. Walker for life. Another reason for her and you to wish for a residence

with us. He is wishing to take to himself a wife; and nothing obstructs it but

the unfeeling temper of a parent who delays, perhaps refuses 







Correspond ence 233 







to approve her daughter's choice. I, too, am in that way; and have still

greater difficulties to encounter not from the forwardnes s of parents, nor

perhaps want of feeling in the fair one, but from other causes as unpliable to

my wishes as these. Since you left us I was unlucky enough to lose the house in

which we lived, and in which all its contents were consumed. A very few books,

two or three beds, etc., were with difficulty saved from the flames. I have

lately removed to the mountain from whence this is dated, and with which you

are not unacquaint ed. I have here but one room, which, like the cobblers,

serves me for parlour, for kitchen and hall. I may add, for bedchambe r and

study, too. My friends sometimes take a temper ate dinner with me and then

retire to look for beds elsewhere. I have hope, however, of getting more elbow

room this summer. But be this as may happen, whether my tenements be great or

small, homely or elegant they will always receive you with a hearty welcome. If

anything should obstruct your setting out immediately for Virginia I would beg

the favor of you to send the things I asked of you to purchase by some careful

captain coming on James river. Such of them as were for my buildings, or for

house keeping I am particularl y in want of. Nothing material occurs relative

to the health and fortunes of your friends here. They are well in both as far

as I can recollect them. I conclude my epistle with every wish for your

felicity which friendship can inspire. Adieu and believe me to be yours

sincerely. 







234 Jefferson's Works 







TO INGLIS AND LONG, MERCHANT S AT PORTSMOU TH.¹ 







WILLIAMSB URGH, May 11, 1771. 



GENTLEME N,­Yours of the eighth of April I have received, and since that your

favour of five pounds as counsel for Messrs. Cunningha m and Nisbett at the

suit of Jamieson and Taylor. Before we can regularly proceed to take any proof

s in the cause it will be necessary for Messrs. Cunningha m and Nisbett to send

us their answer denying or admitting the several charges in the bill as far as

their own knowledge enables them. For this purpose a copy of the bill should be

transmitted them. The answer must be sworn to before some justice of the peace,

and that he is such must be certified under the seal of their province. As soon

as I shall receive the answer immediate care shall be taken to send a

commission for the examination of any witnesses Messrs. Cunningha m and Nisbett

may choose to call on, with directions what matters it will most avail them to

prove. This I shall be the better enabled to do when their answer shall have

appraised me of the nature of their defence. 







With respect to the part yourselves are to act, it will be very plain, as you

are not concerned in interest. You must declare what effects of Cunningha m and

Nisbett you have in your hands, and submit them to the direction of the Court.

If you will be pleased by way of letter to state these matters to me 







#¹ From the collection of Mrs. J. W. Drexel.€# 







Correspond ence 235 







I will put them into the usual form of answers and return them to be sworn to.

Any further instruction s you may think proper to give in this matter shall be

diligently attended to by, Gentlemen, your very humble servant. 







TO THOMAS ADAMS.¹ 







MONTICELL O, June 1, 1771. 



DEAR SIR,­As it was somewhat doubtful when you left the country how far my

little invoice delivered you might be complied with till we should know the

fate of the association, I desired you to withhold purchasing the things till

you should hear farther from me. The day appointed for the meeting of the

associates is not yet arrived; however from the universal sense of those who

are likely to attend, it seems reduced to a certainty that the restriction s

will be taken off everything but the dutied articles. I will, therefore,

venture to desire that branch of my invoice may be complied with in which were

some shoes and other prohibited articles; since if contrary to our expectation

s the restriction s should be continued, I can store, or otherwise dispose of

them as our committees please. I must alter one article in the invoice. I wrote

therein for a Clavichord. I have since seen a Forte-pian o and am charmed with

it. Send me this instrument then 







#¹ Originally published in Harper's NEW Monthly Magazine, vol. 81, p. 206.# 







236 Jefferson's Works 







instead of the Clavichord: let the case be of fine mahogany, solid, not

veneered, the compass from Double G. to F. in alt, a plenty of spare strings;

and the workmansh ip of the whole very handsome and worthy the acceptance of a

lady for whom I intend it. I must add also ½ dozen pair India cotton stockings

for myself @ 10 / sterling per pair, ½ dozen pair best white silk do; and a

large umbrella with brass ribs, covered with green silk, and neatly finished.

By this change of the Clavichord into a Forte-pian o and addition of the other

things, I shall be brought in debt to you, to discharge which I will ship you

of the first tobacco I get to the warehouse in the fall. I expect by that time,

and also from year to year afterwards, I must send you an invoice, with

tobacco, somewhat enlarged, as I have it in prospect to become more regularly a

pater-famil ies.­I desired the favor of you to procure me an architect. I must

repeat the request earnestly, and that you will send him in as soon as you

can.­I shall conclude with one petition: that you send me the articles

contained in my invoice and written for above as soon as you receive this, as I

suppose they may be bought ready made; and particularl y the Forte-pian o, for

which I shall be very impatient. By this means I may get them in October, which

will prevent my being obliged to purchase as I must do if they do not come in

time. 







Correspond ence 237 







TO ROBERT SKIPWITH. 







MONTICELL O, Aug. 3, 1771 



I sat down with a design of executing your request to form a catalogue of books

to the amount of about 50 lib. sterling. But could by no means satisfy myself

with any partial choice I could make. Thinking, therefore, it might be as

agreeable to you I have framed such a general collection as I think you would

wish and might in time find convenient to procure. Out of this you will choose

for yourself to the amount you mentioned for the present year and may hereafter

as shall be convenient proceed in completing the whole. A view of the second

column in this catalogue would I suppose extort a smile from the face of

gravity. Peace to its wisdom! Let me not awaken it. A little attention however

to the nature of the human mind evinces that the entertainm ents of fiction are

useful as well as pleasant. That they are pleasant when well written every

person feels who reads. But wherein is its utility asks the reverend sage, big

with the notion that nothing can be useful but the learned lumber of Greek and

Roman reading with which his head is stored? 







I answer, everything is useful which contributes to fix in the principles and

practices of virtue. When any original act of charity or of gratitude, for

instance, is presented either to our sight or imagination , we are deeply

impressed with its beauty and feel a strong desire in ourselves of doing

charitable and 







238 Jefferson's Works 







grateful acts also. On the contrary when we see or read of any atrocious deed,

we are disgusted with its deformity, and conceive an abhorrence of vice. Now

every emotion of this kind is an exercise of our virtuous disposition s, and

disposition s of the mind, like limbs of the body acquire strength by exercise.

But exercise produces habit, and in the instance of which we speak the exercise

being of the moral feelings produces a habit of thinking and acting virtuously.

We never reflect whether the story we read be truth or fiction. If the painting

be lively, and a tolerable picture of nature, we are thrown into a reverie,

from which if we awaken it is the fault of the writer. I appeal to every reader

of feeling and sentiment whether the fictitious murder of Duncan by Macbeth in

Shakespear e does not excite in him as great a horror of villany, as the real

one of Henry IV. by Ravaillac as related by Davila? And whether the fidelity of

Nelson and generosity of Blandford in Marmontel do not dilate his breast and

elevate his sentiments as much as any similar incident which real history can

furnish? Does he not in fact feel himself a better man while reading them, and

privately covenant to copy the fair example? We neither know nor care whether

Lawrence Sterne really went to France, whether he was there accosted by the

Franciscan, at first rebuked him unkindly, and then gave him a peace offering:

or whether the whole be not fiction. In either case we equally are sorrowful at

the rebuke, and secretly resolve we will 







Correspond ence 239 







never do so: we are pleased with the subsequent atonement, and view with

emulation a soul candidly acknowledg ing its fault and making a just

reparation. Considerin g history as a moral exercise, her lessons would be too

infrequent if confined to real life. Of those recorded by historians few

incidents have been attended with such circumstan ces as to excite in any high

degree this sympatheti c emotion of virtue. We are, therefore, wisely framed to

be as warmly interested for a fictitious as for a real personage. The field of

imagination is thus laid open to our use and lessons may be formed to

illustrate and carry home to the heart every moral rule of life. Thus a lively

and lasting sense of filial duty is more effectually impressed on the mind of a

son or daughter by reading King Lear, than by all the dry volumes of ethics,

and divinity that ever were written: This is my idea of well written Romance,

of Tragedy, Comedy and Epic poetry.­If you are fond of speculation the books

under the head of Criticism will afford you much pleasure. Of Politics and

Trade I have given you a few only of the best books, as you would probably

choose to be not unacquaint ed with those commercial principles which bring

wealth into our country, and the constitutio nal security we have for the

enjoyment of that wealth. In Law I mention a few systematica l books, as a

knowledge of the minutiae of that science is not necessary for a private

gentleman. In Religion, History, Natural philosophy, I have followed the same

plan in general.­B ut







240 Jefferson's Works 







whence the necessity of this collection? Come to the new Rowanty, from which

you may reach your hand to a library formed on a more extensive plan. Separated

from each other but a few paces the possession s of each would be open to the

other. A spring centrically situated might be the scene of every evening's joy.

There we should talk over the lessons of the day, or lose them in music, chess

or the merriments of our family companions . The heart thus lightened our

pillows would be soft, and health and long life would attend the happy scene.

Come then and bring our dear Tibby with you, the first in your affections, and

second in mine. Offer prayers for me, too, at that shrine to which though

absent I pray continual devotions. In every scheme of happiness she is placed

in the foreground of the picture, as the principal figure. Take that away, and

it is no picture for me. Bear my affections to Wintipock clothed in the warmest

expression s of sincerity; and to yourself be every human felicity. Adieu. 







TO MESSRS. INGLIS AND LONG, MERCHANT S AT PORTSMOU TH.¹ 







WILLIAMSB URGH, June 11, 1772. 



GENTLEME N,­I have just received notice from Mr. Wythe that in the case of

Jamieson and Taylor v. Meredith and others he will move at the next 







#¹ From the collection of Dr. J. S. H. Fogg, of Boston, Mass.# 







Correspond ence 241 







court to have the effects delivered in to the plaintiff's hands. I have not yet

had time to enquire whether such steps have been yet taken as will entitle him

to do this. However it is better that your correspond ents prevent it which

cannot be done with certainty but by their sending in their answers in proper

form before the next court. I am this moment leaving town having just taken

time to inform you of this measure. 







TO WILLIAM FLEMING.¹ 







May 19, 1773. MRS. CARR's.² 



DEAR FLEMING,­ You have before this heard and lamented the death of our good

friend Carr.² Some steps are necessary to be immediately taken on behalf of his

clients. You practised in all his courts except Chesterfiel d and Albemarle. I

shall think I cannot better serve them than by putting their papers into your

hands if you will be so good as to take them. I once mentioned to you the court

of Albemarle as worthy your attention. ­ If you choose now to go there I would

get you to take his papers for that court also. They put you in possession of a

valuable business. The king's attorney's place is vacant there, and might be

worth your soliciting. If you think so you should dispatch an express for 







#¹ Printed in the Southern Literary Messenger, vol. III, p. 305. 



² Jefferson's sister's home in Charlottesv ille. 



² Dabney Carr was Jefferson's brother-in -law. He died May 16, 1773 



VOL. IV-16# 







242 Jefferson's Works 







commission. Otherwise you may be prevented. Write me a line in answer to this

and lodge it here within a week, as I shall about that time call here to take

the law papers and put them into some channel. Your assistance in these matters

will oblige, dear Fleming, your friend and humble servant. 







TO FRANCIS EPPES.¹ 







PHILADELP HIA, June 26th, 1775. 



DEAR SIR,­You will before this have heard that the war is now heartily entered

into, without a prospect of accommodat ion but through the effectual

interpositio n of arms. General Gage has received considerabl e reinforcem

ents, though not to the whole amount of what was expected. There has lately

been an action at the outlet of the town of Boston.² The particulars we have

not yet been able to get with certainty; the event, however, was considerabl y

in our favor as to the numbers killed. Our account says we had between 40 and

70 killed and 140 wounded. The enemy has certainly 500 wounded and the same

account supposes that number killed; but judging from the proportion of wounded

and slain on our part, they should not have perhaps above two hundred killed.

This happened on Saturday, and on Monday, when the express came away, the

provincials had begun to make another attack. 







#¹ Originally published in Randall's Life of Jefferson, vol. III, p. 567. 



² Refers to the battle of Bunker's Hill.# 







Correspond ence 243 







Washington set out from here on Friday last as generalissi mo of all the

provincial troops in North America. Ward and Lee were appointed major-gene rals

and Gates adjutant. We are exceedingl y anxious till we hear of their arrival

at Boston, as it is evident to every one that the provincial encampmen t is the

most injudicious that can possibly be conceived. For the sole purpose of

covering two small towns near Boston they have encamped so near the line of the

ministerial army that the sentries may converse. Gage, too, being well

fortified, is in little danger of an attack from them; while their situation is

such that he may attack them when he pleases, and if he is unsuccessf ul, they

cannot pursue him a foot scarcely, on account of the ships and floating

batteries bearing on the Neck of Boston. If no evil arises from this till

General Washington arrives, we may expect to hear of his withdrawin g the

provincial troops to a greater distance. The Congress have directed 20,000 men

to be raised, and hope by a vigorous campaign to dispose our enemies to treaty.

Governor Carleton has been spiriting up the Canadian Indians to fall on our

back settlements ; but this we hope will be prevented. Governor Skeene,

appointed to take charge of the fortresses on the lakes, was intercepted here,

as we had already taken possession of those fortificatio ns and provided a

Governor, there was no occasion for him to proceed. He is now, therefore, our

prisoner. My best affections attend Mrs. Eppes and family. 







244 Jefferson's Works 







TO FRANCIS EPPES. 



PHILADELP HIA, July 4th, 1775. 



DEAR SIR,­Since my last, nothing new has happened. Our accounts of the battle

of Charleston have become clear, and greatly to our satisfaction . Contrary to

what usually happens, the first account were below truth; and it is now certain

that the regulars have had between 1200 and 1400 killed and wounded in that

engagemen t, and that of these 500 were killed. Major Pitcairn is among the

slain, at which everybody rejoices, as he was the commanding officer at

Lexington, was the first who fired his own piece there and gave the command to

fire. Among those was a Doctor Warren, a man who seems to have been immensely

valued at the North. The New-Engla nders are fitting out light vessels of war,

by which it is hoped we shall not only clear the seas and bays here of

everything below the size of a ship of war, but that they will visit the coasts

of Europe and distress the British trade in every part of the world. The

adventurou s genius and intrepidity of those people is amazing. They are now

intent on burning Boston as a hive which gives cover to regulars; and none are

more bent upon it than the very people who came out of it and whose prosperity

lies there. This, however, if done at all, it is thought better to defer till

the cold season is coming on, as it would then lay them under irremediabl e

distress. 







#¹ Originally published in Randall's Life of Jefferson, vol. III, p. 568.# 







Correspond ence 245 



Powder seems now to be our only difficulty, and towards getting plenty of that

nothing is wanting but saltpetre. If we can weather out this campaign, I hope

that we shall be able to have a plenty made for another. Nothing is requisite

but to set about it, as every colony has materials, but more especially

Virginia and Maryland. My compliment s most affectionat ely to Mrs. Eppes. Mr.

and Mrs. Skipwith, I expect, have left you. Adieu. 







TO FRANCIS EPPES, 







PHILADELP HIA, Oct. 10th, 1775. 



DEAR SIR,­I wrote to Patty [Mrs. Jefferson] on my arrival here, and there being

nothing new in the political way, I enclosed her letter under a blank cover to

you. Since that we have received from England news of much importance which

coming through many channels we believe may be confidently relied on. Both the

ministerial and provincial accounts of the battle of Bunker's Hill had got to

England. The ministry were determined to push the war with vigor, a measure in

which they were fixed by the defeat of the Spaniards by the Moors. Ninety brass

cannon were embarked from the tower, and may be hourly expected either at New

York or Boston. Two thousand troops were to sail from Ireland about the 25th

September; these we have reason to believe are destined for New York.







#¹ Originally published in Randall's Life of Jefferson, vol. III, p. 569.# 







246 Jefferson's Works 







Commodore Shuldam was to sail about the same time with a great number of

frigates and small vessels of war, to be distributed among the middle colonies.

He comes at the express and earnest intercessio ns of Lord Dunmore, and the

plan is to lay waste all the plantations on our river sides. Of this we gave

immediate notice to our Committee of Safety by an express whom we dispatched

last Friday, that if any defence could be provided on the rivers by

fortificatio ns or small vessels it might be done immediately . In the spring,

10,000 men more are to come over. They are to be procured by taking away

two-thirds of the garrison at Gibraltar (who are to be replaced by some

Hessians) by 2,000 Highlander s and 5,000 Roman Catholics, whom they propose to

raise in Ireland. Instead of Roman Catholics, however, some of our accounts say

foreigners are to be sent. Their plan is this. They are to take possession of

New York and Albany, keeping up a communicat ion between them by means of their

vessels. Between Albany and St. John's, they propose also to keep open the

communicat ion, and again between St. John's and Quebec, and Boston. By this

means they expect Gage, Tryon, and Carleton may distress us on every side,

acting in concert with one another. By means of Hudson's River, they expect to

cut off all correspond ence between the northern and southern rivers. Gage was

appointed Governor-G eneral of all America; but Sir Jeffrey Amherst consented

afterwards to come over, so that Gage is to be 







Correspond ence 247 







recalled; but it is believed Amherst will not come till the spring; in the

meantime Howe will have the command. The cooperation of the Canadians is taken

for granted in all the ministerial schemes. We hope, therefore, they will be

dislocated by the events in that quarter. For an account of these I must refer

you to Patty. My warmest affections attend Mrs. Eppes. Adieu. 







TO FRANCIS EPPES.¹ 







PHILADELP HIA, Oct. 24, 1775. 



DEAR SIR,­Since my last, we have nothing new from England or from the camps at

either Cambridge or St. John's. Our eyes are turned to the latter place with no

little anxiety, the weather having been uncommonl y bad for troops in that

quarter, exposed to the inclemencie s of the sky without any protection.

Carleton is retired to (Quebec, and though it does not appear he has any

intimation of Arnold's expedition, yet we hear he has embodied 1,100 men to be

on his guard. A small vessel was the other day cast away on the Jersey shore

(she was one of the transports which had some time ago brought over troops to

Boston) on board of which were a captain, with his subordinat e officers and

marines, amounting to 23 in all, and also a Duncan Campbell who was going to

recruit men at New York for General Gage, he having some time before under







#¹ Originally published in Randall's Life of Jefferson, vol. III, p. 569.# 







248 Jefferson's Works 







taken the same business in the same place, and actually carried off 60 men. The

marines and their officers were all taken immediately , except their captain

and the recruiting gentleman; these pushed off in a little boat, and coasted it

to Long Island, where they got on board a sloop which was to have sailed in an

hour, when the party sent after them came upon them. They were brought to this

city this morning, the marines having been here some time. Our good old speaker

died the night before last. For the particulars of that melancholy event I must

refer you to Patty. My affections attend Mrs. Eppes. Adieu. 







TO JOHN Page.¹ 







PHILADELP HIA, Oct. 31, 1775. 



DEAR PAGE,­We have nothing new from England or the camp before Boston. By a

private letter this day to a gentleman of Congress from General Montgomer y we

learn that our forces before St. John's are 4,000 in number besides 500

Canadians, the latter of whom have repelled with great intrepidity three

different attacks from the fort. We apprehend it will not hold out much longer

as Monsieur St. Luc de la Corne and several other principal inhabitants of

Montreal who have been our great enemies have offered to make terms. This 







#¹ Originally published in the Historical Magazine, vol. XIV, p. 244# 







Correspond ence 249 







St. Luc is a great Seigneur amongst the Canadians and almost absolute with the

Indians, he has been our most bitter enemy, he is acknowledg ed to be the

greatest of all scoundrels; to be assured of this I need only to mention to you

that he is the ruffian who, when during the late war Fort William Henry was

surrendere d to the French and Indians on condition of saving the lives of the

garrison, had every soul murdered in cold blood. The check which the Canadians

received at first is now wearing off. They were made to believe we had an army

of 15,000 men going there, but when they saw Montgomer y with but 2,700 they

were thunderstr uck at the situation they had brought themselves into. However,

when they saw even this small armament march boldly to invest St. John's, and

put a good face on the matter, they revived, and the recruits since have

contribute d to inspirit them more. 







I have set apart nearly one day in every week since I came here to write

letters. Notwithsta nding this I never had received the scrip of a pen from any

mortal breathing. I should have excepted two lines from Mr. Pendleton to desire

me to buy him 24 pounds of wire from which I concluded he was alive. I speak

not this for you from whom I would not wish to receive a letter till I know you

can write one without injury to your health, but in future as I must be

satisfied with information from my colleagues that my county still exists, so I

am determined to be satisfied also with their epistolary communicat ions 







250 Jefferson's Works 







of what passes within our knowledge. Adieu, dear Page. 







Delenda est Norfolk.¹ 







TO FRANCIS EPPES.² 







PHILADELP HIA, NOV. 7, 1775. 



DEAR SIR,­We have no late intelligence here except of the surrender of Chambly,

with 90 prisoners of war, 6½ tons of powder, 150 stands of arms, and some other

small matters. The acquisition of this powder, we hope, has before this made us

masters of St. John's, on which Montreal and the upper parts of St. Lawrence

will of course be ours. The fate of Arnold's expedition we know not as yet. We

have had some disagreeabl e accounts of internal commotions in South Carolina.

I have never received the script of a pen from any mortal in Virginia since I

left it, nor been able by any inquiries I could make to hear of my family. I

had hoped that when Mrs. Byrd came I could have heard something of them; but

she could tell me nothing about them. The suspense under which I am is too

terrible to be endured. If anything has happened, for God's sake let me know

it. My best affections to Mrs. Eppes. 



Adieu. 







#¹ Referring to the burning of Norfolk, Va., by the British. 



² Originally published in Randall's Life of Jefferson, vol. III, p. 570.# 







Correspond ence 251 







TO FRANCIS EPPES.¹ 







PHILADELP HIA, NOV. 21st, 1775. 



DEAR SIR,­After sealing my last letter to you, we received an account of the

capture of St. John's which I wrote on the letter. What I then gave you was

true account of the matter. We consider this as having determined the fate of

Canada. A committee of Congress is gone to improve circumstan ces, so as to

bring the Canadians into our Union. We have accounts of Arnold as late as

October 13. All well and in fine spirits. We cannot help hoping him into

possession of Quebec, as we know Carleton to be absent in the neighborho od of

Montreal. Our armed vessels to the northward have taken some of the ships

coming with provisions from Ireland to Boston. By the intercepted letters we

have a confirmatio n that they will have an army of four or five and twenty

thousands there by the spring, but they will be raw-teague s.² 3,000 are lately

arrived there. I have written to Patty a proposition to keep yourselves at a

distance from the alarms of Lord Dunmore. To her, therefore, for want of time,

I must refer to you, and shall hope to meet you as proposed. I am, dear Sir,

with my best affections to Mrs. Eppes, your friend and servant. 







#¹ Originally published in Randall's Life of Jefferson, vol. III, p. 570. 



² Jefferson refers to the Irish recruits.# 







252 Jefferson's Works 







TO JOHN PAGE.¹ 







About Dec. 10th, 1775 



De rebus novis, ita est. One of our armed vessels has taken an English store

ship coming with all the implements of war (except powder) to Boston. She is

worth about £30,000 sterling as General Washington informs us, and the stores

are adapted to his wants as perfectly as if he had sent the invoice. They have

also taken two small provision vessels from Ireland to Boston. A forty gun ship

blew up the other day by accident in the harbor of Boston. Of a certainty the

hand of God is upon them. Our last intelligence from Arnold to be relied on is

by letter from him. He was then at Point Levy opposite Quebec and had a great

number of canoes ready to cross the river. The Canadians received him with

cordiality and the regular force in Quebec was too inconsidera ble to give him

any inquietude. A later report makes him in possession of Quebec, but this is

not authenticat ed. Montgomer y had proceeded in quest of Carleton and his

small fleet of 11 pickeroons, then on Lake St. Francis. He had got below him

and had batteries so planted as to prevent his passing. It is thought he cannot

escape their vigilance. I hope Lord Chatham may live till the fortune of war

puts his son into our hands, and enables us by returning him safe to his

father, to pay a 







#¹ From a letter possessed by the American Antiquaria n Society of Worcester,

Mass.# 







Correspond ence 253 







debt of gratitude. I wish you would get into Convention and come here. Think of

it. Accomplish it. Adieu. 







The Congress have promoted Brigadier General Montgomer y to be a Major General,

and on being assured that Arnold is in possession of Quebec it is probable he

will be made a Brigadier General, one of those offices being vacant by

Montgomer y's promotion. This march of Arnold's is equal to Xenophon's retreat.

Be so good as to enquire for the box of books you lodged for me at Nelson's and

get them to a place of safety. Perhaps some opportunit y may offer of sending

it to Richmond. 







TO THOMAS NELSON.¹ 







PHILADELP HIA, May 16, 1776. 



DEAR NELSON,­I arrived here last Tuesday after being detained hence six weeks

longer than I intended by a malady of which Gilmer can inform you. I have

nothing new to inform you of as the last post carried you an account of the

naval engagemen t in Delaware. I inclose a vote of yesterday on the subject of

government as the ensuing campaign is likely to require greater exertion than

our unorganize d powers may at present effect. Should our Convention propose to

establish now a form of governmen t perhaps it might be agreeable to recall for

a 







#¹ From a letter belonging to the American Antiquaria n Society, of Worcester,

Mass.# 







254 Jefferson's Works 







short time their delegates. It is a work of the most interesting nature and

such as every individual would wish to have his voice in. In truth it is the

whole object of the present controvers y; for should a bad governmen t be

instituted for us in future it had been as well to have accepted at first the

bad one offered to us from beyond the water without the risk and expense of

contest. But this I mention to you in confidence, as in our situation, a hint

to any other is too delicate however anxiously interesting the subject is to

our feelings. In future you shall hear from me weekly while you stay, and I

shall be glad to receive Convention al as well as public intelligence from you.









P. S.­In the other colonies who have instituted governmen t they recalled their

delegates, leaving only one or two to give information to Congress of matters

which might relate to their country particularl y, and giving them a vote

during the interval of absence. 







I am at present in our old lodgings though I think, as the excessive heats of

the city are coming on fast, to endeavor to get lodgings in the skirts of the

town where I may have the benefit of a freely circulating air. Tell Page and

McClurgh that I received their letters this morning and shall devote myself to

their contents. I am here in the same uneasy anxious state in which I was the

last fall without Mrs. Jefferson who could not come with me. I wish much to 







Correspond ence 255 







see you here, yet hope you will contrive to bring on as early as you can in

convention the great questions of the session. I suppose they will tell us what

to say on the subject of independen ce, but hope respect will be expressed to

the right of opinion in other colonies who may happen to differ from them. When

at home I took great pains to enquire into the sentiments of the people on that

head, in the upper counties I think I may safely say nine out of ten are for

it. Adieu. My compliment s to Mrs. Nelson. 







May 19. Yesterday we received the disagreeabl e news of a second defeat at

Quebec. Two men of war, two frigates and a tender arrived there early on the

6th instant. About 11 o'clock the same day the enemy sallied out to the number

of a thousand. Our forces were so dispersed at different posts that not more

than 200 could be collected at Headquarte rs. This small force could not resist

the enemy. All our cannon, 500 muskets and 200 sick men fell into their hands:

Besides this one of their frigates got possession of a batteau with 30 barrels

of powder and an armed vessel which our crew was forced to abandon. Our army

was to retreat to the mouth of the Sorel. 







General Arnold was to set off from Montreal to join them immediately , upon

whose rejoining them, it was hoped they might return as far as Dechambea u.

General Wooster has the credit of this misadventu re, and if he cannot give a

better account of it than has 







256 Jefferson's Works 







yet been heard, I hope he will be made an example of. Generals Thomas and

Sullivan were on their way with reinforcem ents. Arnold had gone up to Montreal

on business, or as some say, disgusted by Wooster. 







The Congress having ordered a new battalion of riflemen to be raised in

Virginia, Innis wishes much to be translated to it from the Eastern shore which

was so disagreeabl e to him that he had determined to have resigned. 







TO WILLIAM FLEMING.¹ 







PHILADELP HIA, July I, 1776. 



DEAR FLEMING,­ Yours of 22d June came to hand this morning and gratified me

much, as this with your former contains interesting intelligence . 







Our affairs in Canada go still retrograde, but I hope they are now nearly at

their worst. The fatal sources of these misfortune s have been want of hard

money with which to procure provisions, the ravages of the small pox with which

one half of our army is still down, and an unlucky choice of some officers. By

our last letters, General Sullivan was retired as far as Isle au noix with his

dispirited army and Burgoyne pursuing him with one of double or treble his

numbers. It gives much concern that he had determined to make a stand there as

it exposes to great danger of losing him and his army; and it was the 







#¹ Printed in the Southern Literary Messenger, vol. III,. p. 306.# 







Correspond ence 257 







universal sense of his officers that he ought to retire. General Schuyler has

sent him positive orders to retire to Crown Point but whether they will reach

him in time enough to withdraw him from danger is questionabl e. Here it seems

to be the opinion of all the General officers that an effectual stand may be

made and the enemy not only prevented access into New York, but by preserving a

superiority on the lakes we may renew our attacks on them to advantage as soon

as our army is recovered from the small pox and recruited. But recruits, though

long ordered, are very difficult to be procured on account of that dreadful

disorder. 







The Conspiracy at New York is not yet thoroughly developed, nor has any thing

transpired, the whole being kept secret till the whole is got through. One fact

is known of necessity, that one of the General's lifeguards being thoroughly

convicted was to be shot last Saturday. General Howe with some ships (we know

not how many) is arrived at the Hook, and, as is said, has landed some horse on

the Jersey shore. The famous Major Rogers is in custody on violent suspicion of

being concerned in the conspiracy. 







I am glad to hear of the Highlander s carried into Virginia. It does not appear

certainly how many of these people we have but I imagine at least six or eight

hundred. Each effort should be made to keep up the spirits of the people the

succeeding three months; which in the universal opinion will be the only ones

in which our trial can be severe. 







#VOL. IV-17# 







258 Jefferson's Works 







I wish you had depended on yourself rather than others for giving me an account

of the late nomination of delegates. I have no other state of it but the number

of votes for each person. The omission of Harrison and Braxton and my being

next to the lag give me some alarm. It is a painful situation to be 300 miles

from one's country, and thereby opened to secret assassination without a

possibility of self defence. I am willing to hope nothing of this kind has been

done in my case, but yet I cannot be easy. If any doubts has arisen as to me,

my country will have my political creed in the form of a "Declaratio n" etc.

which I was lately directed to draw. This will give decisive proof that my own

sentiment concurred with the vote they instructed me to give. Had the post been

to go a day later we might have been at liberty to communicat e this whole

matter. 



July 2. I have kept open my letter till this morning but nothing more new.

Adieu. 







TO GEORGE WYTHE.¹ 







July, 1776. 



The dignity and stability of governmen t in all its branches, the morals of the

people, and every blessing of society, depend so much upon an upright and

skillful administrat ion of justice, that the judicial power ought to be

distinct from both the legislature and executive, and independen t upon both,

that so 







#¹ Extract from The Balance, vol. II, p. 146.# 







Correspond ence 259 







it may be a check upon both, as both should be checks upon that. The judges,

therefore, should always be men of learning and experience in the laws, of

exemplary morals, great patience, calmness and attention; their minds should

not be distracted with jarring interests; they should not be dependent upon any

m an or body of men. To these ends they should hold estates for life in their

offices, or, in other words, their commission s should be during good behavior,

and their salaries ascertained and established by law. 







For misbehavio r, the grand inquest of the colony, the house of representa

tives, should impeach them before the governor and council, when they should

have time and opportunit y to make their defence; but if convicted, should be

removed from their offices, and subjected to such other punishment as shall be

thought proper. 







TO EDMUND PENDLETON . 







July, 1776. 



I am sorry the situation of my domestic affairs, renders it indispensa bly

necessary that I should solicit the substitutio n of some other person here in

my room. The delicacy of the House will not require me to enter minutely into

the private causes which render this necessary. I trust they will be satisfied.

I would not urge it again, were it not unavoidabl e.;I shall with cheerfulne ss

continue my duty here till 







# ¹ Extract published in Girardin's History of Virginia, vol. IV.# 







260 Jefferson's Works 







the expiration of our year by which time I hope it will be convenient for my

successor to attend. 







TO FRANCIS EPPES.¹ 







PHILADELP HIA, July 15th, 1776. 



DEAR SIR,­Yours of the 3rd inst. came to-day. I wish I could be better

satisfied on the point of Patty's recovery. I had not heard from her at all for

two posts before, and no letter from herself now. I wish it were W my power to

return by way of the Forest, as you think it will be impracticab le for Mrs.

Eppes to travel to the mountains. However, it will be late in August before I

can get home, and our Convention will call me down early in October. Till that

time, therefore, I must defer the hope of seeing Mrs. Eppes and yourself.

Admiral Howe is himself arrived at New York, and two or three vessels, supposed

to be of his fleet, were coming in. The whole is expected daily. 







Washington 's numbers are greatly increased, but we do not know them exactly. I

imagine he must have from 30 to 35,000 by this time. The enemy the other day

ordered two of their men-of-war to hoist anchor and push by our batteries up

the Hudson River. Both wind and tide were very fair. They passed all the

batteries with ease, and, as far as is known, without receiving material

damage; though there was an incessant fire kept up on them. This 







#¹ Originally published in Randall's Life of Jefferson, vol. III, p: 582.# 







Correspond ence 261 







experiment of theirs, I suppose, is a prelude to the passage of their whole

fleet, and seems to indicate an intention of landing above New York. I imagine

General Washington , finding he cannot prevent their going up the river, will

prepare to amuse them wherever they shall go. Our army from Canada is now at

Crown Point, but still one half down with the small pox. You ask about Arnold's

behavior at the Cedars. It was this. The scoundrel, Major Butterfield, having

surrendere d three hundred and ninety men, in a fort with twenty or thirty

days' provision, and ammunition enough, to about forty regulars, one hundred

Canadians, and five hundred Indians, before he had lost a single man­and Major

Sherburne, who was coming to the relief of the fort with one hundred men,

having, after bravely engaging the enemy an hour and forty minutes, killing

twenty of them and losing twelve of his own, been surrounde d by them, and

taken prisoners also­Gener al Arnold appeared on the opposite side of the river

and prepared to attack them. His numbers I know not, but believe they were

about equal to the enemy. Captain Foster, commander of the king's troops, sent

over a flag to him, proposing an exchange of prisoners for as many of the

king's in our possession, and, moreover, informed Arnold that if he should

attack, the Indians would put every man of the prisoners to death. Arnold

refused, called a council of war, and, it being now in the night, it was

determined to attack next morning: A second flag came over; he again refused, 







262 Jefferson's Works 







though in an excruciatin g situation, as he saw the enemy were in earnest about

killing the prisoners. His men, too, began to be importunat e for the recovery

of their fellow-soldi ers. A third flag came, the men grew more clamorous and

Arnold, now almost raving with rage and compassion , was obliged to consent to

the exchange and six days suspension of hostilities, Foster declaring he had

not boats to deliver them in less time. However, he did deliver them so much

sooner as that before the six days were expired, himself and party had fled out

of all reach. Arnold then retired to Montreal. You have long before this heard

of General Thompson's defeat. The truth of that matter has never appeared till

lately. You will see it in the public papers. No men on earth ever behaved

better than ours did. The enemy behaved dastardly. Colonel Allen (who was in

the engagemen t) assured me this day, that such was the situation of our men,

half way up to the thighs in mud for several hours, that five hundred men of

spirit must have taken the whole; yet the enemy were repulsed several times,

and our people had time to extricate themselves and come off. It is believed

the enemy suffered considerabl y. The above account of Arnold's affair you may

rely on, as I was one of a committee appointed to inquire into the whole of

that matter, and have it from those who were in the whole transaction , and

were taken prisoners. 







My sincere affections to Mrs. Eppes, and adieu. 







Correspond ence 263 







TO THE GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA. 







(PATRICK. HENRY.) 







PHILADELP HIA, July 16, 1776. 



We were informed a few weeks ago that 5000 pounds of lead imported by our

colony were landed at Fredericks burgh. As it appeared very unlikely it should

be wanting in Virginia, and the flying camp forming in the Jerseys, in the face

of a powerful enemy, are likely to be in distress for this article, we thought

we should be wanting to the public cause, which includes that of our own

country, had we hesitated to desire it to be brought here. Had the wants of the

camp admitted the delay of an application to you we should most certainly have

waited an order from you, but their distress is instantaneo us. Even this

supply is insufficient . The army in Canada, and the army in New York will want

much lead and there seems to be no certain source of supply unless the mine in

Virginia can be rendered such. We are, therefore, by direction of Congress to

beg further you will be pleased to send them what lead can be spared from

Williamsbur gh, and moreover order 15 or 20 tons to be brought here immediately

from the mine. 







We take the liberty of recommendi ng the lead mines to you as an object of vast

importance. We think it impossible they can be worked to too great an extent.

Considered as perhaps the sole means of supporting the American cause, they are

inestimable . As an article of commerce to our colony, too, they 







264 Jefferson's Works 







will be valuable; and even the wagonage, if done either by the colony or

individuals belonging to it, will carry to it no trifling sum of money. We

enclose you a resolution of Congress of the subjects of forts and garrisons on

the Ohio. 







Several vacancies having happened in our battalions, we are unable to have them

filled for want of a list of the officers stating their seniority. We must beg

the favor of you to furnish us with one. We received from Colonel R: H. Lee a

resolution of Convention recommendi ng us to endeavor that the promotions of

the officers be according to seniority, without regard to regiments or

companies. In, one instance indeed the Congress reserved to themselves a right

of departing from seniority; that is where a person either out of the line of

command, or in an inferior part of it, has displayed eminent talents. Most of

the general officers have been promoted in this way. Without this reservation

the whole continent must have been supplied with general officers from the

Eastern colonies, where a large army was formed and officered before any other

colony had occasion to raise troops at all, and a number of experience d, able

and valuable officers must have been lost to the public merely from the

locality of their situation. 







The resolution of our Convention on the subject of salt we shall lay before

Congress. The Convention of Pennsylvan ia did not proceed to business yesterday

for want of a quorum. As soon as they do we 



Correspond ence 265 







shall lay before them the proposition from our convention on the differences at

Fort Pitt, and communicat e to you the result. 







TO COLONEL FIELDING LEWIS. 







PHILADELP HIA, July 16, 1776.



We were informed a few weeks ago that 5000 pounds of lead imported on account

of our colony were landed at Fredericks burgh. There appears scarcely a

possibility it should be wanting in Virginia, more especially when we consider

the supplies which may be expected from the mines of that colony. The flying

camp now forming in the Jerseys and which will be immediately in the face of a

powerful enemy is likely to be in great want of that article. Did their wants

admit of delay of an application to the Governor we should have applied to him

and have not a doubt he would order it hither. But circumstan ces are too

pressing, and we are assured we should incur the censures of our country were

we to permit the public cause to suffer essentially while the means of

preventing it (though not under our immediate charge) are within our reach. We,

therefore, take the liberty of desiring you to stop so many of the powder

wagons now on their way to Williamsbur gh as may be necessary and return them

immediately with this lead, and whatever more you can collect sending the

powder on by other wagons. 







266 Jefferson's Works 







But should the lead have been sent to Williamsbur gh the wagons may then

proceed on their Journey and the Governor to whom we have written will take

care of the matter.¹ 







TO JOHN PAGE.² 







PHILADELP HIA, July 20, 1776. 



DEAR PAGE,­On the receipt of your letter we enquired into the probability of

getting your seal done here. We find a drawer and an engraver here both of whom

we have reason to believe are excellent in their way. They did great seals for

Jamaica and Barbadoes both of which are said to have been well done, and a seal

for the Philosophic al society here which we are told is excellent. But they

are expensive, and will require two months to complete it. The drawing the

figures for the engraver will cost about 50 dollars, and the engraving will be

still more. Neverthele ss as it would be long before we could consult you and

receive an answer, as we think you have no such hands, and the expense is never

to be incurred a second time we shall order it to be done. I like the device of

the first side of the seal much. The second I think is too much crowded, nor is

the design so striking. But for God's sake what is the "Deus nobis haec otia

facit"? It puzzles everybody 







#¹ See Journals of Congress, 14. July, 1776. 



² Originally published in New England Historical and Genealogica l Register,

vol. XX, p. 69. # 







Correspond ence 267 







here; if my country really enjoys that otium, it is singular, as every other

colony seems to be hard struggling. I think it was agreed on before Dunmore's

flight from Gwyn's island so that it can hardly be referred to the temporary

holiday that has given you. This device is too enigmatical , since it puzzles

now, it will be absolutely insoluble fifty years hence. 







I would not advise that the French gentlemen should come here. We have so many

of that country, and have been so much imposed on, that the Congress begins to

be sore on that head. Besides there is no prospect of raising horse this way.

But if you approve of the Chevalier de St. Aubin, why not appoint him

yourselves, as your troops of horse are Colonial not Continental ? 







The 8th battalion will no doubt be taken into Continental pay from the date you

mention. So also will be the two written for lately to come to the Jerseys. The

7th should have been moved in Congress long e'er now, but the muster roll sent

us by Mr. Yates was so miserably defective that it would not have been

received, and would have exposed him. We, therefore, desired him to send one

more full, still giving it the same date, and I enclosed him a proper form. If

he is diligent we may receive it by next post. 







The answer to your public letter we have addressed to the Governor. 







There is nothing new here. Washington 's and Mercer's camps recruit with

amazing slowness. Had 







268 Jefferson's Works 







they been reinforced more readily something might have been attempted on Staten

Island. The enemy there are not more than 8, or 10,000 strong. Lord Howe has

received none of his fleet, unless some Highlander s (about 8, or 10 vessels)

were of it. Our army at Ticonderog a is getting out of the small pox. We have

about 150 carpenters I suppose got there by now. I hope they will out-build the

enemy, so as to keep our force on the lake superior to theirs. There is a

mystery in the dereliction of Crown-poin t. The general officers were unanimous

in preferring Ticonderog a, and the Field officers against it. The latter have

assigned reasons in their remonstran ce which appear unanswera ble, yet every

one acquainted with the ground pronounce the measure right without answering

these reasons. 







Having declined serving here the next year, I shall be with you at the first

session of our assembly. I purpose to leave this place the 11th of August,

having so advised Mrs. Jefferson by last post, and every letter brings me such

an account of the state of her health, that it is with great pain I can stay

here till then. But Braxton purposing to leave us the day after to-morrow, the

colony would be unrepresen ted were I to go, before the 11th. I hope to see

Colonel Lee and Mr. Wythe here. Though the stay of the latter will I hope be

short, as he must not be spared from the important department of the law.

Adieu, adieu. 







Correspond ence 269 







TO FRANCIS EPPES.¹ 







PHILADELP HIA, July 23, 1776. 



DEAR SIR,­We have nothing new here now but from the southward. The successes

there I hope will prove valuable here, by giving new spirit to our people. The

ill successes in Canada had depressed the minds of many; when we shall hear the

last of them I know not; everybody had supposed Crown Point would be a certain

stand for them, but they have retreated from that to Ticonderog a, against

everything which in my eye wears the shape of reason. When I wrote you last, we

were deceived in General Washington 's numbers. By a return which came to hand

a day or two after, he then had but 15,000 effective men. His reinforcem ents

have come in pretty well since. The flying camp in the Jerseys under General

Mercer begins to form, but not as fast as exigencies require. The Congress

have, therefore, been obliged to send for two of our battalions from Virginia.

I hope that country is perfectly safe now; and if it is, it seems hardly right

that she should not contribute a man to an army of 40,000 and an army, too, on

which was to depend the decision of all our rights. Lord Howe's fleet has not

yet arrived. The first division sailed five days before he did, but report says

it was scattered by a storm. This seems probable, as Lord Howe had a long

passage. The other two divisions were not 







#¹ Originally published in Randall's Life of Jefferson, vol. III, p. 582.# 



270 Jefferson's Works 







sailed when he came away. I do not expect his army will be here and fit for

action till the middle or last of August; in the meantime, if Mercer's camp

could be formed with the expedition it merits, it might be possible to attack

the present force from the Jersey side of Staten Island, and get rid of that

beforehand ; the militia go in freely, considerin g they leave their harvest to

rot in the field. 







I have received no letter this week, which lays me under great anxiety. I shall

leave this place about the 11th of next month. Give my love to Mrs. Eppes, and

tell her that when both you and Petty fail to write me, I think I shall not be

unreasonab le in insisting she shall. 







TO JOHN PAGE.¹ 







PHILADELP HIA, Aug. 5, 1776. 



DEAR PAGE,­I am sorry to hear that the Indians have commenced war, but greatly

pleased you have been so decisive on that head. Nothing will reduce those

wretches so soon as pushing the war into the heart of their country. But I

would not stop there. I would never cease pursuing them while one of them

remained on this side the Mississippi. So unprovoke d an attack and so

treacherou s a one should never be forgiven while one of them remains near

enough to do us injury. The Congress having had 







#¹ From the collection belonging to Mr. Cassius F. Lee, of Alexandria, Va.# 







Correspond ence 271 







reason to suspect the Six nations intended war, instructed their commission ers

to declare to them peremptoril y that if they chose to go to war with us, they

should be at liberty to remove their families out of our settlements , but to

remember that they should not only never more return to their dwellings on any

terms but that we would never cease pursuing them with war while one remained

on the f ace of the earth; and moreover, to avoid equivocatio n, to let them

know they must recall their young men from Canada, or we should consider them

as acting against us nationally. This decisive declaration produced an equally

decisive act on their part; they have recalled their young men, and are

stirring themselves with anxiety to keep their people quiet, so that the storm

we apprehend ed to be brewing there it is hoped is blown over. Colonel Lee

being unable to attend here till the 20th inst. I am under the painful

necessity of putting off my departure, notwithsta nding the unfavorabl e

situation of Mrs. Jefferson's health. We have had hopes till to-day of

receiving an authenticat ion of the next year's delegation; but are disappointe

d. I know not who should have sent it, the Governor, or President of Convention

: but certainly somebody should have done it. What will be the consequenc e I

know not. We cannot be admitted to take our seat on any precedent or the spirit

of any precedent yet set! According to the standing rules not only an authentic

copy will be required, but it must be entered in the journals







272 Jefferson's Works 







verbatim that it may there appear we have right to sit. This seems the more

necessary as the quorum is then to be reduced. Some of the newspaper s, indeed,

mention that on such a day such and such gentlemen were appointed to serve for

the next year, but could newspaper evidence be received? They could not furnish

the form of the appointmen t, not yet that quorum is to be admitted. 



Lord Howe is recruiting fast. Forty odd ships arrived the other day, and others

at other times. It is questionabl e whether our recruits come in so speedily as

his. Several valuable West Indian men have been taken and brought in lately,

and the spirit of privateerin g is gaining ground fast. No news from Ticonderog

a. I enclose you (to amuse your curiosity) the form of the prayer substituted

in the room of the prayer for the King by Mr. Duché, chaplain to the Congress.

I think by making it so general as to take in Convention s, assemblies, etc.,

it might be used instead of that for the parliament. Adieu. 







TO FRANCIS EPPES.¹ 







PHILADELP HIA, Aug. 9th, 1776). 



DEAR SIR,­As Colonel Harrison was about to have some things packed, I set out

upon the execution of your glass commission, and was surprised to find that the

whole glass stores of the city could not make out anything like what you

desired. I, therefore, did 







#¹ Originally published in Randall's Life of Jefferson, vol. III, p. 584€# 







Correspond ence 273 







what I thought would be best, imagining you wanted the number you mentioned at

any event, and that not being able to get them of that form, you would take

them of any other. I, therefore, got 4 pint cans, IOS; 2 quart do. 8s; and six

half-pint tumblers, 6s., all of double flint. So that there still remains in my

hands £4 16s., Pennsylvania currency. 







Your teckle is not yet come. It seems the man who had promised to sell it to

the gentleman I employed to get it, now raises some difficulties either to get

off others which he calls the set, or to enhance the price. However, the

gentleman still expects it, and I am after him every day for it. Our galleys at

New York have had a smart engagemen t with the men-of-war which went up the

river; it is believed the enemy suffered a good deal. The galleys are much

injured, though we lost but two men. The commander writes us word he retired,

that he might go and give them another drubbing, which in plain English meant;

I suppose, that he was obliged to retire. General Washington commends the

behavior of the men much. They lay pretty close to the enemy, and two of the

galleys were exposed to the broadside of their ships almost the whole time. The

damage done them proves they were in a warm situation. ­ Madison (of the

college) and one Johnson, of Augusta, were coming passengers in the New York

Packet; they were attacked by one of our armed vessels, and nothing but the

interventio n of night prevented the packet being taken. She is arrived at New

York, 







#VOL. IV-18# 







274 Jefferson's Works 







and they permitted to come. In a letter by them, we have intelligence that the

French ministry is changed, the pacific men turned out, and those who are for

war, with the Duke de Choiseul at their head, are taken in. We have also the

king's speech on the prorogatio n of parliament, declaring he will see it out

with us to the bitter end. 







The South Carolina army with Clinton, Sr., arrived at Staten Island last week,

one of their transports, with 5 companies of Highlander s, having first fallen

into General Lee's hands. They now make Lord Howe 12,000 strong. With this

force he is preparing to attack. He is embarking his cannon; has launched 8

galleys, and formed his men-of-war into line of battle. From these circumstan

ces, it is believed the attack of New York will be within three or four days.

They expect with the utmost confidence to carry it, and they consider our army

but as a rude undisciplin ed rabble. I hope they will find it a Bunker's Hill

rabble. Notwithsta nding these appearance s of attack, there are some who

believe, and with appearance of reason, that these measures are taken by the

enemy to secure themselves and not to attack us. A little time will show.

General Arnold (a fine sailor) has undertaken to command our fleet on the

lakes. The enemy are fortifying Oswego, and I believe our army there, when

recovered from their sickness, will find they have lost a good campaign, though

they have had no battle of moment,







Correspond ence 275 







My love to Mrs. Eppes. I hope my letter by last post got there time enough to

stay Patty with her a while longer. Adieu. 



TO­­¹







PHILADELP HIA, Aug. 13, 1776. 



DEAR SIR,­Yours of August 3rd came to hand yesterday; having had no moment to

spare since, I am obliged to set down to answer it at a Committee table while

the Committee is collecting. My thoughts, therefore, on the subject you propose

will be merely extempore. The opinion that our lands were alluvial possession s

is one which I have very long held, and had in my eye during a pretty

considerabl e part of my law reading which I found always strengthen ed it. It

was mentioned in a very hasty production, intended to have been put under a

course of severe correction, but produced afterwards to the world in a way with

which you are acquainted. This opinion I have thought and still think to prove

if ever I should have time to look into books again. But this is only meant

with respect to the English law as transplante d here. How far our acts of

assembly or acceptance of grants may have converted lands which were allodial

into feuds I have never considered. This matter is now become a mere

speculative point; and we have it in our power to make it what it ought to be

for the public good. 







#¹ From the collection of Dr. J. S. H. Fogg, of Boston, Mass. This letter was

probably written to Edmund Pendleton.# 







276 Jefferson's Works 







It may be considered in the two points of view 1st. as bringing a revenue into

the public treasury. 2d. as a tenure. I have only time to suggest hints on each

of these heads. I. Is it consistent with good policy or free governmen t to

establish a perpetual revenue? Is it not against the practice of our wise

British ancestors? Have not the instances in which we have departed from this

in Virginia been constantly condemned by the universal voice of our country? Is

it safe to make the governing power when once seated in office, independen t of

its revenue? Should we not have in contemplati on and prepare for an event

(however deprecated ) which may happen in the possibility of things; I mean a

re-acknowl edgment of the British tyrant as our king, and previously strip him

of every prejudicial possession ? Remember how universally the people ran into

the idea of recalling Charles the 2d after living many years under a republican

governmen t.­As to the second was not the separation of the property from the

perpetual use of lands a mere fiction? Is not its history well known, and the

purposes for which it was introduced, to wit, the establishme nt of a military

system of defence? 







Was it not afterwards made an engine of immense oppression ? Is it wanting with

us for the purpose of military defence? May not its other legal effects (such

of them at least as are valuable) be performed in other more simple ways? Has

it not been the practice of all other nations to hold their lands as 







Correspond ence 277 







their personal estate in absolute dominion? Are we not the better for what we

have hitherto abolished of the feudal system? Has not every restitution of the

ancient Saxon laws had happy effects? Is it not better now that we return at

once into that happy system of our ancestors, the wisest and most perfect ever

yet devised by the wit of man, as it stood before the 8th century. 







The idea of Congress selling out unlocated lands has been sometimes dropped,

but we have always met the hint with such determined opposition that I believe

it will never be proposed.­ I am against selling the lands at all. The people

who will migrate to the westward whether they form part of the old, or of a new

colony will be subject to their proportion of the Continental debt then unpaid.

They ought not to be subject to more. They will be a people little able to pay

taxes. There is no equity in fixing upon them the whole burthen of this war, or

any other proportion than we bear ourselves. By selling the lands to them, you

will disgust them, and cause an avulsion of them from the common union. They

will settle the lands in spite of everybody. ­I am at the same time clear that

they should be appropriat ed in small quantities. It is said that wealthy

foreigners will come in great numbers, and they ought to pay for the liberty we

shall have provided for them. True, but make them pay in settlers. A foreigner

who brings a settler for every 100, or 200 acres of land to be granted him pays

a better price than if he had put 







278 Jefferson's Works 







into the public treasury 5/or 5£. That settler will be worth to the public 20

times as much every year, as on our old plan he would have paid in one payment.

I have thrown these loose thoughts together only in obedience to your letter;

there is not an atom of them which would not have occurred to you on a moment's

contemplati on of the subject. Charge yourself therefore with the trouble of

reading two pages of such undigested stuff. 







By Saturday's post the General wrote us that Lord Howe had got (I think 100)

flat bottomed boats alongside, and 30 of them were then loaded with men; by

which it was concluded he was preparing to attack, yet this is Tuesday and we

hear nothing further. The General has by his last return, 17,000 some odd men,

of whom near 4000 are sick and near 3000 at out posts in Long Island, etc. So

you may say he has but 10,000 effective men to defend the works of New York.

His works, however, are good and his men in spirits, which I hope will be equal

to an addition of many thousands. He had called for 2000 men from the flying

camp which were then embarking to him and would certainly be with him in time

even if the attack was immediate. The enemy have (since Clinton and his army

joined them) 15,000 men of whom not many are sick. Every influence of Congress

has been exerted in vain to double the General's force. It was impossible to

prevail on the people to leave their harvest. That is now in, and great numbers

are in motion, but they have no 







Correspond ence 279 







chance to be there in time. Should, however, any disaster befall us at New York

they will form a great army on the spot to stop the progress of the enemy. I

think there cannot be less than 6 or 8000 men in this city and between it and

the flying camp. Our council complain of our calling away two of the Virginia

battalions. But is this reasonable. They have no British enemy, and if human

reason is of any use to conjecture future events, they will not have one. Their

Indian enemy is not to be opposed by their regular battalions. Other colonies

of not more than half their military strength have 20 battalions in the field.

Think of these things and endeavor to reconcile them not only to this, but to

yield greater assistance to the common cause if wanted. I wish every battalion

we have was now in New York.­We yesterday received dispatches from the

Commission ers at Fort Pitt. I have not read them, but a gentleman who has,

tells me they are favorable. The Shawanese and Delawares are disposed to peace.

I believe it, for this reason. We had by different advices information from the

Shawanese that they should strike us, that this was against their will, but

that they must do what the Senecas bid them. At that time we knew the Senecas

meditated war. We directed a declaration to be made to the six nations in

general that if they did not take the most decisive measures for the

preservatio n of neutrality we would never cease waging war with them while one

was to be found on the face of the earth. They immediately 







280 Jefferson's Works 







changed their conduct and I doubt not have given correspond ing information to

the Shawanese and Delawares. 







I hope the Cherokees will now be driven beyond the Mississippi and that this in

future will be declared to the Indians the invariable consequenc e of their

beginning a war. Our contest with Britain is too serious and too great to

permit any possibility of avocation from the Indians. This then is the season

for driving them off, and our Southern colonies are happily rid of every other

enemy and may exert their whole force in that quarter. 







I hope to leave this place some time this month. 







I am, dear Sir, your affectionat e friend. 







P. S. Mr. Madison of the college and Mr. Johnson of Fredericks burgh are

arrived in New York. They say nothing material had happened in England. The

French ministry was changed. 







TO JOHN PAGE.¹ 







PHILADELP HIA, Aug. 20, 1776. 



DEAR PAGE,­We have been in hourly expectation of the great decision at New

York, but it has not yet happened. About three nights ago an attempt was made

to burn the two ships which had gone up the river. One of the two fire-rafts

prepared for that 







#¹ Copy of a letter owned by the American Antiquaria n Society of Worcester,

Mass.# 







Correspond ence 281 







purpose grappled the Phenix ten minutes, but was cleared away at last. A tender

however was burnt. The two ships came down on Sunday evening and passed all our

batteries again with impunity. Lord Dunmore is at Staten Island. His sick he

sent to Halifax, his effective men he carried to Staten Island and the blacks

he shipped off to the West Indies. Two gentlemen who had been taken prisoners

by the enemy have made their escape. They say they are now 20,000 and that

another division of 5,000 foreigners is still expected. They think Lord Howe

will not attack these 10 days, but that he does not wait for his last division,

being confident of victory without. One of these informants was captain of a

continental vessel going for ammunition . The mate and crew rose and took the

vessel. They fell in with the division of the Hessians which came with the

Hessian general and were brought to. The general learning from the dethroned

captain what had happened, immediately threw the piratical mate into irons, and

had the captain to dine with him every day till they got to Halifax where he

delivered him, vessel, etc. over to the English.­A gentleman who lived some

time in this city, but since last winter has become a resident of St. Eustatia

writes that by a Dutch ship from Amsterdam they have advice that the states of

Holland had refused to renew the prohibition on the exportation of powder to

the colonies, or to cede to the English the Scotch brigade in their service, or

to furnish them with some men







282 Jefferson's Works 







of war asked of them by the British court. This refusal so piqued the ministry

that they had been induced to take several Dutch ships, amongst which he said

were two which sailed from that island and were carried to London, another to

St. Kitt's. In consequenc e of this the Dutch have armed 40 ships of war and

ordered 60 more to be built and are raising 20,000 land forces. The French

Governor-i n-chief of their West Indies has not only refused to permit a

captain of a man of war to make prize of our vessels in their ports but

forbidden them to come within gun shot of the ports. The enemy's men of war

being withdrawn from our whole coast to New York gives now fine opportunities

of getting in powder. We see the effect here already. 







Two Canadians who had been captains in our Canadian regiment and who, General

Gates writes us, are known in the army to be worthy of good credit made their

escape from St. John's, and came over to our army from Ticonderog a; and give

the following intelligence . The enemy did not fortify any place we abandoned.

They had 2000 men at Isle aux noix under General Fraser, 2000 at St. John's

under Carleton and some at Montreal. 250 only had been left at Quebec. It was

reported that 4000 English troops which were to have been a part of that army

had perished at sea which gave great uneasiness. The fleet brought over timber,

etc., for 50 boats which they attempted to transport by land from the mouth of

Sorel to St. John's, but could not for want of 







Correspond ence 283 







carriages which had been destroyed. Carleton, therefore, employed Canadians to

build batteaux at St. John's. He has rendered himself very odious to the

Canadians by levying contributio ns on them in general and confiscatin g the

estates of all those who followed our army or who abscond. Great numbers of the

Germans desert daily and are anxiously concealed by the inhabitants . 70

Brunswicke rs disappeare d in one day. Their officers are so much afraid of

bush-fighti ng and ambushes that they will not head any parties to pursue the

runaways. The men have the same fears, which prevents them from deserting in so

great numbers as is supposed they will when once our fleet shall appear

cruising on the lake to receive and protect them. Between the 22d and 24th July

Carleton and the other generals abandoned all their posts on this side Sorel

except St. John's with as great precipitatio n as our poor sick army had done,

carrying with them their artillery and provisions. This was occasioned by the

arrival and mysterious manoeuvre s of a fleet at Quebec supposed French,

hoisting different colours and firing at Tenders sent from the town to enquire

who they were. 200 men were left at Isle aux noix to send them intelligence of

our operations, who they say will go down the river if we return into Canada.

For this event the Canadians are offering up prayers at the shrines of all

their saints. Carleton some time ago hearing that we were returning with a,

considerabl e reinforcem ent was so terrified that 



284 Jefferson's Works 







he would have retired immediately had not some of his spies come in and

informed him of the deplorable situation to which the small pox had reduced our

army.­The y are recovering health and spirits. General Gates writes that he had

accounts of the roads being crowded with militia coming to his assistance. 600

from New Hampshire came in while he was writing his letter, being the first.

His fleet had sailed from Ticonderog a to Crown Point. Their number and force

as follows. 







                                         Guns.                 Swivels.        

Men. 



1 Schooner ................         12, 4        lbrs.                 10      

         50 



1 Sloop .................. ....        12, 4          "                10      

         50 



1 Schooner . . .... .......          4, 4          "   4, 2 lbrs.         10   

            35 



1        do         ............          2, 4          "   6, 2   "          8

                35 



2 Galleys, each........... .          1, 12    "   2, 9   "          8         

       45 



2   do         "...............          3, 9           "                  8   

            45 



2   do    not quite rigged.







Eight more galleys would be ready to join them in a fortnight when they would

proceed down the Cape. General Arnold (who is said to be a good sailor) had

undertaken the command. We have 200 fine ship carpenters (mostly sent from

here) at work. I hope a fleet will soon be exhibited on that lake such as it

never bore. The Indians have absolutely refused Carleton in Canada and Butler

at Niagara to have anything to do in this quarrel, and applaud in the highest

terms our wisdom and candor for not requiring them to meddle. Some of the most

sensible speeches I ever saw of theirs are on this head, not to be spoken to

us, but behind our backs 







Correspond ence 285 







in the councils of our enemies. From very good intelligence the, Indians of the

middle department will be quiet. That treaty is put off till October. Were it

not that it interferes with our Assembly I would go to it, as I think something

important might be done there, which could not be so well planned as by going

to the spot and seeing its geography. We have great fear that the sending an

agent from Virginia to enlist Indians will have ill consequenc es. It breaks in

upon the plan pursued here and destroys that uniformity and consistenc y of

counsels which the Indians have noticed and approved in their speeches. Besides

they are a useless, expensive, ungoverna ble ally.­I forgot to observe that a

captain Mesnard of Canada had come to General Gates after the two above

mentioned and confirmed their account in almost every article. One of the

German deserters travelled with him to within 20 miles of our camp, when he was

obliged to halt through fatigue. He passed 3 others of them. ­Baron Woedeke is

dead, no great loss from his habit of drinking.­ The infamous Bedel and

Butterfield were ordered by Congress to be tried for their conduct. They have

been tried by a Court martial, condemned and broke with infamy. We inclose to

you all the Commission s mentioned in the last letter of the delegates, except

Innis's to be forwarded to the Eastern shore immediately , and Weedon's and

Marshall's who we are informed are on the road hither. Would to God they were

in New York. We wait 







286 Jefferson's Works







your recommend ation for the two vacant majorities. Pray regard militarymen t

alone. The commission s now sent do not fix the officers to any particular

battalion so that the commandin g officer will dispose of them. Cannot you make

use of any interest with Lee or Lewis to call Innis over to the western shore.

He pants for it, and in my opinion has a right to ask it. Adieu, Adieu. Davis

with the 4000 pounds of gun powder and 90 stand of arms for Virginia got into

Egg Harbor. We have sent wagons for the powder to bring it here, and shall wait

your further order. We were obliged to open Van Bibber and Harrison's letter to

the Council of safety of Virginia in order to take out the bill. of lading

without which it would not be delivered.







TO JOHN ADAMS.¹







WILLIAMSB URGH, 16 May, 1777. Matters in our part of the continent are too much

in quiet to send you news from hence. Our battalions for the Continental

service were some time ago so far filled as rendered the recommend ation of a

draught from the militia hardly requisite, and the more so as in this country

it ever was the most unpopular and impracticab le thing that could be

attempted. Our people, even under the monarchical governmen t, had learnt to

consider it as the last of all







#¹ Found, in the works of John Adams, vol. IX, p. 465.# 







287 Correspond ence 







oppression s. I learn from our delegates that the confederati on is again on

the carpet, a great and a necessary work, but I fear almost desperate. The

point of representa tion is what most alarms me, as I fear the great and small

colonies are bitterly determined not to cede. Will you be so good as to collect

the proposition I formerly made you in private, and try if you can work it into

some good to save our union? It was, that any proposition might be negatived by

the representa tives of a majority of the people of America, or of a majority

of the colonies of America. The former secures the larger, the latter, the

smaller colonies. I have mentioned it to many here. The good whigs, I think,

will so far cede their opinions for the sake of the Union, and others we care

little for. 







The journals of Congress not being printed earlier, gives more uneasiness than

I would wish ever to see produced by any act of that body, from whom alone I

know our salvation can proceed. In our Assembly, even the best affected think

it an indignity to freemen to be voted away, life and fortune, in the dark. Our

House have lately written for a manuscript copy of your journals, not meaning

to desire a communicat ion of any thing ordered to be kept secret. I wish the

regulation of the post-office, adopted by Congress last September, could be put

in practice. It was for the travel night and day, and to go their several

stages three times a week. The speedy and frequent 







288 Jefferson's Works 







communicat ion of intelligence is really of great consequenc e. So many

falsehoods have been propagated that nothing now is believed unless coming from

Congress or camp. Our people, merely for want of intelligence which they may

rely on, are become lethargic and insensible of the state they are in. Had you

ever a leisure moment, I should ask a letter from you sometimes, directed to

the care of Mr. Dick, Fredericks burgh; but having nothing to give in return,

it would be a tax on your charity as well as your time. The esteem I have for

you privately, as well as for your public importance, will always render

assurances of your health and happiness agreeable. I am, dear sir, your friend

and servant. 







TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.¹ 







WILLIAMSB URG, June 5, 1778. 



DEAR SIR,­I am now to acknowledg e the receipt of two of your favors, during

the session of Assembly, but there being little to communicat e to you, and

that, being a busy time with me, has prevented my doing it sooner. The Assembly

rose on Monday last; their only act which can shortly aid our army, was one for

raising a regiment of horse, which, I think, will be raised as fast as it can

be accoutred. Another act they passed, will also produce aid to our army, I

hope, but it will be some delay first; it 



#¹ Found in Lee's Life of R. H. Lee, vol., II, p. 187.# 







Correspond ence 289 







was for giving great encourage ment to soldiers, and appointing recruiting

officers all over the country, to attend all public places. By a third act,

they foolishly repeated the experiment of raising volunteers; the first attempt

was pardonable , because its ill-success could not be foreseen; the second is

worse than ridiculous, because it may deceive our friends; I am satisfied there

will not be a company raised. I wish Congress would commute a good part of the

infantry required from us, for an equivalent force in horse. This service opens

us a new fund of young men, who have not yet stepped forth; I mean those whose

indolence or education, has unfitted them for foot service; this may be worth

your thinking of. We passed the bill of pardon, recommend ed by Congress, but

the Senate rejected it. Your letter, about enlarging your powers over the

confederati on, was not proceeded on, because the nature of the enlargemen t

was not chalked out by you so intelligibly as enabled the house to do anything,

unless they had given a carte blanche. Indeed, I believe, that, had the

alterations proposed been specified unless they had been mere form, indeed, it

might have been difficult to obtain their consent. A Frenchman arrived here a

week ago, with a vast cargo of woolens, made and unmade, stockings, shoes,

etc., fit for the army, fifty thousand weight of powder, and other articles;

the master had once sold the whole cargo, to the Governor and Council, for 5s

3p the 







#VOL. IV-19# 







290 Jefferson's Works







livre, first cost; but, on suggestion s from some of our forestallers , and

those from Maryland, he flew off. Our bay is clear of the enemy. Nothing new

here. I set out for Albemarle, within a day or two. Mr. Harvie will be with you

in about three weeks. My compliment s to your brethren of the delegation, and

am, dear sir, your friend and servant.







TO REV. SAMUEL HENLEY.¹







WILLIAMSB URGH, June REVEREND SIR,­Mr. Madison I believe informed you by letter

written some time ago that one of your boxes of books left in his care burst

open in removing it from the college to the president's house for greater

security: This accident discovered them to be in a state of ruin. They had

contracted a dampness and stuck together in large blocks, insomuch that they

could not sometimes be separated without tearing the cover. I happened to be in

town and was of opinion with Mr. Madison that it was necessary to overhaul them

and give them air. Indeed, we both thought­I think it would be for your

interest to have them sold, as books are now in considerabl e demand here, and,

packed as they are in boxes, they must sustain injury. There are many of them

which I would be glad to take myself at their sterling cost and would remit you

the money







#¹ Copy of a letter belonging to Hon. John Boyd Thacher, of Albany, N. Y.# 







Correspond ence 291 







by the way of France. That cost might be fixed either by note from yourself,

informing me what they cost you, or by the estimate of anybody here in whom you

trust. Upon a presumptio n that you could not but approve of the proposal to

have them disposed of and the money remitted, for the reasons before given and

others which you may apprehend but would be improper for me to explain, I have

taken the liberty of laying apart many of them for myself, leaving with Mr.

Madison a catalogue of them, and ready to return them to him if you shall

direct it. I shall be glad of your answer as soon as possible, and will gladly

serve you in the care of any interest you may have left here. The reasons are

obvious which restrain this letter to matters of business. As soon as the

obstacles to friendly correspond ence are removed I shall be glad at all times

to hear from you. I am, Reverend Sir, 







Your friend and servant. 







TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.¹ 







MONTICELL O, April 21, 1779. 



DEAR SIR,­Amon g the convention prisoners in this neighborho od is a Baron de

Geismar of the Germans, brigade major to General Gall, whose situation I would

wish to make you acquainted with. He is the only son of a German nobleman, and

has I believe an only sister; his father, now 70 years of 







#¹ From the collection of Dr, Thomas Addis Emmet, of New York City.# 







292 Jefferson's Works 







age, if living; and excessively anxious to see him before his death. His

patrimonial expectation s in danger of being transferre d to others in the weak

state of his father, or perhaps plundered in the case of his death; the footing

on which he stands with his prince such as might give him reason to hope for

protection were he on the spot, but everything of that kind certain of passing

by him as long as he is absent. Under the circumstan ces, captivity is

peculiarly injurious to him, and he petitions Congress to exchange him if

possible, or otherwise permit him to return home on any parole they will

describe. I am satisfied he will carry with him no disposition to injure us;

and his personal merit, with which I am become intimately acquainted, entitles

him to every indulgence consistent with the indispensa ble rules of Congress. I

take the liberty of recommendi ng his request to your solicitation s, as from a

knowledge of the man I am become interested in his happiness. Whatever you can

do for him will be considered as a peculiar obligation on, Dear Sir, 







Your friend and servant. 







TO GABRIEL JONES.¹ 







MONTICELL O, April 29, 1779. 



DEAR SIR,­By Mrs. Harvey I inclose to you the principal and interest of the

money you were so kind as to lend me some years ago. It furnishes me also 







#¹ Found in The Balance, vol. II, p. 194.# 







Correspond ence 293 







with an occasion of acknowledg ing, with this, the many other obligations under

which you have laid me, of which I shall always be proud to show a due sense,

whenever opportuniti es shall offer. I am, dear sir, with much esteem, your

friend and servant. 







TO WILLIAM FLEMING.¹ 







WILLIAMSB URGH, June 8, 1779. 



DEAR FLEMING,­I received your letter and have now to thank you for it. Some

resolutions of Congress came to hand yesterday desiring an authentic state to

be sent them of the cruelties said to have been committed by the enemy during

their late invasion. The Council had already taken measures to obtain such a

state. Though so near the scene where these barbarities are said to have been

committed I am not able yet to decide within myself whether they were such or

not. The testimony on both sides is such as if heard separately could not admit

a moment's suspension of our faith. 







We have lately been extremely disturbed to find a pretty general opinion

prevailing that peace and the independen ce of the thirteen states are now

within our power, and that Congress have hesitations on the subject, and delay

entering on the considerati on. It has even been said that their conduct on

this head has been so dissatisfact ory to the French Minister that he thinks of

returning to his 







#¹ Published in the Southern Literary Messenger, vol. III, p. 306.# 







294 Jefferson's Works 







own country, ostensibly for better health, but in truth through disgust. Such

an event would be deplored here as the most dreadful calamity. It is in

contemplati on of some gentlemen who conferred on the subject to propose the

re-establis hment of our committees of correspond ence; others thought this too

slow for the emergency and that plenipotent iary deputies should be sent to

satisfy the mind of the French Minister, and to set on foot proper measures for

procuring the genuine sense of the several States. The whole, however, subsided

on a supposition that the information might not be true, and that our delegates

in Congress would think no obligations of secrecy under which they may have

been laid sufficient to restrain them from informing their constituent s of any

proceeding s which may involve the fate of their freedom and independen ce. It

would surely be better to carry on a ten years' war some time hence than to

continue the present an unnecessar y moment. 







Our land office I think will be opened; the sale of British property take

place, and our tax bill put on a better footing. These measures I hope will put

our finances into a better way and enable us to co-operate with our sister

states in reducing the enormous sums of money in circulation. Every other

remedy is nonsensical quackery. The house of delegates have passed a bill for

removing the seat of governmen t to Richmond. It hesitates with the Senate. We

have established a board of war and a board of trade. I 







Correspond ence 295 







hear from your, quarter that General Sullivan is marching with a large army

against the Indians. If he succeeds it will be the first instance of a great

army doing anything against Indians and his laurels will be greater. We have

ever found that chosen corps of men fit for the service of the woods, going

against them with rapidity, and by surprise, have been most successful. I

believe that our Colonel Clarke if we could properly reinforce him, would be

more likely to succeed against those within his reach than General Macintosh's

regular method of proceeding . I shall hope to hear from you often. I put no

name to this letter, because letters have miscarried; and if it goes safely you

know the hand. 







TO THEODORIC K BLAND, JR.¹ 







WILLIAMSB URG, June 8th, 1779. 



SIR,­Your letter to Governor Henry, of the 1st instant, came to hand yesterday,

and I immediately laid it before the council. It gave them pain to hesitate on

any request from General Phillips, whose polite conduct has disposed them to

every indulgence consistent with the duties of their appointmen t. The

indiscrimin ate murder of men, women and children with the horrid circumstances

of barbarity practised by the Indian savages, was the particular task of

Governor Hamilton's employment ; and if anything could have aggravated the

acceptance 







#¹ Found in The Bland Papers, vol. I, p. 133.# 







296 Jefferson's Works 







of such an office, and have made him personally answerable in a high degree, it

was that eager spirit with which he is said to have executed it, and which; if

the representa tions before the council are to be credited, seems to have shown

that his own feelings and disposition were in unison with his employment . The

truth of these representa tions will be the subject of their inquiry shortly,

and the treatment of Governor Hamilton will be mild or otherwise, as his

conduct shall appear to merit, upon a more intimate examination . We trust it

must furnish a contemplati on highly pleasing to the generous soldier, to see

honorable bravery respected, even by those against whom it happens to be

enlisted; and discriminat ed from the cruel and cowardly warfare of the savage,

whose object in war is to extinguish human nature. 







By a letter dated May 27th, you were desired to discharge the militia under

your command as soon as you judged it proper; lest that letter should have

miscarried, I now enclose you a copy: Colonel Finnie informs me he has written

to you to apply for clothes at Winchester, for the use of your regiment of

guards, and of the horse now with you: He yesterday showed me a letter from the

continental board of war, giving the same directions; he says also that he had

lately written to you on the subject of the articles desired for your

particular use, and that he is not enabled to procure them more fully. 







Correspond ence 297 







As to putting the horse now with you on the same pay-roll with the regiment of

guards, the council are of opinion that either your own powers are competent to

it, or at least that it may be done in concert with the continental paymaster.

The regiment of guards is recognized as continental ; the duty they are jointly

engaged in is continental ; they, therefore, wish that this matter should go

into the continental line altogether, rather than be controlled by their

interferenc e, where it is not absolutely necessary. 







I am your most obedient servant, etc. 







TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.¹ 







WILLIAMSB URG, June 17, 1779. 



DEAR SIR,­I received your letter, and kind congratulat ions, for which I return

you my thanks. In a virtuous governmen t, and more especially in times like

these, public offices are, what they should be, burthens to those appointed to

them, which it would be wrong to decline, though foreseen to bring with them

intense labor, and great private loss. I am; also, still to thank you for a

former favor, enclosing a song and receipt. We have little new here. Colonel

Clarke's expedition against St. Vincent's you know of; his prisoners are

arrived at Chesterfiel d, and three of them brought to this place to be

severely dealt with; the enclosed paper will explain that matter: We have 300

men, under 







#¹ Found in Lee's Life of R. H. Lee; vol. II, p. 189.# 







298 Jefferson's Works 







Colonel Bowman, in the Shawnee county, of whom we hope to receive good

accounts: the destruction of the villages of the Cherokees, at Chuchamog ga,

and taking their goods, etc., has brought them to sue for peace; but the

happiest stroke was the burning twenty-tho usand bushels of corn, collected

there for the use of the expeditions , which were to have been adopted at the

great council. Governor Hamilton had called at the mouth of the Tanissee; as

mentioned in the within paper. It is a cruel thought, that, when we feel

ourselves standing on the firmest ground, in every respect, the cursed art of

our secret enemies, combining with other causes, should effect, by depreciatin

g our money, what the open arms of a powerful enemy could not. What is to be

done? Taxation is become of no account, for it is foreseen, that, notwithsta

nding its increased amount, there will still be a greater deficiency than ever.

I own I see no assured hope, but in peace, or a plentiful loan of hard money. 







I shall be obliged by your letters, when convenient to you to write. I never

was a punctual correspond ent to any person, as I must own to my shame; perhaps

my present office will put it more out of my power; however, as it may

sometimes furnish me with matter which may induce me to hope my letters may be

worth sending, I may venture to say, you shall hear from me whenever I can get

over the two-fold difficulty of many letters of absolute necessity, to write,

and an innate aversion to that kind of business. 







Correspondence 299 







TO THEODORIC K BLAND, JR.¹ 







WILLIAMSB URGH, June 18th, 1779. 



SIR,­Yours of the 14th instant came to hand this day. * * * With respect to

Colonel Finnie, as a continental officer, we decline medling with his conduct;

being yourself in the continental service, we take it for granted, that if he

fails in his duty you will put him under a proper train of enquiry? His

assurances to us are fair; one thing only I am to inform you, that however true

it may be that he is without money, it is no just excuse for failing to do

anything for the public service, because that was never permitted by the

executive here, to be on sufferance for want of money. He never applied in

vain, and we still are, as we ever have been, ready to lend him (as a

continental officer) any monies, which the due discharge of his office may call

for * * * and politeness at the least hardly permits them to suppose the duties

of the post can be as well discharged by any other, as by yourself. But your

health for that very reason is the more to be taken care of. You will please to

permit Captain Bertling and Lieutenant Campbell to pass by land to the lower

ferry of the Chickahomi ny, where the Flag lies, and finally settle the

business, on which he came, according to the rules usual in their service. I

enclose you the reasons, which have induced the council to act with such 







#¹ Found in The Bland Papers, vol. I, p. 138,# 



300 Jefferson's Works 







rigor with Governor Hamilton and the others there. It is impossible for any

generous man to disapprove his sentence. I am, sir, with much respect, your

most obedient and most humble servant, etc. 







TO GENERAL BARON DE RIEDESEL. ¹ 







FORREST, July 4, 1779. 



SIR,­Your kind letter of June 19 I received on the 2d inst. It is now some time

since Colonel Bland wrote for leave to grant Permits to Captain Bartling and

Lieutenant Campbell to come to the Argyle flag. Leave was immediately given by

letter to Colonel Bland. Some time after I received another letter from him,

accompanie d with one from General Phillips informing me that Lieutenant

Campbell was come as far as Richmond, and waited for a permit to proceed. A

permit was instantly made out and dispatched. Captain Bartling was not

mentioned on that occasion and therefore no permit was made out for him. The 3d

inst. was fixed for Lieutenant Campbell to be at the Flag to do his business,

and it was only on the day before that your letter came to me by post. I shall

instantly write to Captain Bartling giving him license to proceed, if his

business remains still to be done, by a conveyance which occurs tomorrow. I

thought it necessary to give you this 







#¹ From the collection of Dr. Thomas Addis Emmet, of New York City.# 







Correspond ence 301 







detail of circumstan ces that any delays which may happen might be ascribed to

those accidents which may have caused them. 







I thank you for your kind congratulat ions; though condolation s would be

better suited to the occasion not only on account of the labors of the office

to which I am called; and its withdrawin g me from retirement, but also the

loss of the agreeable society I have left of which Madame de Riedesel and

yourself were an important part. Mrs. Jefferson in this particular sympathize s

with me; and especially on her separation from Madame de Riedesel. We are told

you set out for the Berkely springs about the middle of month. We fear that

this excursion, necessary for your amusement to diversify the scenes of

discomfort, may deprive us of the pleasure of seeing you when we come to

Monticello the last of this month. We shall stay there about a month. Mrs.

Jefferson joins me in compliment s to yourself and Madame de Riedesel, I shall

be able to execute her commission as to the spoons and bring them up with me. 







TO THE GOVERNOR OF CANADA. 







(SIR GUY CARLETON. ) 







WILLIAMSB URG, July 22d,1779. 



SIR,­Your letter on the subject of Lieutenant Governor Hamilton's confinemen t

came safely to 







302 Jefferson's Works 







hand. I shall with great cheerfulne ss explain to you the reasons on which the

advice of Council was founded, since after the satisfaction of doing what is

right, the greatest is that of having what we do approved by those whose

opinions deserve esteem. 







We think ourselves justified in Governor Hamilton's strict confinemen t on the

general principle of national retaliation. To state to you the particular facts

of British cruelty to American prisoners, would be to give a melancholy history

from the capture of Colonel Ethan Allen, at the beginning of the war to the

present day, a history which I will avoid, as equally disagreeabl e to you and

to me. I with pleasure do you the justice to say that I believe these facts to

be very many unknown to you, as Canada has been the only scene of your service

in America, and, in that quarter, we have reason to believe that Sir Guy

Carleton; and the three officers commandin g there, have treated our prisoners

(since the instance of Colonel Allen) with considerabl e lenity. What has been

done in England, and what in New York and Philadelphi a, you are probably

uninformed ; as it would hardly be made the subject of epistolary correspond

ence. I will only observe to you, Sir, that the confinemen t and treatment of

our officers, soldiers and seamen, have been so rigorous and cruel, as that a

very great portion of the whole of those captured in the course of this war,

and carried to Philadelphi a 







Correspond ence 303 







while in possession of the British army and to New York, have perished

miserably from that cause only; and that this fact is as well established with

us, as any historical fact which has happened in the course of the war. A

Gentleman of this Commonwea lth in public office, and of known and established

character, who was taken on the sea, carried to New York and exchanged, has

given us lately a particular information of the treatment of our prisoners

there. Officers taken by land, it seems, are permitted to go on parole within

certain limits of Long Island, till suggestion s shall be made to their

prejudice by some Tory refugee, or other equally worthless person, when they

are hurried to the Provot in New York, without enquiring "whether they be

founded upon positive facts, be matter of hearsay, or taken from the reports of

interested men." The example of enquiring into the truth of charges of this

nature according to legal principles of evidence, has surely not been set us by

our enemies. We enquired what these Provost were and were told they were the

common miserable jails, built for the confinemen t of malefactors . Officers

and men taken by sea were kept in prison ships infested with [       ] ught on

by the crowd [     ]¹ from five to ten a day. When, therefore, we are desired

to the possible consequenc e of treating prisoners with rigor, 







#¹ The brackets indicate that several lines at the bottom of one of the pages

of this letter are missing.# 







304 Jefferson's Works 







I need only ask when did those rigors begin? not with us assuredly. I think

you, Sir, who have had as good opportuniti es as any British officer of

learning in what manner we treat those whom the fortune of war has put in our

hands can clear us from the charge of rigor as far as your knowledge or

information has extended. I can assert that Governor Hamilton's is the first

instance which has occurred in my own country, and, if there has been another

in any of the United States, it is unknown to me; these instances must have

been extremely rare, if they have ever existed at all, or they could not have

been altogether unheard of by me, when a uniform exercise of kindness to

prisoners on our part has been returned by as uniform severity on the part of

our enemies. You must excuse me for saying it is high time, by other lessons,

to teach respect to the dictates of humanity, in such a case retaliation

becomes an act of humanity. 







But suppose, Sir, we were willing still longer to decline the drudgery of

general retaliation, yet Governor Hamilton's conduct has been such as to call

for exemplary punishment on him personally. In saying this I have not so much

in view his particular cruelties to our Citizens, prisoners with him (which

though, they have been great, were of necessity confined to a small scale) as

the general nature of the service he undertook at Detroit and the extensive

exercise of cruelties which they 







Correspond ence 305 







involved. Those who act together in war are answerable for each other. No

distinction can be made between principal and ally by those against whom the

war is waged. He who employs another to do a deed makes the deed his own. If he

calls in the hand of the assassin or murderer, himself becomes the assassin or

murderer. The known rule of warfare of the Indian Savages is an indiscrimin ate

butchery of men, women and children. These savages, under this well known

character, are employed by the British Nation as allies in the war against the

Americans. Governor Hamilton undertakes to be the conductor of the war. In the

execution of that undertakin g, he associates small parties of the whites under

his immediate command with large parties of the savages, and sends them to act,

sometimes jointly, and sometimes separately, not against our forts or armies in

the field, but the farming settlements on our frontiers. Governor Hamilton is

himself the butcher of men, women and children. I will not say to what length

the fair rules of war would extend the right of punishment against him; but I

am sure that confinemen t under its strictest circumstan ces, for Indian

devastation and massacre must be deemed lenity. I apprehend you had not

sufficiently adverted to the expression in the advice of the Council when you

suppose the proclamatio n there alluded to, to be the one addressed to the

inhabitants of the Illinois afterwards printed in the public papers and, to be 







#VOL. IV-90.#











306 Jefferson's Works 







affirmed to contain 'denun [    ]¹ ians' Proclamatio n, there alluded to,

contained nothing more than an invitation to our officers and soldiers to join

British arms against those whom he is pleased to call Rebels and Traitors. In

order to introduce these among our people, they were put into the hands of the

Indians; and in every house, where they murdered or carried away the family,

they left one of these proclamations, some of them were found sticking on the

breasts of the persons murdered, one under the hand and seal of Governor

Hamilton came to our hands. The Indians being the bearers of proclamatio ns

under the hand and seal of Governor Hamilton (no matter what was the subject of

them) there can be no doubt they were acting under his direction, and, as

including this proof, the fact was cited in the advice of the Council. But if

you will be so good as to recur to the address of the Illinois, which you refer

to, you will find that, though it does not in express terms threaten vengeance,

blood and massacre, yet it proves that the Governor had made for us the most

ample provision of all these calamities. He there gives in detail the horrid

catalogue of savage nations, extending from South to North whom he, had leagued

with himself to wage combined war on our frontiers; and it is well known that

that war would of course be made up of blood and general massacres of men, 



#¹Two lines missing.# 







Correspond ence 307 







women and children. Other papers of Governor Hamilton's have come to our hands

containing instruction s to officers going out with scalping parties of Indians

and Whites, and proving that € kind of war was waged under his express orders;

further proofs in abundance might be adduced, but I suppose the fact is too

notorious to need them. 







Your letter seems to admit an inference that whatever may have been the general

conduct of our enemies towards their prisoners, or whatever the personal

conduct of Governor Hamilton, yet, as a prisoner by capitulatio n, you consider

him as privileged from strict confinemen t. I do not pretend to an intimate

knowledge of this subject. My idea is that the term "prisoners of war" is a

generic one, the specificatio n of which is­1st Prisoner at discretion; and 2d

prisoners on convention or capitulatio n. Thus in the debate of the house of

Commons of the 27th November last, on the address, the minister, speaking of

General Burgoyne (and in his presence) says he is "a prisoner," and General

Burgoyne calls himself "a prisoner under the terms of the Convention of

Saratoga," intimating that though a prisoner, he is a prisoner of a particular

species entitled to certain terms. The treatment of the first class ought to be

such as to be approved by the usage of polished nations; gentle and humane

unless a contrary conduct in an enemy or individual, render a stricter

treatment necessary. The prisoners 







308 Jefferson's Works 







of the second class have nothing to exempt them from a like treatment with

those of the first except so far as they shall have been able to make better

terms by articles of Capitulatio n. So far then as these shall have provided

for an exemption from strict treatment so prisoners on Capitulatio n have a

right to be distinguished from those at discretion [    ]¹ certain causes

antecedent thereto, though such instances might be produced, from English

history, too, and in one case where the King himself commanded in person.

Marshal Boufflers after the taking of the castle Namur was arrested and

detained prisoner of war by King William though by an article of capitulatio n

it was stipulated that the officers and soldiers of the garrison in general,

and Marshal Boufflers by name should be at liberty. However, we waive reasoning

on this head because no article in the Capitulatio n of Governor Hamilton is

violated by his confinemen t. Perhaps not having seen the Capitulatio n, you

were led to suppose it a thing of course that being able to obtain terms of

surrender, they would first provide for their own treatment. I enclose you a

copy of the Capitulatio n, by which you will see that 2d Article declares them

prisoners of war; and nothing is said as to the treatment they were to be

entitled to. When Governor Hamilton signs, indeed, he adds a flourish,

containing the motives inducing him to capitulate, one of which 







#¹Two lines missing# 







Correspond ence 309 







was confidence in a generous enemy. He should have reflected that generosity on

a large scale would take side against him. However, these were only his private

motives and did not enter into the contract with Colonel Clarke. Being

prisoners of war then, with only such privileges as their Capitulatio n had

provided, and that having provided nothing on the subject of their treatment,

they are liable to be treated as other prisoners. We have not extended our

order, as we might justifiably have done to the whole of this corps. Governor

Hamilton and Captain Lamothe alone, as leading offenders, are in confinemen t.

The other officers and men are treated as if they had been taken in justifiable

war; the officers being at large on their parole, and the men also having their

liberty to a certain extent. Dejean was not included in the Capitulatio n,

being taken 8 days after on the Wabache 150 miles from St. Vincennes. 







I hope, Sir, that being made more fully acquainted with the facts on which the

advice of Council was grounded, and exercising your own good sense in cool and

candid deliberatio n on these facts, and the consequenc es deducible from them

according to the usages and sentiments of civilized nations, you will see the

transaction in a very different light from that in which it appeared at the

time of writing your letter, and ascribe the advice of the Council, not to want

of attention to the sacred nature of public convention s, of which I hope we

shall never, 







310 Jefferson's Works 







in any circumstan ces, lose sight, but to a desire of stopping the effusion of

ye unoffendin g blood of women and children, and the unjustifiab le severities

exercised on our captive officers and soldiers in general, by proper severities

on our part. I have the honor to be with much personal respect, Sir, your most

obedient and most humble servant. 







TO COLONEL WILLIAM FLEMING.¹ 







ALBEMARL E, Aug. 7, 1779. 



SIR,­The enclosed order will explain to you the general plan adopted for

regimentin g, officering and stationing the two Western battalions. We are in

hopes you will so far proceed in concert with the other commission ers as that

the chain of posts to be recommend ed may form a complete western defence,

leaving no chasm in the middle. We wish you, when you report the stations

proposed, to advise us also to what particular station it will be best for the

men of each county respectivel y to go. As it will not be long before the men

ought to be raised according to the directions of the law, and it will be

proper for the Executive to pay immediate attention to the procuring arms and

camp utensils for them. I should, therefore, be glad if you will be so good as

to lay before them a state of the arms in your possession or at any other

convenient station: 







#¹From the collection of Dr. Thomas Addis Emmet, of New York City.# 







Correspond ence 311 







also for your opinion what proportion of the men should be furnished with

rifles, where rifles are to be had and on what terms. 







TO THE COUNTY LIEUTENAN T OF HAMPSHIRE .¹ 







August 1779 



SIR,­You are desired to call together your Field Officers and in conjunctio n

with them to recommend to the Executive a Captain and Lieutenant to take

command in one of the battalions to be raised for the defence of the western

frontier, under an act of the late Assembly entitled an act for raising a body

of troops for the defence of the Commonwea lth. The men to be raised in your

County under the same act, and the Officers to be recommend ed by you, are to

hold themselves in readiness on the shortest warning to proceed to such western

rendezvous as shall be notified to them by the Executive or the Field Officer

who shall be directed to take command of them. 







Be pleased to transmit your recommend ations to the Executive in Williamsbur gh

by the earliest opportunit y you can, and also to report to them from time to

time your progress in raising your men. 







#¹ Copy of a letter belonging to Hon. Elliot Danforth, of Albany, N. Y.# 







312 Jefferson's Works 







TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. 







(JOHN JAY.) 







WILLIAMSB URG, Sept. 25, 1779. 



SIR,­The various calamities which during the present year have befallen our

crops of wheat, have reduced them so very low as to leave us little more than

seed for the ensuing year, were it to be solely applied to that purpose. This

country is, therefore, unable to furnish the necessary supplies of flour for

the convention troops, without lessening, by so much as should be purchased,

the sowing for another crop. I am, therefore, to submit to you, Sir, the

expediency of ordering your Commissary General to send supplies of this article

from the Head of Elk or wherever else you may think best, to Richmond. Colonel

Aylett informs us they will require about ten thousand barrels for a year's

supply. We hope there will be a plenty of forage and of all other articles,

necessary for their subsistenc e, raised within this State. 







TO CHEVALIER DE LA LUZERNE, THE FRENCH 







MINISTER.¹ 







IN COUNCIL, Nov. 10, 1779. 



SIR,­In compliance with the request which you were pleased to lay before us, I

am now to authorize 







#¹ Copied from the original letter owned by Hon. Elliot Danforth, of Albany.# 







Correspond ence 313 







the forces of his most Christian Majesty to land in such place, and his vessels

to withdraw into such harbors of this Commonwea lth as the Admiral or other

commandin g officer shall think proper, and to procure houses for the purpose

of hospitals. In determinin g on the place of his debarkatio n and encampmen t,

he will be pleased to follow his own judgment; receiving from us his

information that the farther he can withdraw his vessels up our rivers into the

country, the more it would be in our power to assist in defending them against

any attack from the enemy. 







York river according to our present idea would offer itself as the most

defensible, bat in this, etc., the board of war will issue orders for their

immediate supply of provisions from our magazines, and will aid them with such

of our vessels as may be necessary for procuring further supplies and landing,

their sick and other purposes. 







These general resources seem to be all we can take for their present relief,

till their wants shall be more particularl y laid before us. We beg leave to

take this early occasion to assure you that we shall receive into our State the

forces of his most Christian Majesty with the utmost cordiality and spare

nothing which shall be within our power to aid and accommodat e them in

whatever situation they shall choose: 







But in this or any other we greatly apprehend the difficulties and distresses

which may arise from the want of proper houses for hospitals. 







314 Jefferson's Works 







I shall take great pleasure in showing on every occasion which shall occur, my

personal gratitude and affection to your nation, and the particular esteem with

which I am, Sir, 







Your most obedient and most humble servant. 







TO GENERAL WASHINGTO N. 







RICHMOND, April 10th, 1780. 



SIR,­The state of the recruiting business in this country is as follows: There

are some draughted soldiers in different parts of the country, but they are so

far, so disposed, and enlisted for so short a time that we have not thought

them worth the expense of gathering up. There are recruits raising under a

standing law concerning officers, soldiers, sailors and marines; these are

enlisted for the war by a person resident in each county. We have an Officer

appointed who rides the circuit of the County once in two months to receive

these men at certain places of rendezvous . He has just finished his circuit,

and we have sent on about fifty of these recruits under the command of Captain

Minnis to the southward. All the officers of the Virginia Line now in the

State, who have (according to a request of the Executive) applied for

recruiting instruction s and money, have received them. These have been given

with a particular view of reenlisting such soldiers of their respective

regiments, as are discharged , or 







Correspond ence 315 







are entitled to a discharge. I hear they are tolerably successful; as to the

1st and 2d State Regiments particularl y, there not having been money in the

treasury enough to reenlist them at the time they became entitled to

discharges, their officers (as I am informed) postponed paying them off, gave

them furloughs to visit their friends till the 1st of May, at which time they

were to rendezvous at Williamsbur g and Fredericks burg, and it was hoped money

would then be ready for reenlisting them. In the meantime considerabl e sums

have been furnished the officers, and more will be provided, and there is good

reason to hope this Judicious¹ of their officers will enable us to recover most

of them. Colonel Harrison's regiment of artillery is very considerabl y

recruited. Under the preceding state of things, I do not know of any immediate

service with which we need to trouble you: perhaps you could be instrument al

in getting orders from the proper authority for such of the above regiments as

are not ordered to the southward to march thither by fifties as far as they are

recruited. We have such orders for all other new recruits not yet regimented ;

but I do not consider those as orders authorizing the march of men raised by

the officers of a particular battalion for their battalion, and that not under

marching orders. 







#¹ The adjective judicious is capitalized and made a noun in the MS.# 







316 Jefferson's Works 



TO GENERAL EDWARD STEVENS. 







RICHMOND, July 19, 1780. 



SIR,­I think it proper to inclose you a paragraph from a late Act of Assembly

putting the militia with you under martial law; it is the only part of the Act

which relates at all to the militia, for which reason I do not send the whole

Act, the clerks being very busy. This Act having been made after the militia

went on duty may perhaps be thought by them to be in the nature of an ex post

facto law; but as it is in your power to restrain its penalties from all acts

previous to its promulgati on by you and even, if you please, from all

subsequent ones except desertion, and such others as you shall find necessary,

they may perhaps think it less hard. 







TO JAMES MADISON.¹ 







RICHMOND, July 26, 1780. 



DEAR SIR,­With my letter to the President I enclose a copy of the bill for

calling in the paper money now in circulation, being the only copy I have been

able to get. In my letter to the Delegates, I ask the favor of them to furnish

me with authentic advice when the resolutions of Congress shall have been

adopted by five other States. In a private 







#¹Copied from a letter belonging to Hon. Elliot Danforth, of Albany.# 







Correspond ence 317 







letter I may venture to urge great dispatch and to assign the reasons. 







The bill on every vote prevailed, but by small majorities; and on one occasion

it escaped by two voices only. Its friends are very apprehensive that those who

disapprove of it, will be active in the recess of Assembly to produce a general

repugnanc e to it, and to prevail on the Assembly in October to repeal it. They

therefore think it of the utmost consequenc e to get it into a course of

execution before the Assembly meets. I have stated in my public letter to you

what we shall consider as authentic advice, lest a failure in that article

should increase the delay. If you cannot otherwise get copies of the bill, it

would be worth while to be at some extraordina ry expense to do it. 







Some doubt has arisen here to which quarter our 3000 draughts are to go, as

Congress directed 5000 militia to be raised and sent to the southward,

including what were ordered there and these 3000 (which I think will be 3500)

draughts are raised in lieu of so many militia. 







The matter seems clear enough when we consider that a fourth or fifth of the

enemy's force are in South Carolina. It could not be expected that North

Carolina which contains but a tenth of the American militia, should be left to

support the southern war alone, more especially when the regular force to the

northward and the expected aids are taken into the scale. I doubt more whether

the balance 







318 Jefferson's Works 







of the 1,900,000 dollars are meant by Congress to be sent northwardl y, because

in a resolution subsequent to the requisition of the sum before mentioned, they

seem to appropriat e all the moneys from Maryland southward to the southern

military chest. We shall be getting ready the balance in which great disappoint

ments have arisen from an inability to sell our tobacco, and in the meantime

wish I could be advised whether it is to go northward or southward. The aids of

money from the State through the rest of the present year will be small, our

taxes being effectually anticipated by certificates issued for want of money

and for which the sheriffs are glad to exchange their collections rather than

bring them to the treasury. Congress desired North Carolina and Virginia to

recruit, remount, and equip Washington 's and White's horse. The whole has been

done by us except as to 200 saddles which the Quartermas ter expects to get

from the northward. This draws from us about six or seven hundred thousand

pounds, the half of which I suppose is so much more than was expected from us.

We took on us the whole, because we supposed North Carolina would be

considerabl y burthened with calls for occasional horse, in the present low

state of our cavalry, and that the disabled horses would be principally to be

exchanged there for fresh. 







Our troops are in the utmost distress for clothing as are also our officers.

What we are to do with the 3000 draughts when they are raised I cannot foresee.









Correspond ence 319 







Our new institution at the College has had a success which has gained it

universal applause. Wythe's school is numerous, they hold weekly courts and

assemblies in the Capitol. The professors join in it, and the young men dispute

with elegance, method and learning. This single school by throwing from time to

time new hands well principled, and well informed into the legislature, will be

of infinite value. 







TO MAJOR WALL.¹ 







December 21st, 1780. 



SIR,­I laid before the Council the Rev. Mr. Fanning's letter to Mr. Tazewell

together with the letters and other papers found on Mr. Wickham­ The general

expectation s of remaining in this country, with which the enemy (and probably)

this young gentleman came into it, the political character of the gentleman

under whose auspices he came, his not leaving the enemy till they were obliged

to retire, and the complexion of his own journals and letters, are circumstan

ces which place him, in their belief, among the enemies of this country.

Nothing appears which even leads to a suspicion that a difference in political

sentiment was among the motives which led him from his connection s with the

enemy to seek a union with this country. 







#¹ Published in Calendar of Virginia State Papers, vol. II, p. 205.# 







320 Jefferson's Works 







The manner of his effecting his transition from the one party to the other, was

not likely to produce any other than a hostile reception­ he becomes an enemy

from an enemy, in the midst of our country, with arms in their hands, attempts

to pass without application to, or leave from, any officer civil or military,

and to bear letters, negotiating an interview between an officer high in the

adverse command, and citizens of this State. Under these unfavourab le

circumstan ces, the Board cannot but deem him an enemy, and (being within our

power) a prisoner of war­They are at the same time as thoroughly satisfied of

the decided principles of Whigism which have distinguish ed the character of

the Rev. Mr. Fanning, that they shall think this young gentleman perfectly safe

under his care, so long as he stays in this State; to him, therefore, they

remit him until a flag, daily expected from New York into Potomac River, shall

be returning to that place, when they shall expect him to take his passage

back; first calling on the Commission er of the War Office to give a proper

parole. 







TO__?¹ 







IN COUNCIL, December 21, 1780. 



SIR,­I have received authority from the Legislature to provide clothing and

blankets for the 







#¹ Published in the Historical Magazine, vol. XIV, p. 244.# 







Correspond ence 321 







troops by seizing the same which will be accompanie d by endeavors to purchase.

Agents are out procuring salted beef and others setting out to procure pork in

as large quantities as they are to be had to be stored on the Roanoke and its

navigable waters. Ten thousand barrels of flour will certainly be provided; the

number of wagons which have been, delivered to the Continental Quartermas ter

since the date of General Gates' requisition I have not yet been able to

procure a return of nor the quantities of spirits delivered to the Continental

Commissary ; considerabl e deliveries of both articles have been made. Any

other measures which may have been taken by the Assembly for further compliance

with the requisition s of General Greene are yet uncommuni cated to me; as arms

were never among the requisition s made by Congress on the several States, this

State never supposed it would be expected they should provide that article for

their quota of Continental troops; they have only had in view to procure from

time to time so many as might arm their militia when necessity required the

calling them into service. From this stock they have furnished arms for

Continental use till it is so reduced that they have not the smallest prospect

of being able from the State magazines to spare as many as will arm their new

Continental levies. 







#VOL. IV-21# 







322 Jefferson's Works 







TO ROWLAND MADISON. 







RICHMOND, December 24th, 1780. 



SIR,­It being found necessary to undertake an expedition into the country

beyond the Ohio, you are desired to apply for and receive from Mr. Galloway of

New London under the order inclosed one thousand weight of good musket or rifle

powder and to conduct the same to Montgomer y court house. You are also to

apply for and receive fifteen weight of lead from the manager of the lead mines

under an order likewise inclosed and to convey it to the same place. You are

moreover to act as (Quarterma ster and Commissary for the militia from Green

Brier one hundred and thirty seven in number who are ordered to rendezvous at

Montgomer y court house by the 20th day of February next and to proceed thence

with them to the falls of Ohio. You will, therefore, provide subsistenc e for

them and forage necessary for the march, and are hereby authorized to call on

any commission ers of the provision law or commissari es having public

provisions in their hands to furnish you. You are moreover desired to purchase

three hundred pack horses, pack saddles, halters and bells, which may serve to

carry the ammunition before mentioned, provisions and the baggage of the men to

the falls of Ohio where the whole will be received by Colonel Clarke and your

office determined . We expect you will purchase these horses for £1500 a piece,

though 







Correspond ence 323 







aware of this necessity for purchasing them, we do not limit you absolutely in

price, but rely on your discretion to get them as cheap as you can. For these

several purposes you receive £500,000­ta ke great care to obtain such authority

and protection from the commanding officer of the militia that your horses may

not be subject to be rode or unnecessar ily burthened, and that you may be able

to deliver them in good condition at the falls of Ohio: I am to warn you to use

the greatest expedition in performing these several duties, and to see that you

be in readiness with every thing required of you at Montgomer y court house by

the 20th day of February as a failure on your part will inevitably defeat the

whole design. Your accounts are to be finally settled with the board of

auditors. 







TO MAJOR-GEN ERAL BARON STEUBEN.¹ 







RICHMOND, December 31st, 1780. 



SIR,­I have this moment received information that 27 sail of vessels, 18 of

which were square rigged, were yesterday morning just below Willoughby' s

Point. No other circumstan ce being given to conjecture their force or

destination , I am only able to dispatch General Nelson into the lower country,

to take such measures as exigencies may require for the instant, until further

information is 







#¹ Copy of the original letter belonging to the Sparks Manuscript s of Harvard

University. # 







324 Jefferson's Works 







received here. Then or in the mean time your aid and counsel will be deemed

valuable. 







TO BRIGADIER -GENERAL THOMAS NELSON. 







RICHMOND, January 2d, 1781. 



SIR,­It happened unfortunat ely from the tenor of Mr. Wray's letter which gave

us the first intelligence of the appearance of an enemy we had reason to expect

more precise information within a few hours: none such having come within fifty

hours, the first intelligence had become totally disbelieved . At 10 o'clock

this morning I first received confirmatio n of it. Orders go out by the members

of Assembly to call together half the militia of the most convenient counties

for present opposition and one fourth from more distant counties. We mean to

have four thousand six hundred militia in the field. In this number is not

included any below this county. Hanover, Chesterfiel d, Dinwiddie, Sussex and

Southampto n, all below these counties we have left uncalled on to be drawn by

you (or such of them as you think proper) into such parts of the lower country

as you shall think best. Mr. Brown the Commissary has orders to send a deputy

to furnish you with provisions. I do myself the pleasure of sending you a

Commission . I pray you to send as frequent intelligence as possible. Expresses

being in readiness for this purpose at Williamsbur g and New Kent Court House.

Be pleased to give







Correspond ence 325 







the same notice to the militia as formerly that no man will be ever discharged

till he shall have returned whatever public arms or accoutreme nts he shall

have received: be also particular in noting what is delivered to every man. We

mean to appoint the field officers on the same plan as in the former invasion

from the resigned and supernume rary, preserving the ranks of those gentlemen

accurately as among themselves. 







TO MAJOR-GEN ERAL BARON STEUBEN.¹ 







January 2d, 1781. 



SIR,­I have this moment received a confirmatio n of the arrival of a hostile

fleet consisting of 19 ships, 2 brigs, and 10 sloops and schooners. The advance

of the fleet were yesterday morning in Warrasquea k Bay, and just getting into

motion up the river with a favorable wind and tide: their destination from the

intelligence of deserters and some captured mariners; whom they put on shore,

is somewhere up the river, supposed to be Petersburg : We shall be very glad of

the aid of your counsel in determinin g on the force to be collected, and other

circumstan ces necessary to be attended to, for the purpose of opposition, if

it be convenient for you to call on the Council immediately . 







#¹Copied from a letter in the Sparks Manuscript s belonging to Harvard

University. # 







326 Jefferson's Works 







TO COLONEL FRANCIS TAYLOR. 







IN COUNCIL, January 4, 1781. 



SIR,­The enemy now appear to be pushing to this place and we know not how much

further they may attempt to penetrate. A suspicion that the Convention ers

might be induced to attempt a cooperation and by that means distract the

efforts of our people renders it necessary that in the instant of your

receiving this you put those troops into motion without waiting for their

baggage or anything else, within a very few hours we expect you may throw the

whole across the Blue Ridge and it may be well for you to call on the counties

of Augusta, Amherst and Albemarle to collect a force at Rockfish gap to oppose

any pursuit. I would not have those counties on account of such a call withhold

the militia required to come here. They must furnish so many additional as you

call for. A multiplicity of business puts it out of my power to send you

written powers of impress. But you must exercise that power for every purpose

only requiring you to keep exact lists of their certificates to be returned to

the auditors as directed on a former occasion. 







TO COLONEL RICHARD MEADE. 







IN COUNCIL, January 4, 1781. 



SIR,­The present invasion having rendered it necessary to call into the field a

large body of militia 







Correspond ence 327 







the providing them with subsistence, and the means of transportat ion becomes

an arduous task in the unorganize d state of our military system. To effect

this we are obliged to vest the heads of the Commissary 's and Quartermas ter's

Department s with such powers as if abused will be most afflicting to the

people. Major-Gene ral Baron Steuben taught by experience on similar occasions

has pressed on us the necessity of calling to the superinten dence of these

officers some gentleman of distinguish ed character and abilities, who, while

he prescribes to them such rules as will effectually produce the object of

their appointmen t, will yet stand between them and the people as a guard from

oppression. Such a gentleman he would propose to consider as of his family;

under the exigency we have taken the liberty of casting our eyes on yourself as

most likely to fulfill our wishes and, therefore, solicit your undertakin g

this charge; in doing this we rely on the impulse of purer motives than those

which would spring from any pecuniary reward it is our power to offer. At the

same time we cannot with justice permit that any expenses incurred in such a

station should be borne by yourself. I shall hope to receive your answer by the

return of the bearer. 







328 Jefferson's Works 







TO MAJOR-GEN ERAL BARON STEUBEN.¹ 







MANCHEST ER, January 7th, 1781. 



SIR,­Your letter of this morning on the subject of finding where the arms have

been sent and having them put into the hands of the militia I have this morning

received. I think most of the arms have been sent off in different directions

by the orders of Colonel Davies, whom I believe to be, therefore, best

acquainted with their situation. If I did not misunderst and him to-day he has

accordingl y directed particular bodies of militia to go to particular places

to receive arms. However (if I do not go to Richmond to-night which I have some

thought of doing) I will write to Colonel Muter to appoint some proper person

to undertake and execute this business immediately as you desire; as I wish

exceedingl y to relieve you from every unnecessar y embarrass ment when I know

you are exposed to but too many which are unavoidabl e. 







TO MAJOR-GEN ERAL BARON STEUBEN.¹ 







MANCHEST ER, Jan. 7th, 1781. 



SIR,­I have thought myself very unfortunat e in missing of you for two days

though riding over the same ground on which you were. On my arrival here I was

informed you were at Ampshill 







#¹ Copied from the original letter belonging to the Sparks Manuscript s, of

Harvard University. # 







Correspond ence 329 







and was setting out for there, when a gentleman came who assured me you were at

Ozborne's and having rode thirty miles through the rain, I have not resolution

enough to undertake to go to Ozborne's this evening. 







I received your letter of yesterday at Westham at noon. I fear it will be

impossible to furnish the thousand stand of arms you desire. Colonel Davies has

sent some hundreds from Westham to different places to be put into the hands of

the militia coming in. He has undertaken to have those remaining there

separated, in order that such as are capable of being used may be sent to you,

and I have engaged persons who are gone out to impress wagons to transport them

to you. Colonel Davies seemed doubtful to what place they should be ordered. I

mean to continue here or at Richmond to see whether I can collect the several

staff officers of the State, and have the benefit of their services on the

present occasion. I shall be very happy to aid those of the Continent with

every power I am invested with. While at either of these places I shall be able

to communicat e both with yourself and General Nelson, and to do everything you

will be pleased to suggest for the service. I fear the want of arms fit for

service will be a most distressing circumstan ce. Are there no Continental arms

which can be used on the present occasion? I mean to endeavor to collect hands

and tools immediately to repair arms. Tools will be the most difficult to be

procured. 







330 Jefferson's Works 







TO MAJOR-GEN ERAL BARON STEUBEN. 







RICHMOND, January 9, 1781. 



SIR,­Mr. Granville Smith, a State Quartermas ter, now waits on you. As I am not

thoroughly acquainted with the Continental regulations , I shall just mention

to you my ideas on this particular matter without laying any stress on them and

leave to your determinati on the propriety of using Mr. Smith. I have ever

understood that the rule of Congress was to admit no expenses to be Continental

which were incurred by any State merely under an apprehensi on of an invasion;

but that whenever a State was actually invaded all expenses became Continental

. This I know was the rule while I was a member of Congress, but as it is four

years since I was a member of Congress, I cannot affirm of my own knowledge,

though I have understood that it is still the rule. The practice here has

accordingl y been for the Continental Quartermas ter to come into duty as soon

as the State has been invaded; he being appointed under the authority of

Congress, it has been supposed that he could best regulate all expenses

according to the Continental rules. The State Quartermas ter not being

appointed under Congress, not possessing their confidence, nor subject to their

removal or punishment , seems for these reasons an improper person to dispense

their monies. I submit these matters, however, altogether to yourself. Should

you think 







Correspond ence 331 







it proper that the State Quartermas ter should act, Mr. Smith is instructed to

receive your orders: he is a discreet and sensible person. 







TO COLONEL JOHN NICHOLAS. 







January 10, 1781. 



SIR,­I am not fond of encouragin g an intercourse with the enemy for the

recovery of property; however I shall not forbid it while conducted on

principles which are fair and general. If the British Commander chooses to

discriminat e between the several species of property taken from the people; if

he chooses to say he will restore all of one kind, and retain all of another, I

am contented that individuals shall avail themselves of this discriminat ion;

but no distinction s of persons must be admitted. The moment it is proposed

that the same species of property shall be restored to one which is refused to

another, let every application to him for restitution be prohibited. The

principles by which his discriminat ion would be governed are but too obvious,

and they are the reverse of what we should approve. 







TO BRIGADIER -GENERAL THOMAS NELSON. 







RICHMOND, January 12, 1781. 



The enemy left a number of horses at Westover which they had taken during the

late incursion, 







332 Jefferson's Works 







Colonel Nicholas very properly ordered a party to take charge of them and bring

them to the Quartermas ter where they might be kept for the owners to come and

claim them; but I am well informed that in the meantime several men of Captain

Hockaday's command of Charles City have plundered and carried them off. These

men being under your command I beg you to take the most coercive measures for

compelling a restitution and letting them know that the most rigorous and

exemplary punishment will be inflicted on every man who shall be known to have

one of them and not to deliver him up. Such as are recovered be so good as to

have brought up. The mischief done us by our citizens plundering one another

has far exceeded what the enemy did. 







TO MAJOR-GEN ERAL BARON STEUBEN. 







RICHMOND, January 13, 1781. 



SIR,­I received your favor of the 11th by Mr. Smith. I cannot say at what point

of time the expenses attending an invasion become Continental . I suppose

Congress have some fixed rule on that subject, which, whatever it be when

applied to all the States, will be equal. 







From the time at which they called for specie quotas of provisions from the

several States, they seem to have considered their purchasing Commissari es as

useless, and, therefore, desired us, whenever 







Correspond ence 333 







we should have appointed a person to furnish the specifics, we would

discontinue their purchasing Commissari es. We appointed Mr. Brown to procure

the specifics, which he is either to deliver to certain store keepers appointed

by the Continental Quartermas ters or to the Continental issuing Commissari es.

I think, therefore, Mr. Brown may continue to act with you with propriety and I

hope he will with effect. We did not discontinue Continental Deputy Commissary

of purchases here (Major Forsyth) but his acceptance of a similar office in

another quarter seems to have determined his former commission. I have heard

nothing from the enemy since their reaching Sandy Point; this leaves me very

anxious for our shipyard up the Chickahomi ny. 







I have lately received some dispatches which render it necessary for Colonel

Clarke to proceed immediately to the western country. I have written, to him on

this subject, and hope he will obtain your permission to return. I did not

expect at the time he went to you that his stay would have been rendered so

short. 







If this incursion of the enemy should much longer postpone the execution of the

late law for raising new levies, it will be among its worst effects. Y et this

law cannot be carried into execution in those counties from which militia are

sent. Foreseeing this, when you had favored us with your advice as to the

number s which should be called into the field we confined the call to the

following 







334 Jefferson's Works 







counties, and requiring from each a fourth we expected the following numbers: 



Halifax                247 



Charlotte                 156 



Prince Edward        142 



Bedford                325 



Buckingha m                162 



Amherst                224 



Sussex                        175 



Augusta                344 



Albemarle                 218 



Fluvanna                  65 



Goochland                 145 



Cumberlan d                102 



Powhatan                  71 



Amelia                275 



Southampto n                218 



Rockingha m                219 



Lunenburg                 168 



Mecklenbur g                212 



Brunswick                 325 



Dinwiddie                 175 



Chesterfiel d                164 



Henrico                155 



Rockbridge                 146 



Shenandoa h                216 



Total                           4650 







The whole amount is something larger than you desired but we of course expected

deficiencie s. Some of the adjacent counties were called on at first for one

half, and afterwards the whole of their militia for present defence. In like

manner General Nelson was authorized to call on certain other counties for

present defence; but it was meant that as soon as the proportion s above

mentioned from the counties particularl y named were come in, all others should

be dismissed. I state this matter to you supposing you will think with me that

the sooner you can begin the business of arranging your force on the plan

originally intended, the better it will be. As soon as the whole militia of the

counties, not meant to be kept in the field, can be discharged we will send the

act into those counties and have it carried into execution. 







Correspond ence 335 







TO BRIGADIER -GENERAL THOMAS NELSON. 







RICHMOND, January 15th, 1781. 



DEAR GENERAL,­ I have never heard a tittle of the enemy since your information

that they were at Sandy Point the day after they left Westover; nor is anything

known at this place as to their subsequent movements. As this want of

intelligence might eventually be fatal, I have ordered an express to be

stationed at Bottom's Bridge, another at New Kent Court House, a third at

Bird's tavern, a fourth at Williamsbur g, a fifth half way between that and

Hampton, and a sixth at Hampton. It will be easy for Mr. Kemp to throw letters

from you wherever situated into this line and as each rider will have but 15

miles out and the same back, they may if necessary be put into motion every

day. By the same means you may have communicat ion with Hampton. Your business

may probably put it out of your power to write so often, but hope that some of

the gentlemen about you may be able to give us intelligence every day or two. 







TO JACOB WRAY. 







RICHMOND, January 15th, 1781. 



For want of intelligence may be, ascribed a great part of, if not the whole of

the enemy's late successful incursions to this place. They appeared in the Bay

on the Saturday, no notification of it addressed 







336 Jefferson's Works 







to the Executive came to hand till 10 o'clock A. M. on Tuesday. There did,

indeed, on Sunday morning come to my hands a letter which you were so kind to

write to General Nelson informing him that 27 sail had been seen in the Bay and

that Commodore Barron had gone to reconnoitre them more closely. But as it was

not known whether they were friends or foes, and we hoped more particular

intelligence on the return of Commodore Barron, none but the lower militia were

called out, till the Tuesday following, by which two days were completely lost:

which would have added so much to the collection of militia in this quarter as

to have rendered doubtful at least whether the enemy could have got here. 







I mention these circumstan ces to show you the necessity of our being better

furnished with intelligence of the enemy's movements, and to apologize for my

troubling you with the task of communicat ing everything interesting through

the line of expresses stationed at every 15 miles from hence to Hampton. One is

to be fixed by Mr. Kemp at Hampton, will set out on yours or Commodore Barron's

orders and deliver his dispatches to the next who is ordered to be stationed

half way between Hampton and Williamsbur g: the particular place I cannot

inform you, but the express may do it. I hope you will be so good as to

undertake this trouble and to continue it so long as it may be necessary to

keep up the line. 







Correspond ence 337 







TO BRIGADIER -GENERAL THOMAS NELSON. 



RICHMOND, January 15, 1781. 



DEAR GENERAL,­ As I suppose by this time you may have more men than arms, and

there are no more arms fit for use remaining in the public stock, economy will

require that the surplus militia be discharged . This measure is the more

necessary as the law for raising new levies remains unexecuted while the

militia are from the counties. I shall, therefore, take the liberty of pointing

out to you, as I have done to Baron Steuben, what particular militia should be

first discharged . On confirmatio n of the intelligence that a hostile fleet

had arrived we asked the advice of Baron Steuben as to the numbers which should

be brought into the field: He advised 4000: we, therefore, called on the

following counties for one fourth of their militia, which we expected would

produce the numbers as annexed to them, viz: 



Halifax                248 



Buckingha m                162 



Goochland                 145 



Lunenburg                 169 



Chesterfiel d                164 



Rockbridge                 146 



Charlotte                 156 



Amherst                224 



Cumberlan d                102 



Mecklenbur g                212 



Henrico                155 



Augusta                344 



Prince Edward        142 



Albemarle                 218 



Powhatan                  71



Brunswick                 325 



Sussex                        175 



Rockingha m                219 



Bedford                325 



Fluvanna                 65 



Amelia                275 



Dinwiddie                 175 



Southampto n                218 



Shenandoa h                216 







The amount (4650) was greater than the Baron's requisition because we of course

expected deficiencie s. The above were intended to be kept in the 







#VOL. IV-22# 







338 Jefferson's Works 







field for some time; but some of these counties were distant, we called on

those in the neighborho od of this place at first for one half and afterwards

for all their fighting men for present defence, meaning that as soon as those

before enumerated should be in the field, those called for present defence

should be discharged . In like manner you are authorized for the purpose of

hasty opposition to call out certain counties, which it was likewise our idea

to discharge on receiving the force which was to remain. Whenever, therefore,

all your arms shall be taken up, should more militia come in we would choose

that you discharge so many of those counties not originally called on, or of

those which though originally called on have yet more than one fourth in the

field. By these means we shall in time have in the field the militia of those

particular counties only which were first called on, and the other counties

being all at home we may proceed to send to them the law for raising levies in

order to its execution. 







TO MAJOR-GEN ERAL NATHANAEL GREENE. 







RICHMOND, January 16, 1781. 



SIR,­Your favors of the 14th and 31st December remain unanswere d. I have been

less attentive to the communicat ion of our progress in preparing for the

southern war as Baron Steuben who knows all our movements gives you no doubt

full information from time to time. The present invasion of this 







Correspond ence 339 







State you have been before apprised of by the Baron. The very extraordina ry

and successful attempt of the enemy on this place you will also have heard of.

The enclosed paper containing a pretty exact narrative of it I take the liberty

of transmittin g to you. The enemy, on the Baron's approachin g towards Hood's,

hoisted sail and with the assistance of a very fine gale which sprung up in the

instant, they fell down the river in a very short time. When they came we were

in a very fine way of providing both subsistenc e and men; they have amazingly

interrupte d both operations: the latter indeed has been totally suspended. I

have just written to Baron Steuben so to arrange his force of militia, as by

permitting those from the greater number of counties to return home, to put

into our power to have the law for raising regulars carried into execution.

This his anxiety for a regular force will lead him to do with all practicable

expedition. 



Your bill in favor of Mr. St. Laurence is accepted, and will be paid as soon as

the several boards resume business. When the departure of the enemy, or

indications of their fixed plans as to this country shall have enabled me to

judge how far they will interrupt our succors to you, I will take the earliest

opportunit y of stating to you under every head of your requisition s from us

what we shall have a prospect of doing. 







340 Jefferson's Works 







TO ABNER NASH, GOVERNOR OF NORTH CAROLINA. 







RICHMOND, January 16, 1781. 



SIR,­I am honored with your Excellency' s favor of the 3d instant and am to

thank you for your permission and countenanc e to our pork purchases. 







The late invasion of this State by the enemy should not have been so long

uncommuni cated to you by me, but that the very extraordina ry movement they

made was such in its nature as to allow little time to those concerned in

Governmen t to think of anything but the providing means of opposition and in

the mean time withdrawin g everything from their power. From a fatal

inattention to the giving us due notice of the arrival of a hostile force two

days were completely lost in calling together the militia: a time which events

proved would have added so much of our collection of militia as to have

rendered doubtful their getting from this place. The winds favoring them in a

remarkable degree they almost brought news themselves of their movements. They

were landed within twenty-six miles of this place before we had reason to

suspect they would aim at it. The little interval of twenty-thr ee hours

between that and their actual arrival here was assiduousl y and successfull y

employed in withdrawin g the public stores from hence and from Westham seven

miles above this. This was so far done that our loss did not exceed 300

muskets, about 5 tons of powder, some sulphur, 5 field pieces, four pounders 







Correspondence 341 







and some inferior articles of no great account. The letters and records of the

Executive were the greater part lost. They retired hastily to their shipping

after 23 hours possession of the place. The interruptio n which they have given

to raising men and providing subsistenc e is likely to be very injurious. We

are endeavorin g to get over this difficulty also as well as we can. Should any

movements take place interesting to your State I shall communicat e them to

your Excellency as soon as known to me, the communicat ion will be circuitous.

Perhaps should they take post at Portsmouth , you might think it expedient to

establish a line of expresses to the neighborho od of that place. 







TO BRIGADIER -GENERAL THOMAS NELSON. 







IN COUNCIL, January 20th, 1781. 



DEAR GENERAL,­ I will send to Mr. Brown the Commissary the paragraph from your

letter relative to provisions with orders to him to take measures for relief.

At the same time I wish the principal expenditur es could be in Indian meal

that the flour might be kept as much as possible for the summer's use. Major

Hollier has no authority to make exchange prisoners with the enemy. The

enclosed Proclamatio n will show you the principles on which we approved to wit

that a citizen shall be considered as a soldier if he were taken in arms,

embodied as a soldier, and acting under the command







342 Jefferson's Works 







of his officer. You will perceive that the circumstan ces are necessary to

distinguish from a citizen engaged in his domestic or other occupation s. Any

equal exchange made on these principles and approved by yourself shall be

considered as valid. 







TO BRIGADIER -GENERAL THOMAS NELSON. 







RICHMOND, January 25th, 1781. 



SIR,­I gave orders to Mr. Brown to send you a sufficiency of flour to fill up

any intervals which might happen between your supplies of Indian meal. We think

the stands of arms you have directed to be purchased at Baltimore are a great

bargain if they be really good and will certainly find means of paying for

them. The corn at Cumberlan d was Continental property having been delivered to

Colonel Finnie long ago. On the present invasion we had that with other public

stores moved up to New Castle as a place of greater safety. The other stores,

indeed, we meant to withdraw to other places: but not the corn. However, I

learn that our Quartermas ter has in distress for that article been obliged to

send for some of it for his horses here, and we have lately ordered a

considerabl e number of public horses too poor for service to be carried and

fattened there; by which means we shall save so much of it to the Continent. We

have determined to convene the Assembly on the first 







Correspond ence 343 







day of March. The printer will enable us to send out the laws which require

immediate execution this week. I make no doubt but by that time you will have

received either from their counties or from Baron Steuben so many of the

militia meant to be retained as will enable you to discharge the others.

Indeed, the Baron Steuben means to reduce the number originally intended to

2700 infantry which will enable him to send back those of a greater number of

counties. With respect to the paroled men my sentiments are these. Had I

unwarily entered into an engagemen t of which the laws of my country would not

permit me to fulfill I should certainly deliver myself to the enemy to cancel

that engagemen t and free my personal honor from imputation. Neverthele ss if

any of them choose to remain and to perform freely all legal duties, I do not

know that Governmen t is bound to send these people in to the enemy. It is very

different from the case of a military officer breaking his parole, who ought

ever to be sent in. We deny the propriety of their taking paroles from unarmed

farmers. But as in any event the only justifiable punishment of a breach of

parole is confinemen t, so should the enemy hang a single man for this cause,

we will instantly retaliate by hanging their prisoners in equal number. This

may be declared to the paroled men who you say are ready to take arms. Mr.

Granville Smith received yesterday a warrant for £20,000 for the contingent

expenses of your camp, 







344 Jefferson's Works 







to be called out only on your order. As the money press is not yet at work it

will be some days before he will get it. 







P. S. Mr. Brown just informs of your application for spirits. There is not a

hogshead belonging to the State, but very great, quantities in the hands of the

Continental Commissari es. I have special returns of upwards of twenty thousand

gallons delivered them by the Commission ers of the Provision Law and no doubt

great quantities of which there is no return. As on actual invasions all

reasonable expenses are Continental you are undoubtedl y authorized to call on

their Commissari es or should you have a doubt Baron Steuben will clear it up.

A Mr. Lyon one of those Commissari es at York can certainly supply you. I would

observe to you that Baron Steuben informed me in conversatio n that spirit

would be allowed as a part of the daily ration but only on particular

occasions. 







TO THE VIRGINIA DELEGATES IN CONGRESS. 







RICHMOND, January 26th, 1781. 



GENTLEME N,­I shall now beg leave to answer your letter of the 1st instant

which enclosed a Paper from Baron de Arendt. Mr. William Lee was some 







Correspond ence 345 







time ago invested with a special agency from this State; having received,

however, no instruction s from him of his having engaged any other person to

transact any part of it, we are uninformed as to his stipulation s with the

Baron de Arendt. If he has left the particular one for twenty-fiv e louis

unfilled, we think ourselves bound to discharge, which we will do in such sum

of paper money as may purchase that quantity of hard money in Philadelphi a,

for there being no hard money here there is no fixed exchange. If you will

therefore settle the sum with him, we will make the remittance either in money

or by answering a bill, or otherwise as shall be most practicable . After a

variety of trials to effect the clothing of our troops and procuring of

military stores, and failing in them all, a particular institution has been

adopted here for those purposes. Into this channel all our means must be turned

to enable it to be effectual. Our situation is too well known to suppose we

have anything to spare. It is therefore not in our power to enter into the

commerce with Prussia proposed by the Baron de Arendt, however desirous we are

of opening a communicat ion with that respectable State and willing under every

other circumstan ce to effect it by great sacrifices were sacrifices necessary.

Should the subjects of Prussia choose to adventure on private trade with our

citizens, every facility and encourage ment in our power will be certainly

afforded. As the Speaker sets out within three or four days for Philadelphi a, 







346 Jefferson's Works 







and can so much more fully explain to you by words the steps taken for support

of our opposition to the common enemy, I shall decline answering that paragraph

of your letter and beg leave to refer you to him. 







TO BENJAMIN HARRISON. ¹ 







RICHMOND, January 29th, 1781. 



SIR,­Sever al matters of public importance resting on the hands of the

Executive to be transacted to the northward we beg leave to avail ourselves of

your journey thither to get them settled being satisfied they may be much

better done on your verbal representa tions than by anything that may go in

writing from us. The trade has been carried on to a very small extent between

this State and the Bermuda Islands. This was begun under a resolution of

Congress permitting the exportation of a certain quantity of corn from this

State to Bermuda. We required the Bermudians to come for it and to bring a

bushel of salt in exchange for every two of corn. Our distress for salt

increasing we continued the license and in the last summer gave three bushels

of corn for one of salt. Some tobacco also was allowed in exchange but few

vessels (I think 







#¹ Benjamin Harrison was about to journey to Congress, at Philadelphi a, as a

special commission er for the State of Virginia.# 







Correspond ence 347 







not more than half a dozen) have come on that business. Whether the number may

increase or not I cannot say, but I think the trade necessary and could wish

its continuanc e without umbrage to Congress or the French Minister. A trade

with vessels reporting themselves as from neutral ports



but in truth as we believe from Ireland has also been winked at. This is more

exceptional on the part of the States and their allies and less advantageo us

to us. We have, indeed, received occasional supplies of clothing from them, but

we might have bought on nearly as good terms in America, and thereby avoided

risking the mischiefs which may attend the permission of Irish importation s.

Should our Commercial Agent be successful in his endeavors to supply our future

public wants, this powerful reason for tolerating the trade will be removed.

There will then remain no other inducement to it, but as it will increase the

quantity of goods imported into the State, but whether the advantage be great

or small we will willingly place this commerce on whatever footing shall be

thought requisite for the good of the States and their allies. 



The removal of the Convention troops was determined on by the Executive on the

invasion of this State which took place in the last fall and was effected as to

the British division about 800 in number. The Germans 1400 in number being

thought less dangerous were permitted to remain till accommodat ions could be

provided for them in 







348 Jefferson's Works, 







Maryland. Congress having afterwards directed that they should not be removed

and our Assembly that they should, the Executive are placed in a very

disagreeabl e situation, we can order them to the banks of the Potomac, but our

authority will not land them on the opposite shore. Besides prohibiting the

removal of those remaining here they have required us to furnish half the

provisions for those gone to Maryland. I beg leave to refer you to my letters

to the Board of War and to Governor Lee on this subject, a copy of which is

furnished you from whence you will see the grounds on which I have remonstrat

ed against this latter requisition and on which I should have remonstrat ed

against the former also but that I wish to avail myself of your more forcible

representa tion in person. 







A Mr. Patoun of Baltimore sent us some cartridge boxes; they were brought in a

vessel of Mr. Braxton's to Annapolis, where the vessel being sold they were

left and I have heard of nothing of them since. I must beg the favor of you to

get them brought on if possible. Any supply of the same article as also of

cartridge paper and flints which the Board of War can send on are essentially

wanting. 







Peret and Company of France sent us a quantity of stores in a vessel called Le

Comité. She was taken on her passage, retaken and carried into Rhode Island,

where on condemnati on the one half of our part of 







Correspond ence 349 







her cargo has been decreed to us. I take the liberty of putting into your hands

the papers on this subject. Our delegates have been endeavorin g to have them

brought on hitherto without effect. The salt, indeed, had better be sold there

but the arms, clothing and other articles are so much wanting that we should be

so much obliged to you to adopt an effectual mode of having them brought hither

by hiring a trusty agent to go and bring them in wagons attending them himself,

or in any other way you find most practicable and expedient. Congress being

considerabl y indebted to us in the article of powder, I lately wrote to desire

from five to ten tons to be sent to this place; it is essentially necessary

that we send four tons more to Fort Pitt and that it be there by the 1st day of

March. The statement with which you are furnished by our advances of powder to

the Continent will inform you how far we have a right to make this call. I must

trouble you to procure from them at Baltimore, if possible, and, if not, then

at Philadelphi a the four tons before mentioned and to send them under a trusty

person in wagons to Fort Pitt to be delivered to the order of Colonel Clarke or

other person acting under them. The residue or as much of it as can be got

should be brought here at Continental expense. 







350 Jefferson's Works 







TO THOMAS SIM LEE, GOVERNOR OF MARYLAND. 







RICHMOND, February 1st, 1781. 



SIR,­I am much obliged by your Excellency' s favor of January 5th. Joseph

Shoemaker is a citizen of this State and has been an active mischievou s

traitor. The dangers of escape on the road from Baltimore to this place, and

from this place, where since our removal from Williamsbur g no public jail has

been yet erected, are so great as to induce me to suggest to your Excellency

the trial and punishment under your laws, should he have committed any

depredatio n within your State which they would punish capitally; and in this

case I will on intimation from your Excellency furnish you with proofs of his

citizenship authenticat ed in any way in which your laws shall require. Should

he not be amenable to justice under your laws, or should he be acquitted on

trial, I will on information thereof take immediate measures for having him

received, and brought hither. 







I have been honored with a letter from the Honorable Mr. Jenifer, President of

your Senate, and Mr. Bruff, Speaker of the House of Delegates, proposing that

we should invite our allies, the French, to take a post within our State

convenient for the defence of Chesapeake Bay, and desiring a communicat ion on

the subject with your Excellency. The difficulties on this head will certainly

not arise with us. Should our allies not have a certainty of







Correspond ence 351 







obtaining and keeping a superiority of naval power in the American seas, they

will probably think any post on the navigable waters of the Chesapeake liable

to loss. As a discussion of this matter with the French Minister required full

information to him of the various posts and grounds which they might think

fitted for defence as well as for overlookin g the Bay, by their convenienc y

to aid from the country and many other circumstan ces which might draw the

correspond ence, if on paper, to a great length, I have thought it best to

desire the Honorable Mr. Harrison, Speaker of our House of Delegates, who set

out for Philadelphia two days ago, to speak with the French Minister on the

subject and to give him every information which may be necessary to determine

his opinion. 







I had during the last summer taken the liberty of soliciting from him some

naval force to be stationed on our bay, and received hopes that it might be

done, just when the enemy who are now within this State came into the bay. I am

afraid the proof they have exhibited of the practicabili ty of making inroads

into our country when conducted with rapidity and aided by wind and waters,

will rather discourage our allies from hazarding much in any situation which

may be pointed out. 







352 Jefferson's Works 







TO BENJAMIN HARRISON. 







RICHMOND, February 7th, 1781. 



SIR,­The enclosed papers will sufficiently explain themselves to you. They were

put into my hands by Colonel Mathews together with a requisition from. Congress

to furnish 14,492 hard dollars to pay the debts of our prisoners in New York.

Were we permitted to send produce, we could do it for less than half of what

the hard dollars will cost us, and I think such articles might be selected from

the within, especially when that of coal is added (which Colonel Mathews

assures me will be done) as would do neither good to the enemy nor injury to

us. Coal sells in New York at six guineas the chaldron. Colonel Mathews assures

me that the enemy has never experience d the least inconvenience from a want of

provisions since he has been in captivity; that, indeed, before the arrival of

the Cork fleet they began to be apprehensi ve, but he thinks they have now near

a twelve months provision. Taking this into considerati on with the great

alleviation of the maintenanc e of our prisoners which it would bring to us,

perhaps you could negotiate a permission to us to send some of these articles

to New York and Charleston. 







Correspond ence 353 







TO COLONEL THEODORIC BLAND. 







RICHMOND, February 9th, 1781. 



SIR,­I received yesterday your letter enclosing that of Colonel Dubuysson. It

gives us great pain that we are not able to do what is desired by that

gentleman. I shall not rest this merely on the determinati on of the Executive

not to exchange Governor. Hamilton at all while matters on our frontier are

situated as at present, a determinati on founded as well on the possibility of

real injury he would be enabled to do as on the apprehensi ons which the

western country entertain of his eager enmity against us and influence with the

savages. It is well known that the whole line of officers belonging to Virginia

and North Carolina were taken some months before the captivity of Colonel

Dubuysson, and stand previously entitled to exchange on the just principle of

regular rotation. Exchanges out of turn have already given great disgust, not

only to those who have been passed by but to the officers in general who find

themselves exposed to the danger of a like insult. I leave to yourself, Sir, to

judge what would be the complaints were we to consent to the exchange in

question, passing over a whole army whose officers stand first entitled; these

complaints would be more distressing as they would be founded in justice, and

would admit no possibility of answer. The same reasons are good against parole

exchange of such 







#VOL. IV-23# 







354 Jefferson's Works 







extent as the one proposed. I hope, therefore, that Colonel Dubuysson will see

this matter in its proper light and be satisfied that nothing but a sense of

its being clearly against our duty prevents our concurrenc e in a measure

leading so much to his relief and which is stated as eventually interesting to

the family of Baron de Kalb, to whom gratitude would induce us to render every

service reconcilabl e to that justice which is due to others. 







TO MAJOR-GEN ERAL NATHANAEL GREENE. 







RICHMOND, February 10th, 1781. 



SIR,­I now do myself the pleasure of transmittin g you information on the

several heads of your requisition s. I am sorry that full compliance with them

is impracticab le. Every moment, however, brings us new proofs that we must be

aided by your northern brethren. Perhaps they are aiding us and we may not be

informed of it. I think near half the enemy's force are now in Virginia and the

States south of that. Is half the burden of opposition to rest on Virginia and

North Carolina? I trust you concur with us in crying aloud on this head. 







I sincerely rejoice with you on General Morgan's late important success.

Besides the real loss sustained by the enemy in the force they were moving

against us, it will give us time to prepare for the residue. The prisoners

taken on that occasion, I shall certainly take the liberty of handing on

northwardl y







Correspond ence 355 



through this State, for the reason for doing this I beg leave to refer you to

the enclosed. 







Dr. Brownson received £75,000, equal to £1000 specie; for the balance he must

wait until the Assembly meets. I hope they will determine to make up their

quota of men fully. I have the pleasure to inform you that we have reason to

expect during the two ensuing months, very full supplies of all necessaries for

our army from France, on a contract we had made the last spring. I hope, too,

that their escort is such as not only to render their entrance secure but to

promise something further. 







TO BRIGADIER -GENERAL GEORGE ROGERS CLARK. 







IN COUNCIL, February 13th, 1781. 



SIR,­Still having at heart the success of the expedition at the head of which

you are placed, we have obtained leave from Baron Steuben for Colonel Joseph

Gibson to attend you as next in command, and of course to succeed to your

offices in event of your death or captivity which however disagreeabl e in

contemplati on, yet as being possible it is our duty to provide against. I have

further added my most pressing request to Colonel Broadhead that he permit

Colonel Gibson's regiment to be added to your force for the expedition, a

request which I hope will be successful as coinciding with the spirit of

General Washington 's recommend ations. Colonel Gibson is to go to Baltimore to

see the powder conveyed







356 Jefferson's Works 







to Fort Pitt. The articles which were to be sent from this place to Frederick

County were duly forwarded a few days after you left us. I wish you laurels and

health, and am with respect, etc. 







TO BRIGADIER -GENERAL THOMAS NELSON. 







RICHMOND, February 16th, 1781. 



SIR,­I am very anxious to prepare for co-operatio n with our allies and for

providing for their support. For the former purpose measures are taking as

agreed on this moment in a conference with Baron Steuben, for the latter we

suppose Yorktown the most effectual to prepare as an asylum for their vessels.

Colonel Senf comes down with instruction s to point what may be done there in a

short time. The Baron will send Colonel Harrison or some other artillery

officer to superinten d the execution of what he shall plan; and I must resort

to your influence to take such measures as may call in a sufficient number of

laborers with their tools to execute the work. Whatever you do for this purpose

shall be approved by us. The county alone can probably furnish many hands.

Those in the neck I trust will also be forwarded. 







Correspond ence 357 







TO MAJOR-GEN ERAL NATHANAEL GREENE. 







RICHMOND, February 17th, 1781. 



SIR,­In the moment of receiving your letter of the 10th I issued orders to the

counties of Washington , Montgomer y, Botetourt and Bedford for seven hundred

and odd riflemen, and to those of Henry and Pittsylvani a for four hundred and

odd of their militia. Yet my trust is that neither these nor the adjacent

counties have awaited orders, but they have turned out and will have joined you

in greater numbers than we have directed. The reinforcem ent from Chesterfiel d

Court House cannot march these ten days. I shall be glad if you will call on

the neighborin g County Lieutenant s for any succors which you may want, and

circumstan ces forbid to be delayed. A minute communicat ion of events will be

very necessary as we wish as far as we are able to increase the opposing force,

if that already ordered shall be insufficient . This change of position has

thrown us into great doubt where to collect our provisions. 







Two days ago I received notice of the arrival of a 64 gun ship, and two

frigates of 36 each, part of the French fleet at Rhode Island; having yet had

no communicat ion of the views of the commanding officer (Commodor e Tilly) I

cannot say to what measures this aid will lead. They are equal to the

destruction of the British vessels, could they get at 







358 Jefferson's Works 







them, but these are drawn up into Elizabeth river into which the 64 cannot

enter. 







P. S. Since writing the above we are told Lord Cornwallis has advanced to the

Roanoke. I am in consequenc e issuing orders to embody every man between this

and that for whom a firelock can be procured and that they march to join you. 







TO MAJOR-GEN ERAL BARON STEUBEN.¹ 







RICHMOND, February 19th, 1781. 



SIR,­The prisoners in Albemarle were ordered to be removed immediately , giving

them time only to pack their baggage, that it might follow them in wagons.

Those taken at the Cowpens which were at New London on the 14th inst were

likewise ordered northwardl y by the way of Staunton keeping above the Blue

Ridge, while the Convention ers pass below it. These orders were issued at the

same time with those for embodying the militia and have been notified to

Congress and General Washington . 







By a letter from Count Rochambea u to General Washington , a copy of which is

transmitted me, it appears that some French frigates were out a cruising from

Newport.­t hat two 74s and a frigate were sent out by the British to take them,

that a storm came on which drove one of the 74s ashore on Montuck Point,



#¹ Copied from a letter belonging to the Sparks Manuscript s of Harvard

University. # 







Correspond ence 359 







and obliged the other to put back into Gardners' Bay dismasted, and the frigate

also to put back though without injury: and forced the French frigates back to

port, which they reached in safety; that this accident had given the French

fleet a superiority ; whereon the Chevalier de Touche was determined to send a

line of battleship, and two frigates to cruise off the Capes of Chesapeake and

break off the communicat ion between New York and Charlestow n. This letter is

dated Jan. 9th. We are, therefore, to suppose the French vessels now here to

have come in consequenc e of the above and to hope they are in no danger. 







TO BRIGADIER -GENERAL GEORGE ROGERS CLARK. 







RICHMOND, February 19th, 1781. 



SIR,­I received your letter on the subject of the backwardn ess of the militia

of Berkely and Frederic to proceed westwardly , and had before received

representa tion from the counties. This circumstan ce was the more mortifying

as we were informed from various quarters that should we persist in the order

it would produce an open disobedien ce. Many circumstan ces concurred to render

it prudent to avoid this. The presence of two armies of the enemy within the

State induced us to wish to prevent everything like commotion or opposition to

Governmen t in every part of it. As, therefore, the representa tions were

accompanie d with hopes held out of raising a 







360 Jefferson's Works 







respectable number of volunteers, the Board thought it prudent to accept of

that offer. These two counties were relied on for 56 men; on view of this

disappoint ment we obtained an order from Baron Steuben for Colonel John Gibson

with his regiment and Heth's company (about 200 regulars) to be added to your

command: an addition of more worth of itself perhaps than the militia, more

especially if any number of volunteers should go. I hope, too, you will receive

greater numbers from Kentucky than we counted on, and aids from the French

settlements : we are apt to hope what we much wish, and perhaps this is my

case. 







The enclosed papers give us real concern as they hold out reason to apprehend

great abuses in the western quarter. I transmit them to you to have strict

enquiry made (not by yourself for your time is otherwise better engaged) but by

such persons of known integrity and character as you shall appoint. We do not

know what to do with the bills of which Major Slaughter speaks, indeed I wish

such an enquiry could take place, and that the persons you appoint would give

their sanction to every bill. 







The suggestion s against the gentlemen who went to Kaskaskie under promise of

availing you of its resources and strength, are of such a nature as­ to merit

attention and delicate enquiry. I am sure you will keep your attention alive as

to everything of this kind and will use decision where decision is found

necessary . 







Correspond ence 361 







TO MAJOR-GEN ERAL BARON STEUBEN. 







RICHMOND, February 20th, 1781. 



SIR,­I enclose you a report from Mr. Ross of the clothing provided and his

prospect of further provision. The procuring hats or leathern caps still

appears desperate, so that unless some substitute can be thought of, I know not

what will be done. There are no hats I am told among the clothing come from the

north. I wrote you that after having called certain numbers from Washington ,

Montgomer y, Botetourt, Henry and Pittsylvani a, I had called out all the

militia who could be armed of Cumberlan d, Powhatan, Chesterfiel d, Dinwiddie,

Amelia, Lunenburg and Brunswick to oppose Lord Cornwallis. Prince Edward was

not called on because we knew them to have actually marched. Mecklenbur g,

Charlotte and Halifax were so near the enemy that we knew they must be in the

field before any orders could reach them. So far the draught had been no more

disturbed than it had been before by Arnold's invasion except as to the five

counties of Washington , etc., first named­it is not in our power to anticipate

the time of draughting in the other counties as you propose. The law gives

certain times for raising men voluntarily till the expiration of which no

draught can take place; for this reason we have wished to avoid as much as

possible calling on the counties north of James River, where the draught is as

yet undisturbe d, until we shall hear 







362 Jefferson's Works 







that Lord Cornwallis has actually crossed the Dan; because that act will decide

that he means to penetrate this country: neverthele ss if you think it

advisable we will order militia to a certain extent to be embodied on the north

side of James River; and I shall be obliged to you for your opinion on this

head. 







I find by the enclosed papers which have passed between a Lieutenant Hare

calling himself a flag and Captain Turberville that a vessel of the enemy has

come under very suspicious circumstan ces to Sandy Point. What was her errand,

to whom addressed, or whether she had passports from any of the commandin g

officers at the posts in the neighborho od of the enemy, are circumstan ces on

which these papers can give me no information ; yet they appear material in

fixing the character of the vessel. It seems improper that under the pretence

of being flags their vessels should be allowed to penetrate our rivers to their

sources. This matter being within your line, and depending on usages with which

you are better acquainted than we are, I wish to remit it altogether to

yourself to have done what is right. A communicat ion of what you determine

will oblige me, as I am to write to General Nelson on the subject. I also

transmit you an extract of the General's on the subject of the French ships

here. I should think with him their cruising off the capes attended with safety

to them, and great service to the American cause by interceptin g the

communicat ion 







Correspond ence 363 







between New York and Charlestow n. But whether at, this crisis till Lord

Cornwallis' s movements are decided the one way or the other, it be not of very

great moment to retain Arnold in his present quarters by the presence of a

force sufficient to destroy his navy if he withdraws from it, I would submit to

your better judgment.­ On this, too, I will ask your opinion as General Nelson

expects my answer. 







TO BRIGADIER -GENERAL THOMAS NELSON. 







RICHMOND, February 21st, 1781. 



DEAR GENERAL,­ I received your letter of the 18th the night before last, and

deferred answering it until I could confer with Baron Steuben, which I had the

opportunit y of doing yesterday evening. He showed me a letter from Monsieur

Tilly from which, and the information of his aid who went down, we suppose the

French squadron sailed on a cruise yesterday morning. They will, however, be

within our call, and, therefore, we think it proper to go on with the

preparatio ns for enabling us to make an attempt on the enemy, and for

affording an asylum to any of the ships of our ally which may at any time come

to us. I put into his hands the papers relative to Mr. Hare and he will give

orders on the subject; he seems to consider him as no flag, but a prisoner. As

to Mr. Hare's calumnies on individuals of this State among whom I am one; I

consider them as honorable testimonial s; it is their known practice to bribe

whom 







364 Jefferson's Works 







they can, and whom they cannot to calumniate. They have found scoundrels in

America, and either judging from that or their own principles they would

pretend to believe all are so. If pride of character be of worth at any time,

it is when it disarms the efforts of malice. What a miserable refuge is

individual slander to so glorious a nation as Great Britain has been. 







I spoke to Baron Steuben some time ago for a return of the numbers of militia

from each county which have been on duty and how long. As militia duty becomes

heavy, it becomes also our duty to divide it equally. I have waited for this to

order







out relief, which cannot be done on sure grounds without it. You will oblige me

by having such a return made from your quarter as soon as possible. I am

sincerely sorry to hear of your indispositio n. Wishing it speedily removed, I

am. 







TO COLONEL JAMES INNES. 







IN COUNCIL, February 22, 1781. 



SIR,­I had written the enclosed before Captain Richeson arrived. I transmit it

open through you for your perusal. I am very sorry that the men first called

into the field have not been relieved: but has proceeded from the want of such

a return as is mentioned in my letter, and for which I applied some time ago to

Baron Steuben, who has had hopes of furnishing it. You will readily be sensible

that 







Correspond ence 365 







where any county shall have sent but half the quota called for, they have

performed but half their tour, and ought to be called on again: Where any

county has furnished their full complement , they have performed their full

tour, and it would be unjust to call on them again till we shall have gone

through the counties. Militia becoming burdensom e it is our duty to divide it

as equally as we can. Upon the receipt of such a return a relief shall be

ordered: and in the mean time the arrival of the militia mentioned in the

enclosed may enable you to permit those who have been longer on duty to return

home. 







On the present invasion the favor was asked of Baron Steuben to arrange the

commands on principles laid down by the Executive, being the same determined on

Leslie's invasion. We have awaited the receipt of his arrangeme nt to issue

commission s; this alone is the reason why not a single commission has issued

during the invasion. I will take care to remind the Baron of the want of his

report and in the meantime should any gentleman have the misfortune to be

captured not a moment shall be lost in sending him a commission. The affair of

Westover has been communicat ed to me so imperfectly that I am still ignorant

of it. I know that a flag is detained at Sandy Point, and have heard of letters

between the conductor and a person in his connection up the river: But their

import I have never heard. I understand that I am particularl y indebted to Mr.

Hare for his eulogiums. Indeed, I think them the best 







366 Jefferson's Works 







certificate of my whigism did my country want such certificate at this day. 







TO MAJOR-GEN ERAL BARON STEUBEN. 







IN COUNCIL, February 24th, 1781. 



SIR,­I have received repeated information that the nakedness of the militia on

service near Williamsbur g and want of shoes is such as to have produced

murmuring s almost amounting to mutinies and that there is no hope of being

able longer to keep them in service. The precedent of an actual mutiny would be

so mischievou s as to induce us to believe an accommodat ion to their present

temper most prudent and, therefore, send to Colonel Innes a letter of which the

enclosed is a copy, in the meantime it is out of my power to order reliefs on

any fixed rule without such return as mentioned in the letter. As soon as I

shall receive such a return new calls shall be made to replace the numbers you

wished to have on the north side of James River independen tly of those from

the northern counties who were meant to be free for other service. I must,

therefore, trouble you to exercise your authority in such manner as to produce

me returns of the desired kind. This is the more necessary to be done speedily

lest the same should begin to show itself in General Muhlenber g's camp. You

will judge from the temper of these militia how little prospect there is of

your availing yourself of their aid on the south side of the river 







Correspond ence 367 







should you require it. I enclose you a copy of a letter from Colonel Bannister,

County Lieutenant of Dinwiddie. I have taken the liberty of referring him to

you as to the arms, and the bearer who carries my letter, will also carry any

orders you please to give as to them. The size of his detachment it seems will

depend on the arms he can procure. 







TO BRIGADIER -GENERAL ROBERT LAWSON. 







RICHMOND, February 25, 1781. 



SIR,­I yesterday received word from Colonel Bannister that there were 400 stand

of good Continental arms at Petersburg of which he desired 150. I wrote to

Baron Steuben on that, and shall immediately write to him again to let him know

your want, and I have no doubt but he will order on the balance for your

militia: besides these, 600 stand passed by this place three days ago for

General Greene's camp. I never heard a tittle of the movements of either army

in the south since a letter from General Greene of the 15th. Before that I on

the information which your express brought me, ordered out all the militia of

Cumberlan d, Powhatan, Chesterfiel d, Dinwiddie, Amelia, Lunenburg and

Mecklenbur g who could be armed, and a fourth part of Washington , Montgomer y,

Botetourt, Henry and Pittsylvani a. I sent no order to Prince Edward because I

had your information that the business was already done: to Bedford we

dispatched Colonel Lynch who happened to be 







368 Jefferson's Works 







here to carry all who could be armed. Halifax and Charlotte were known to be so

immediately under the approach of the enemy as that they must be out under the

general directions of the invasion law before orders could get to them. We

determined not to embody on the north side of the James River till we should

learn that Lord Cornwallis had crossed the Dan, because we still wished to

interrupt as little as possible the execution of the law for raising regulars.

That our intelligence might be perfect we got the favor of Major McGill to go

to Greene's camp and apprise us of every interesting movement through the line

of stationed expresses. He has been gone a week and we have not yet heard from

him, which makes me apprehend some foul play on the road. I am the more led to

this fear by a letter from General Greene to Baron Steuben having been opened

in the same course of conveyance and the state of Greene's force withdrawn from

it. 







General Muhlenber g has drawn close down on the enemy's lines at Portsmouth­the

French 64 gun ship lies in Lynhaven bay and the two frigates are on the cruise.

We are strengthen ing in that quarter. 







TO MRS. WILLIAM BYRD.¹ 







IN COUNCIL, March 1st, 1781. 



MADAM; I am sorry it is not in my power to send you the law you desire, having

only one copy of it 







#¹Mrs. Byrd's maiden name was Mary Willing.# 







Correspond ence 369 







myself and that bound up in the laws of the Session of October 1776, at which

it was passed. The description of the offence which is the subject of the Act,

is in these words ­'if a man do levy war against the Commonwea lth within the

same, or to be adherent to the enemies of the Commonwea lth within the same

giving to them aid or comfort in the Commonwea lth or elsewhere, etc., etc.,

thereof be legally convicted, etc., etc' The situation in which you were placed

by the landing of the enemy at Westover was undoubtedl y difficult. Whether you

may have been able to steer with precision between the will of those in whose

power you were and the laws of your country is a question on which the laws

have not made me the judge. The letter which you mention to have written while

the enemy's fleet lay at Westover, being thought to contain the acknowledg ment

of an offence against the Commonwea lth was put into the hands of the Executive

officially and by them remitted to the Attorney General with instruction s to

proceed as the laws require. I believe it is his idea that these proceeding s

must be as for a misdemeano r. They will probably take place immediately under

the directions of a late act which ordains pleadings in certain cases from day

to day till final decision and I hope will furnish you with ample occasion of

justificatio n. The flag having come under a permission of Baron Steuben given

before the determinati on to discontinue that kind of intercourse we referred

the whole of that matter to 







#VOL. IV-24# 







370 Jefferson's Works







him, save only that his promise having been to admit an identical restitution

of slaves and the flag instead of that bringing a compensati on in merchandiz e

were of opinion and determined that this could not be admitted to be received,

as, allowing the same indulgence equally to all, it would immediately become

regular commerce. This was the only order or resolution formed by the Executive

on any thing relative to this flag or to yourself so far as connected with her.

Mr. Hare was thought to have conducted himself with great impropriet y, yet a

desire to afford no color of precedent for violating the sacred rights of a

flag has I believe induced Baron Steuben to remit Mr. Hare and his vessel again

to his commander. 







Though my office requires that I should be divested of private estimations ,

yet I must be permitted to assure you that it will give me very real pleasure

to know that the issue from this troublesome business is perfectly to your

satisfaction . 







TO MAJOR-GEN ERAL MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE . 







RICHMOND, March 2d, 1781. 



SIR,­I was two days ago honored with your letter and that of General Washington

on the same subject; I immediately transmitted by express the one accompanyi ng

it to the commandin g officer of the naval force of his Christian Majesty in

our bay and took measures for providing pilots. Baron 







Correspond ence 371 



Steuben will communicat e to you the arrangeme nts he proposes, which I shall

have the pleasure of forwarding with every aid in my power. I hope that when

you shall arrive at the point of action every thing will be found in readiness.

I think the prospect flattering of lopping off this branch of the British force

and of relieving the southern operations by pointing all their efforts to one

object only. The relief of this State being the most immediate effect of the

enterprize it gives me great pleasure that we shall be so far indebted for it

to a nobleman who has already so much endeared himself to the citizens of these

States by his past exertions and the very effectual aids he has been the means

of procuring them. I have the honor to be with sentiments of the most perfect

gratitude and respect, Sir, Your etc. 







TO COLONEL EDWARD CARRINGTO N. 







IN COUNCIL, March 3d, 1781. 



SIR,­I have received your letter wherein is this paragraph "the sum indeed

mentioned in your Excellency' s letter is excessive and I am not surprised it

should be so, when I find by a state of your affairs sent to General Greene you

have magnified the estimate in one article tenfold and perhaps the same

circumstan ce attends the estimation on some of the other articles. I estimated

for fifty thousand bushels of grain.; in your Excellency' s state to General

Greene it is called five hundred thousand. I would 







372 Jefferson's Works 







be glad the Executive would revise their estimation and perhaps after

correcting those errors, etc., etc." 







I trust you would have been more choice in your terms had you revised the

estimate yourself as recommend ed to us. I send you a copy of it, wherein you

will find the quantity of corn or oats expressed in these figures and letters

'500,000 bushels' in a former estimate given in some days or perhaps weeks

before this. The quantity required was 'for 2326 draft horses and 779 saddle

horses till the 1st of August was 282,490 bushels.' I did not, therefore,

magnify the article to General Greene and your now speaking of 50,000 bushels

as the quantity required shows that I had reason to estimate to the General the

necessity of a new calculation on the true number of horses connected with the

southern army and the proportion of this, which on view of actual circumstan

ces we ought to furnish. I believe the estimate of 50,000 bushels to be as far

wrong as that of 500,000. We shall be governed by neither but will furnish as

much as we shall be able. It will probably be short of the middle quantity.

Should you have represente d this article to General Greene to have been

magnified by us, I shall expect from your justice that you will be equally

ready to correct as to commit an error and that you will take the trouble to

inform him that I had not been so deficient in respect either to him or myself

as to magnify things of which I undertook to give him representa tion: Major

Claiborne had the half million of pounds 







Correspond ence 373 







which we promised of the late emission. When the Treasury is replenishe d he

shall again have due proportion to enable him to procure such part of the

estimate as he thinks proper. 







TO THOMAS SIM LEE, GOVERNOR OF MARYLAND. 







RICHMOND, March 6th, 1781. 



SIR,­I had the honor of receiving your Excellency' s favor of February 27th and

had just before received the resolutions of Congress of February 20th which

were the subject of the letter. 







I think that we ought not to expect any co-operatio n in this business from

North Carolina and that we should be disappointe d were we to expect it. A

State in which are several different armies of foes and of friends as

destructive from necessity as foes, which has been consumed by their ravages

near a twelvemont h is not in a condition to give but to expect assistance. It

must be evident that from the presence of our armies in that State she must

furnish more than her quota for supplies, because she makes up the failures of

all other States; for on the failures of supply the army will not go to take

from the State failing, but takes its necessary subsistenc e from that in which

you are. I think then that of the States named in the resolution of Congress

the object of the resolution rest truly on Delaware, Maryland, and Virginia and

I shall be very happy to concur with them in such equal measures as will effect

the intentions







374 Jefferson's Works 







of Congress. I do not apprehend it was intended by your Excellency when you

proposed to deposit y our quota of specifics at Alexandria that the burden of

transportin g it thence to North Carolina should be left on us solely, because

as on the same plan we should be entitled to deliver our quota on our southern

boundary which would bring up our share of burden to an equality of yours: were

we moreover to transport your quota and that of Delaware across our country it

would be so much more than equality. I take the liberty of mentioning this

because your Excellency' s proposition has been I think misunderst ood in this

particular. The desire of Congress that we should settle an arrangeme nt for

procuring supplies for the southern army in the States most convenient for

replacing those supplies from other States and for transportin g the whole. All

this supposes a joint concern; I should think, therefore, it ought to be

executed jointly, or if divided that the division of the whole, that is of the

procuring supplies in one place replacing them by others and transportin g both

should be equal, by which I mean proportion ed to our abilities as rated in the

Continental scale. This may be done in several different ways: 1st, by dividing

among us the line of transportat ion into such parts as when combined with the

quantity to be transporte d along each part will produce a total duly

proportion ed between us; 2d, by putting into the hands of a Quartermas ter due

proportion s of money or means of transportat ion







Correspond ence 375 







to be by him employed in carrying on our specifics from their respective

States; 3d, for each State to appoint its own agent and to procure the quota of

specifics as near as they can to the army replacing their money by sale of such

specifics as might be raised within the State by taxation. The first and second

modes are liable to this objection that the transportat ion will cost very

considerabl y more than would purchase the articles in the vicinities of the

army. Should these neverthele ss or any other mode which can be thought to be

more agreeable to your Excellency and the President of Delaware we shall be

ready at any time to proceed to settle the arrangeme nt, or as the settlement

of it by way of letter might draw it to a great length, I would propose to

refer it to be done by the Delegates from the respective States in Congress.

Should the third mode suggested above be preferred as it would be carried into

separate execution no reference would be requisite. 







TO MAJOR-GEN ERAL BARON STEUBEN.¹ 







RICHMOND, March 7th, 1781. 



SIR,­The enclosed came to hand this moment; as I make no doubt it communicates

what was mentioned In a letter from the Marquis to me received at the same

time, I shall not trouble you with it. Scows which the Marquis desires for the

transportat ion of 







#¹ Copied from a letter belonging to the Sparks Manuscript s of Harvard

University. # 







376 Jefferson's Works 







cannon, cannot venture into the wide waters over which they will have to be

transporte d, as I apprehend. Flats (which abound in York River) are the best

vessels for this purpose as I am informed. You may have the best information on

this head at York, and I must trouble you to order flats, or, whatever other

vessels will best answer to be procured. The Marquis is very anxious to have

the works at York put into proper order. I hope General Nelson's influence may

have enabled him to procure hands for this business. The four battery pieces

with their carriages, and one mortar with its bed, are got on board to-day. The

other mortar, without a bed, will be on board this evening, with 6000 pounds of

powder, and they will fall down to Hood's, where the armed vessels were

directed to, there to await your orders. We found that there were iron beds at

Cumberlan d for the mortars; these I ordered down with the shells which were to

go thence.­10 00 pounds of powder set out for York this morning: by a letter

from General Weedon. I find the numbers he will actually bring will be but

about 700. Captain Smith gave me hopes that he could raise 30 horsemen, but did

not seem positive; I have not heard from him lately. 







TO MAJOR-GEN ERAL MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE . 







RICHMOND, March 8th, 1781. 



SIR,­I had the pleasure of receiving last night your letter of the 3d instant

and of learning of your 







Correspond ence 377 







arrival at the Head of Elk three days sooner than General Washington had given

us reason to expect. In the meantime I hope you will have received my answer to

your first letter which I forwarded by express to the Head of Elk, and, which

is of greater importance, a letter from Baron Steuben who commands in this

State, explaining to you what he proposed. 







The number of militia desired by the Baron will be provided, though not quite

so early as had been proposed., so that your delays at the Head of Elk will not

produce any inconvenie nce. Arnold's retreat is at this time cut off by land.

Provisions and arms for the troops are in readiness and the (Quarterma sters

are exerting themselves to get horses. Their exertions are slow and doubtful.

Oxen I apprehend must be used in some measure for the artillery. We have no

heavy field artillery mounted. Four battering cannon (French 18 pounders) with

two 12 inch mortars fall down from this place this evening. Scows I am afraid

cannot be used for the transportat ion of your cannon on the wide waters where

your operations will be carried on. We shall endeavor to procure other vessels

the best we can. The total destruction of our trade by the enemy has put it out

of our power to make any great collection of boats. Some armed vessels of

public and some of private property are held in readiness to cooperate, but as

they are in James River they cannot venture down till the command of the water

is taken from the enemy. Baron 







378 Jefferson's Works 







Steuben is provided with the most accurate drawings we have of the vicinities

of Portsmouth : they are from actual survey of the land, and as to information

of the navigation the most authentic will be obtained from the pilots in that

neighborho od, ten of the best of which are provided. I shall continue to exert

my best endeavors to have in readiness what yet remains to be done, and shall

with great pleasure meet your desires on this important business, and see that

they be complied with as far as our condition will render practicable . On this

and every other occasion I will take the liberty of begging the freest

communicat ions with you. 







TO MAJOR-GEN ERAL BARON STEUBEN. 







IN COUNCIL, March 10th, 1781. 



SIR,­I received your favor of the 8th instant and am sorry to find that this

distressing flag is not yet off our hands. I sincerely wish that the

perplexitie s she has introduced, she may not be more effectually working for

our enemies than if she had pursued their original purpose. This can only be

avoided by candid explanation and dispassiona te judgment. The line of conduct

which the Executive meant to pursue as to this flag cannot be more pointedly

declared than in the letter of the,¹­ February which I had the honor of writing

to you, a copy of which I take the liberty of enclosing. They considered her

from. 







#¹ Date missing.# 







Correspond ence 379 







the beginning within the military line: they never proposed to make, or ever

did make a single order on the subject or come to a resolution except that

which is declared in my letter of February ¹­ a copy of which is also enclosed,

whereby they laid down a general rule that compensati ons for plunder shall not

be received from the enemy. 







In the conversatio n which I had with Captain Walker wherein he mentioned your

sentiments and purposes as to the person of Mr. Hare and his vessel, I declared

to him my sense of the extreme impropriet y of Mr. Hare's conduct: that had I

been the officer to whom he had come, I would have refused to do business with

him and have sent him back, his purpose uneffected, but that I would not for

such a cause have brought the sacred rights of the flag into question, and that

I concurred with you in opinion that they should be dismissed. 







The officers immediately connected with her did make some reports to the

Executive, but they were in every instance and immediately transmitted and

transferre d to you for orders, one instance only excepted, which was the

following. Some few days ago, I received a letter from Colonel Innes desiring

my opinion as to what should be done with Mr. Hare and the vessel. This

conveyed to me the first notice that your order had not been obeyed and that

the vessel was drawn into a court of justice. I wrote in answer to Colonel

Innes, as well as I can recollect for 







#¹ Date missing.# 







380 Jefferson's Works 







I write this from memory, that whatever powers the Executive might have

possessed over these subjects, they had delegated them to you, that I doubted

whether the delegation had added anything to your powers as I conceived them

before competent to the subject, that as to Mr. Hare particularl y, whether

considered as a conductor of a flag, a prisoner of war or a spy, he was subject

to your order. That, indeed, as to the vessel, since she was drawn into the

possession of a court, being much unacquaint ed with the subject I would take

the Attorney General's opinion on it and transmit it to him. I did so. I did

not send the papers to you because I knew or believed you to be on the road to

Williamsbur g, where I took for granted the whole matter would be laid before

you. 







As to Mr. Hare's person the Executive can with truth disclaim having ever given

an order on that subject, and if you had supposed, as we are afraid from your

letter you do, that any thing has been done in consequenc e of an order, advice

or recommend ation from us, we affirm that it was not: As little as the

detention of the vessel proceeded from the Executive. She is, indeed, in the

hands of the State, but it is of the Judiciary part of Governmen t, which is as

independen t of them as is the Supreme Court of any other country. 







We are sorry the officers who transacted business with Mr. Hare should have

failed in obedience to your orders, and would do any thing in our power to

support and manifest your authority were 







Correspond ence 381 







anything wanting, but nothing can be added to the provision which the military

institutions have made to enforce obedience, and it would be presumptio n in us

to say what is that provision to you. These put into your own hands the

satisfaction which you desire Government to procure you. Even your letter to

Mr. Hare, which we must suppose Major Turberville to have so improperly

retained, it is most in our power to require authoritati vely: to such an order

no obedience would be exacted by the laws, neverthele ss he shall be written to

on the subject as we cannot conceive but that, sensible of the impropriet y of

such a detention, he will not need compulsion to return it. I must again

express my uneasiness at the unfortunat e consequenc es which may flow from the

conduct of the gentlemen who have managed this business; however zealous may

have been their intention, I fear I foresee evils more lasting and weighty than

the good which may result from them. 







I trust I shall not fail of having your concurrenc e in endeavorin g to avoid

them as far as shall depend on us. 







TO MAJOR-GEN ERAL BARON STEUBEN. 







IN COUNCIL, March 10th, 1781. 



SIR,­Since writing my letter of this day's date, yours of yesterday has come to

hand. The orders to the counties which were to reinforce General Muhlenber g, w

ere that their detachment s should be with 







382 Jefferson's Works 







him on the 5th or at furthest the 6th. On receipt of the letter of the 8th

informing us of the almost total deficiency of New Kent, we ordered 164 men

from Chesterfiel d and 187 from Dinwiddie to be immediately assembled and

marched to General Muhlenber g's headquarte rs. We can only be answerable for

the orders we give and not for the execution. If they are disobeyed from

obstinacy of spirit or want of coercion in the laws it is not our fault; we

have done what alone remained for us to do in such case, we have ordered other

militia from other counties. 







The Quartermas ter applied to us on the subject of the horses required. He was

furnished with impressing powers. He again applied for militia to aid him in

the execution of the powers. We did not think proper to resign ourselves and

our country implicitly to the demands of a Quartermas ter, but thought we had

some right of judgment left to us. We knew that an armed force to impress

horses was as unnecessar y as it was new. The fact has been that our citizens

have been so far from requiring an armed force for this purpose that they have

parted with their horses too easily, delivering them to every man who said he

was riding on public business and assumed a right of impressing. When,

therefore, the militia have on their hands a sufficiency of real calls to duty,

we did not think it proper to harass them in cases where we had reason to

suspect they were not wished by the Quartermas ter as militia, but 







Correspond ence 383







as servants. It was mentioned to the Quartermas ter that in our opinion he

could and should do but little in this neighborho od and that of Petersburg

which had been drained by constant impresses: Nevertheless we furnished him

with the blank powers to be exercised where he pleased. I have laid your letter

before the Assembly according to your desire. 







TO MAJOR-GEN ERAL MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE . 







RICHMOND, March 10th, 1781. 



SIR,­Inten ding that this shall await your arrival in this State I with great

joy welcome you on that event. I am induced to from the very great esteem your

personal character and the hopes I entertain of your relieving us from our

enemy within this State. Could any circumstan ces have rendered your presence

more desirable or more necessary it is the unfortunat e one which obliges me to

enclose you the enclosed papers. 







I trust that your future acquaintan ce with the Executive of the State will

evince to you that among their faults is not to be counted a want of

disposition to second the views of the Commander against our common enemy. We

are too much interested in the present scene and have too much at stake to

leave a doubt on that head. Mild laws, a people not used to prompt obedience, a

want of provisions of war and means of procuring them render our orders often 







384 Jefferson's Works 







ineffectual, oblige us to temporise and when we cannot accomplish an object in

one way to attempt it in another. Your knowledge of these circumstan ces with a

temper to accommodat e them ensure me your cooperation in the best way we can,

when we shall be able to pursue the way we would wish. 







I still hope you will find our preparatio ns not far short of the information I

took the liberty of giving you in my letter of the 8th instant. I shall be very

happy to receive your first application s for whatever may be necessary for the

public service and to convince you of our disposition to promote it as far as

the abilities of the State and powers of the Executive will enable us. 







TO MAJOR-GEN ERAL MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE . 







RICHMOND, March 12th, 1781 . 



SIR,­The enclosed is the copy of a letter which was intended to have awaited

you in Virginia. But as there seems to be a probability that you will be

detained at the Head of Elk longer than could have expected I have thought it

best to send a copy there also. 







An idea having unfortunat ely got abroad that the militia now called on are

intended to storm the enemy's works at Portsmouth the numbers which actually

march from the several counties are so far short of what we ordered as never

happened before and as to have baffled our calculation s on probable 







Correspond ence 385 







deficiencie s. As these have become further known and expected we have ordered

in additional numbers. From this cause I am informed the blockade of Arnold on

the Norfolk side has not taken place as I had reason to believe when I wrote to

you on another occasion. 







By the last accounts I can get the enemy have three vessels of force in the Bay

in addition to those Arnold had before. What few armed vessels we could get are

in James River and cannot be got out nor, could we get them out, are they of

force sufficient to venture up the Bay. Should a French naval force superior to

that of the enemy arrive in the Bay, I make no doubt you will still think it

necessary to be assured that there are not in the upper part of the Bay vessels

of the enemy sufficient to do you injury. I fear the number of boats requisite

for landing your men and cannon will be very defective. Baron Steuben thinks 20

necessary but there cannot be half that number procured. The boats built for

use in the upper part of James River cannot navigate the lower parts nor can

any be brought round from the other rivers, perhaps it will be in your power to

bring a number of boats with you. We have every instrument in motion which can

avail us on this most interesting occasion, but the want of means circumscri

bes our exertions. I think it proper, therefore, to reduce your expectation s

from what should be ready to what probably will be ready, and even calculating

on probabilitie s I find it necessary to reduce my own 







#VOL. IV-25# 







386 Jefferson's Works 







expectation s at times. I know that you will be satisfied to make the most of

an unprepare d people, who have the war now for the first time seriously fixed

in their country and have, therefore, all those habits to acquire which their

northern brethren had in the year 1776, and which they have purchased at so

great an expense. 







TO MAJOR-GEN ERAL MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE . 







March 12th, 1781. 



SIR,­Since writing the preceding I have been honored with your letter of the

6th. The first notification of this enterprise came to me in the night of the

last day of February. We were informed there were few or no armed vessels in

the three northern rivers and supposed if there were any they could not be

impressed manned and brought into place by the time at which it was then

thought they would be wanting. We confined ourselves therefore to James River.

It is certainly too late to attempt the other rivers. We had but one galley in

order. She went down the river some time ago and having never been heard of

since we fear some accident has happened to her. We had before sent down 6000

pounds of cannon powder and now order 4000 pounds more which goes very deep

into our present stock. Ten pilots are provided. I will lodge some maps for you

so as that they shall be delivered to you on your arrival. I now give orders

for look-out boats to be ready in Rap







Correspond ence 387 







pahannock, Piankatank and York rivers. I cannot say what may be expected from

them. The articles wanted in the (Quarterma ster's and Engineer's department s

as stated in their invoice, will most of them be got, as the orders for them go

out to-day, only they will, of course, be rather late. I send off to the

neighborho od of the intended operations to procure the plank: I expect it will

not be very easily or speedily provided. As to the artificers required I can

give you but little hope. They are exceedingl y scarce in this country.

Endeavors shall not be wanting, but still they must not be counted on.

Provisions will be in readiness. This is a summary of what is done, may be

done, is doubtful or desperate on the several articles enumerated in your

letter. I pray you to make no difficulties in communicat ing freely what may be

wanted for the service, being desirous of contributin g every thing which our

State can do or produce for the successful prosecutio n of the enterprise and

confiding that you will put the most candid constructio ns when we fail, as you

will too soon find a full compliance beyond the reach of our abilities. 







TO MAJOR-GEN ERAL MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE . 







IN COUNCIL, March 14th, 1781. 



SIR,­We just received the pleasing information of your safe arrival at York

yesterday. My letters of the 12th which were sent to the Head of Elk

(duplicates of which accompany this) will inform you 







388 Jefferson's Works 







that we were endeavorin g to accomplish your several requisition s. I now

enclose you a list of articles actually procured which will go from this place

this evening, most of them in wagons to General Muhlenber g's headquarte rs.

Some heavy articles, particularl y about 1500 gallons of rum, some flour and 20

seasoned oak planks, go in a vessel down the river. Four smiths go with the

wagons. The articles not stated in the enclosed paper will I am in hopes be

procured by an agent I have sent to the neighborho od of Suffolk who will

engage what artificers can be found. I am informed that there will be ready at

the public ship yard on Chickahomi ny on Friday next 4 boats well fitted for

your purpose. Others are collecting in the rivers to rendezvous at Hood's. The

galley I mentioned in my letter of the 12th is at the same ship yard and

another is got ready. They are very light and want men as do two armed vessels

belonging to the State at the same place. I have desired Captain Maxwell (at

present I believe at York) who in consequenc e of former orders has I expect

provided men to come to the ship yard and see these vessels put into motion. I

have the pleasure to enclose you herewith a small map of the vicinities of

Williamsbur g, York, Hampton and Portsmouth done on a scale of 5 miles to the

inch which may serve for pocket purposes and a larger one of the vicinities of

Portsmouth on a scale of a mile to the inch which may be resorted to where

greater accuracy is requisite., They are both from actual surveys







Correspond ence 389 







and are the best in our power to provide for you. The larger one is a copy of

original draughts, the smaller is very carefully reduced from them. Provisions

cannot fail if the Commissari es look forward. I must beg the favor of you to

give strict orders to the issuing Commissary to give me very timely notice when

any thing like want shall be approachin g, because time is requisite in this

State to comply with any call. The State Purchasing Commissary was ordered by

me besides the bread and animal food to lay in at General Muhlenber g's camp or

at a proper place in its neighborho od a hundred thousand rations. 







TO THE VIRGINIA DELEGATES IN CONGRESS. 







IN COUNCIL, March 15th, 1781. 



GENTLEME N,­A difference of opinion having taken place between the Executive of

this State and Mr. Simon Nathan at the rate at which certain bills of exchange

should be discharged in paper money we have agreed with him to refer it to such

gentlemen of knowledge in the laws of established character and of any other

State as yourselves shall mutually agree on with him. Their award shall be

performed by the State, which means to stand in the place as well of the drawer

as drawee. Mr. Wilson and Mr. Sergeant had been consulted by Mr. Nathan. I

enclose to you Mr. Pendleton and Wythe's opinion. You will be pleased to

observe that the state of the 







390 Jefferson's Works 







case requires from Mr. Nathan actual proof that he took up the bills at par.

Mr. Nathan having agreed with us to all the facts as stated I am to suppose

nothing contrary to them will be received; as his signature here was omitted

perhaps it would be best for you to require it before submission. It is not our

desire to pay off those bills according to the present depreciatio n, but

according to their actual value in hard money at the time they were drawn, with

interest. The State having received value, so far as it is just it should be

substantial ly paid. All beyond this would be plunder made by some person or

other. The Executive in the most candid manner departed from the advantage

which their tender law gave them in the beginning. It seems very hard to make

this means of obtaining an unjust gain from the State. 







TO MAJOR-GEN ERAL MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE . 







RICHMOND, March 19th, 1781. 



SIR,­Your letters of the 16th and 17th inst came to hand at noon of this day. I

beg leave to inform you that for the purpose of speedy communicat ions between

the Executive and the commandin g officers expresses are established from this

place through Williamsbur g to Hampton every fifteen miles distance and that a

Quartermas ter is employed in establishin g a similar line from hence to the

army before Portsmouth , crossing James River at Hood's. These expresses are

ordered to ride day and night. You 







Correspond ence 391 







will be pleased to set the line in motion whenever you think proper. Besides

the exertions of the Continental Quartermas ter to procure horses we instructed

the State Quartermas ter to send out agents on the same business in order to

insure the number required by Colonel Pickering, which was 50 saddle horses and

150 draught horses. What his agents could procure we ordered to be at General

Muhlenber g's headquarte rs by the 20th. I shall order him to continue his

efforts in aid of the Continental Quartermaster ten days longer. ­In a country

whose means of payment are neither prompt nor of the most desirable kind,

impressing property for the public use has been found indispensa ble. We have

no fears of complaint under your exercise of those powers and have only to ask

the favor of you to instruct those employed in impressing to furnish the party

whose property is taken with a proper certificate of the article and value and

that they make regular returns to Governmen t of the certificates they have

given stating in such return the date of the certificate, owner's name, article

taken, and price. This has been required, of course; from all impressing

officers as a check on counterfeit ed certificates . 







The conduct of Captain Turberville has come to the knowledge of the Executive

in detached parts only. His permitting Lieutenant Hare to pass his post to

Westover was deemed by us improper. We understood also he did not obey a

positive order from Major-Gene ral Baron Steuben for dischargin g 







392 Jefferson's Works 







Mr. Hare and the flag; and the Baron complains to us that an open letter of his

to Mr. Hare was detained by Captain Turberville . We could do no less than

observe to the Baron that the military institutions had put in his hands the

powers of vindicating the military authority. An enquiry or trial before a

military court is certainly proper: but Captain Turberville cannot and I dare

say will not ­expect or desire it but when full evidence can be obtained. If it

be necessary that it should await the papers which were transmitted me, they

are now in the hands of the Attorney General to support a civil prosecutio n,

and cannot probably be for many days withdrawn: Captain Turberville is an

essential witness in the prosecutio n which is to be heard on the 23d inst and

will then have the means of knowing when the papers can be spared. 







As a complete collection of our military and other laws is very difficult to be

procured and would be troublesom e for you to consult, I have ordered the

militia laws to be copied together and will transmit them to you in a few days.









Captain Turberville 's connection with Mr. Hare's flag gives me occasion to

mention that matter to you. On my hearing (several days after it happened) that

such an officer and vessel had come up James River, I took the liberty of

mentioning it in a letter to Major-General Baron Steuben, of asking the favor

of his attention to it, and informing that it was more immediately within the

military line, was under 







Correspond ence 393 







rules and usages with which he was much better acquainted than we were, we

wished to leave it to him altogether to have done whatever was right. It was

his opinion and it was and is ours that notwithsta nding the indecencies and

irregulariti es of Mr. Hare's conduct he and his vessel should have been

discharged. He accordingl y ordered it, but his order was not obeyed as to Mr.

Hare's person till so much time had elapsed as to render the discharge

dangerous: it was, therefore, counterman ded. As to the vessel, an idea arose I

know not on what grounds that she was drawn into litigation before a court of

justice. This I am now informed is not the case. As we have never meddled with

her we wish not to do it, but to leave with yourself to discharge both officer

and flag whenever you shall think it proper to do so. In the meantime I doubt

not you will think proper attention should be paid to the safe custody of the

vessel, the persons and property belonging to her, and that she be kept under

the military power and clear of the civil. 







I send you subjoined a state of the militia called to the south side of James

River.¹ If I understood 







#¹ The following summary is attached: 



         Loudoun                 436         Southampto n                219 



         Fauquier                 269        Isle of Wight                 150 



         Prince William        185         Nansemond                 161 . . .

. .2190 Originally 



                                                                               

      called for 



         Fairfax                200         Chesterfiel d                164 



        New Kent                104.         Dinwiddie                 187 



         Charles City                  71         Hanover                245 



         Prince George                125         Caroline                260 #







394 Jefferson's Works 







Baron Steuben's plan he wished to have 800 Virginia militia to operate on the

Norfolk side with the Carolinians and 2260 on the Portsmouth side to operate

with the regulars, making in the whole 3060 militia. In our first call

expecting deficiencie s we much exceeded these numbers, taking into account the

militia then in the field under General Muhlenber g, but finding these

deficiencie s greater than could have been expected we afterwards considerabl y

augmented our calls. I also state the armed vessels now at Hood's under the

direction of Captains Mitchell and Lewis, subject to your order. They are

private property. Those of the public in Chickahominy want men, to supply which

orders have been sent to Captain Maxwell. 







TO BRIGADIER -GENERAL GEORGE WEEDON. 







RICHMOND, March 21st, 1781. 



SIR,­As I am certainly informed by Commodore Barron that the fleet arrived is

British, I become anxious lest the expected French fleet not knowing of 







Surry . . . . . . . . . . 95                  Spottsylva nia. . 120 



Sussex . . . . . . ., .175         King William . . . 55 . . . . 1031

Supplement ary 



                                                              3221 







Ship Renown . . . . . .16.  4 & 6 lbs                  Ship Tempest-16 Guns 



Brig Wilkes. . . . . . . 12 . 4........lbs                  Brig Jefferson

14-4. lbs 



Brig Mars . . . . . . . .   8 . 4........lbs                   Hoods   Lewis   

      Small 



Brig Willing Lass . .  10.. 4....... lbs          €         Safeguard         

€         gallies 







Correspond ence 395 







this incident may come into the Bay. Should the Marquis Fayette be returned to

the north side of the river, I make no doubt that he will have taken what

cautionary measures are in his power and necessary. Should he not be returned I

must beg the favor of you immediately to send off a vessel from York to the

eastern shore (which is supposed to be practicable ) with the enclosed letter

to Colonel Avery, the purport of which is to send out two good lookout boats

from the sea side of that shore to apprize the French commander, should he be

approachin g, of the situation of things here. You will, of course, caution the

master of the vessel to destroy the letters confided to him in case of

inevitable capture. 







TO MAJOR-GEN ERAL MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE . 







IN COUNCIL, March 24th, 1781. 



SIR,­I am honored by your letter of the 20th inst and am sorry that a want of

ammunition should have abridged your intentions at Portsmouth . I have made

enquiry what have been the issues of ammunition from the State stores and am

informed by returns that there has issued (naming principal articles only) 



To Thomas Smith acting for Major Pryor 1000 pounds cannon powder for York. 



To Captain Bohannon 6000 pounds cannon powder. 



To Major Pryor for General Muhlenber g's camp 400 pounds musket powder 2100

pounds lead. 







396 Jefferson's Works 







To Captain Irish for the Continental Laboratory 3500 pounds musket powder and

3900 pounds lead.-







Amounting to 10,900 pounds powder and 6000 pounds lead. 







These things being put into the hands of Continental officers, whether made up,

forwarded, or not are circumstan ces not afterwards coming to my knowledge. I

asked the favor of Captain Irish to inform me of his issues from the

Continental Laboratory to which we sent 19 hands to aid him in preparing the

ammunition . He made the enclosed return. I apprehend a considerabl e part of

what he has issued is still on the road. He has 18,000 cartridges on hand and

makes 3000 a day. I am very sorry to inform you our stock of lead will not

employ him much longer even at this slow rate. 







The vein of the mine on which we have hitherto depended failed some weeks ago;

of this I immediately apprized Congress. Unless some speedy supplies are sent

on, the southern army as well as ours will immediately fail. I have lately

again written to Congress on this subject and by Captain Rutlege ventured to

send a particular state of the southern army in this point as reported to me by

Captain Singleton; the addition of your application would doubtless have great

weight. It has not been generally expected that individual States should

provide more ammunition on their own accounts than to repel occasional attacks

or to oppose a permanent 







Correspond ence 397 







enemy until supplies and support could be forwarded from the Continental stock.

Our State stores, however, have been constantly applying to the use of the

southern army from the taking of Charleston to this time and our own army from

the first of October last. I mention these things not with an idea of

withholdin g as long as we have a grain, but to enable to show that aids of

military stores from the Continental stock are as reasonable as they are

necessary. As to provisions I have been incessant with the Commissary to see

that the quantity before ordered be in readiness. He has constantly assured me

that he has much more than has been required. Were the articles such as are

lodged in store-hous es I would send an officer to examine his stores actually,

but they consist mostly of stalled beeves divided among the counties which it

would be improper to bring together till wanted. He has a vessel under the care

of the armed vessels in this river loaded with flour, which he says contains

half the quantity required and the whole may be water borne the moment it is

wanted. He has no hard bread, but he is instructed to provide it. I shall not

cease to recall his attention to it. 







I am anxious to hear from you since the appearance of this British fleet. It is

said by a Captain Reeves who came out of Portsmouth since their arrival that

there was a partial engagemen t between that and the French fleet off our Capes

in which neither party sustained the loss of any vessel or other 







398 Jefferson's Works 







considerabl e damage immediately on learning their arrival I communicat ed by

the stationed expresses to Governor Lee, the President of Congress and General

Washington . I suppose this will put an end to the design of Portsmouth , or

place it at a distance; in either case the militia who have had a tour of duty

so unusually long are entitled to be discharged by a special promise so soon as

those newly called on shall rendezvous in sufficient numbers to replace them.

Great cautions are requisite on the discharge of militia to prevent their

carrying away their arms and ammunition . Another reason induces me to wish an

information of your present views, which is that if there be a probability that

the private armed vessels we have impressed may not be wanting, I should be

glad to discharge them as they are heavy daily expense and risk. 







I do myself the pleasure of transmittin g to you the militia laws according to

your desire. 







I will beg the favor to send the enclosed letter to the British commanding

officer at Portsmouth by flag whenever you shall think proper. Indeed, I wish

it might suffice to deliver it to the naval commander as nothing can be so

disagreeabl e to me as to be compelled to a correspond ence with the other.¹ 







On the resignation of Colonel Muter as Commission er of the War Office we have

appointed Colonel Davies to succeed him. The due execution of the duties of

this office are of extreme importance to the 







#¹ Benedict Arnold.# 



Correspond ence 399 







State and, indeed, to the Continent, while an army continues either here or in

the south. Some difficulties on the subject of rank and other emoluments

prevent his absolute acceptance. He has, however, accepted conditionall y and

we are applying to Congress to settle the points on which he hesitates. In the

meantime as the duties of the office do not admit a day's intermissio n in the

present situation of things, give me leave to solicit his excuse for quitting

the charge at Chesterfiel d Courthouse without awaiting a regular license and

your permission to him to continue here till we receive the determinati on of

Congress. 







TO MAJOR-GEN ERAL BENEDICT ARNOLD, THE COMMANDIN G OFFICER OF THE, BRITISH

FORCE AT PORTSMOU TH. 







IN COUNCIL, March 24th, 1781. 



SIR,­Some of the citizens of this State taken prisoners when not in arms and

enlarged on parole have reported the commandin g officer as affirming to them

that they should be punished with death if found in arms. This has given

occasion to the enclosed resolution of the General Assembly of this State. It

suffices to observe at present that by the law of nations, a breach of parole

(even where the validity of parole is not questioned ) can only be punished by

strict confinemen t. 







No usage has permitted the putting to death a 







400 Jefferson's Works 







prisoner for this cause. I would willingly suppose that no British officer had

ever expressed a contrary purpose. It has, however, become my duty to declare

that should such a threat be carried into execution, it will be deemed as

putting prisoners to death in cold blood, and shall be followed by the

execution of so many British prisoners in our possession. I trust, however,

that this horrid necessity will not be introduced by you and that you will on

the contrary concur with us in endeavorin g as far as possible to alleviate the

inevitable miseries of war by treating captives as humanity and natural honor

requires. The event of this contest will hardly be affected by the fate of a

few miserable captives in war. 







TO THE REV. JAMES MADISON AND ROBERT ANDREWS. 







RICHMOND, March 31st, 1781. 



SIRS,­The principle on which the boundary between Pennsylvan ia and this State

is to be run having been fixed it is now proposed by President Reid that

Commission ers proceed to execute the work from the termination of Mason and

Dixon's line to the completion of five degrees of longitude and thence on a

meridian to the Ohio. We propose that the extent of the five degrees of

longitude shall be determined by celestial observatio n. Of course it will

require one set of astronomer s to be at Philadelphi a and another at Fort

Pitt. We ask the favor of yourselves to undertake this business, the one to go







Correspondence 401 







to the one place, the other to the other, meaning to add a coadjutor to each of

you. Good instrument s can be furnished no doubt at Philadelphi a; but for the

Pittsburg observatio ns we must solicit the proper instrument s from your

corporation s which we will undertake to return in good order, or if injured to

replace them. I, therefore, beg the favor of you to solicit the loan of those

instrument s. With respect to yourselves we shall furnish money for your

necessary and comfortable expenses; the covered wagon which conveys the

instrument s will take any luggage necessary for your accommodat ion. And we

will give you moreover 150 pounds of tobacco a day each dischargea ble in

current money at the rate affixed by the Grand Jury at the General Court next

preceding payment. It will be necessary to proceed in this business as soon as

the general mode shall have been agreed between the two States. Perhaps a

meeting of the Commissioners at Baltimore will be previously requisite to

settle particulars . I am to request an immediate answer to this as I delay

proposing to President Reid this mode of locating the boundary until I know

whether we can get the execution of it undertaken by gentlemen who will do us

credit and justice. 







TO MAJOR-GEN ERAL NATHANAEL GREENE. 







RICHMOND, April 1st, 1781. 



SIR,­I am honored with your favor of the 27th by Mr. Daniel. I informed you by

Colonel Morris 







#VOL. IV-26# 







402 Jefferson's Works 







of the reinforcem ent of militia ordered to you; but they will not be in time

to supply the place of those now with you if they leave you so early. Certainly

the knowledge that a relief is coming in will induce them not to leave you in a

state which may soon give us all to do over again. A part of these militia went

under the regular orders of Governmen t, and will be deemed deserters if they

withdraw without orders. The whole of them I presume went under orders from

their County Lieutenant s which are as obligatory as those of the Executive:

how far particular stipulation s may have been made with them I am uninformed .

None could be made with those we ordered out. I shall use every exertion in my

power to forward on the new levies to you, as I am sensible it is much more

practicable to carry on a war with militia within our own country than out of

it. I wrote you by Colonel Morris on the subject of beeves. He will give you

full information of the issue of our preparatio ns against Arnold. 







An enemy 3000 strong, not a regular within our State, nor arms to put into the

hands of the militia are circumstan ces which promise difficulties. Yet I shall

think it essential to do everything we can for you to prevent the return of

Cornwallis' s army. 







TO REV. JAMES MADISON. 







RICHMOND, April 8th, 1781. 



SIR,­I am authorized to inform you that a good horse or two shall be furnished

you by the public 







Correspond ence 403 







for your journey. I think it would be unreasonab le for us to expect the

Pennsylvan ia Commission ers to carry a time-piece to Fort Pitt unless we

should send one to Philadelphi a, which would be prepostero us. I should be

very unwilling to admit a difference to be begun with them on this subject. I

think in my letter to you I undertook to assure you, that if the time-piece of

the College should receive such an injury as could be repaired here, it should

be repaired at the public expense, and if it could not be repaired, that the

instrument should be replaced as soon as peace shall have opened importation s

to us; but, indeed, if carried in a covered wagon, which shall be provided,

well packed, laid on a feather bed, which you may find it necessary to carry

for yourself, or otherwise on straw, or perhaps swung, it cannot receive

injury. When it is considered that this instrument was given by the public,

that the loan of it is now asked for a purpose important to the public interest

arid in no small degree to geographic al science and that it goes insured by

the public, I hope the temporary inconvenie nces which may result by

possibility will not deprive the State of the benefit of it. 







You mention in your letter a purpose of coming here shortly. Let me take the

liberty of entreating you to suffer the private motives which were leading you

here to be enforced by the public object and to come immediately , as I wish

much to be quite possessed of the mode and circumstan ces of transacting 







404 Jefferson's Works 







this business, before I write to President Reid, which I shall accordingl y

defer in hopes of seeing you. It will probably shorten the business if I can

inform him what we have in idea, what we can contribute, etc. Besides this

there is another very interesting subject on which some others as well as

myself wish a free conference with you. In hopes of seeing you immediately I

shall add nothing more than I am, with very great esteem, etc. 







TO MAJOR-GEN ERAL BARON STEUBEN. 







IN COUNCIL, April 10th, 1781. 



SIR,­Gener al Scott having obtained permission from the Commandan t at

Charlestow n for the shipping of tobacco from this State to that post for the

relief of the Continental troops there of our line, sent me a copy of that

permission taken by his Brigade Major. This paper not being sufficiently

authentic to protect from capture vessels which should go laden with tobacco, I

wrote to Major General Phillips to ask a passport and received his answer,

extracts from both of which I now do myself the honor of enclosing to you. By

his letter you will perceive he proposes that the regulations under which she

goes shall be settled between yourself, himself and the British naval Commander

here. General Phillips speaks in his letter of permitting a flag vessel in the

singular number. It was not my intention in the application to fix it to a

single 







Correspond ence 405 







vessel. The vessels we have it in our power to employ are so small that one of

them laden with tobacco would carry very little relief. 







It requires 100 hogsheads of tobacco a month to pay off the Virginia line in

Charlestow n and they are a twelve month in arrear and the debts that they have

contracted are in proportion to those arrears. We had proposed to send from six

to nine hundred hogsheads of tobacco. I wish, therefore, that the permission

could be regulated rather by the tonnage than number of vessels. 







Another circumstan ce of difficulty is introduced by his letter, which is, that

an officer from Portsmouth must go in the vessel; to this we have not the least

objection; but that he might expect to return in her, where as we can only

procure vessels which would mean to pursue their mercantile objects to some

other port for cargoes asking from Charlestow n protection of the flag till

they should be clear of their coasts. Should the restriction to a vessel,

however, be insisted on by the British Commander we should ultimately wish to

urge that a pilot boat be permitted to attend her for the purpose of bringing

back the officers who necessarily go to attend to the delivery of the tobacco.

As we have everything in readiness for sending this relief to our prisoners,

and they are in extreme distress, I will beg the favor of as early an attention

to the settlement of this matter as your business will permit you to bestow. 







406 Jefferson's Works 







TO CHEVALIER DE LA LUZERNE, THE FRENCH MINISTER. 







RICHMOND, April 12th, 1781. 



SIR,­I have the honor of your Excellency' s favor of March 23d and shall with

great pleasure communicate to our citizens our prospect of aid from his most

Christian Majesty to whom we are already so infinitely indebted. I assure you,

Sir, that these prospects are necessary to inspirit them under the present

aspect of their affairs. We suppose one half of the enemy's force in the United

States to be to the southward. Georgia and South Carolina have been long

theirs, and North Carolina, however disposed, convulsed by the ravages of two

armies, her citizens are too much engaged in saving their families and property

to go in the American army. I believe it may, therefore, with truth be said,

that the opposition to the two hostile armies in North Carolina and Virginia

falls at present on Virginia only aided with about 500 men from Maryland. While

our northern brethren infinitely superior in numbers, in compactnes s, in

strength of situation; in access to foreign supplies, of necessaries ,

possessed of all the arms and military stores of the continent, opposed by an

enemy not superior to ours, have the protection of almost the whole of the

Continental army, with the very important addition of the army and fleet of our

allies. A powerful enterprise meditated by the northweste rn savages has

obliged this State to have an army of between two and three 







407 Correspond ence 







thousand men collected at this time at the Ohio. The Cherokees on our

southweste rn corner take off the aid of our most valuable counties in that

quarter. To support General Greene and prevent the enemy entering our country

on the south we are obliged to send the whole of our regulars and continual

reliefs of militia, and on our seaboard an enemy three thousand strong is

firmly posted, has totally shut up the only door we had to commerce for either

private or public purposes, and lays us under the necessity of keeping up two

armies of militia to prevent their ravaging the adjacent country. Notwithsta

nding all this I believe from what I have lately seen that we should be

substantial ly safe were our citizens armed, but we have not as many arms as we

have enemies in the State. 







Under such circumstan ces it is not easy to foretell events, and it is natural

for our people to ask if they are to have no help from others. 







Should any considerabl e part of the Union be abandoned to the enemy, it must

be in their hands very formidable to the future safety of the rest. 



The interests of our allies, were an appeal to that motive necessary, would

place the southern States in a point of view of some importance, as presenting

to them very fair objects of commerce. This considerati on, however, was not

wanting to draw to us the aid of his most Christian Majesty. The late efforts

made for us by his fleet and army demonstrat e that his attention is not

partial, and the hope held up in your letter of the 23d is a further proof. 







408 Jefferson's Works 







The northern States are safe: their independen ce has been established by the

joint efforts of the whole. It is proved as far as testimony can prove anything

that our enemies have transferre d every expectation from that quarter, and

mean nothing further there than a diversion in favor of their southern arms. It

would be unfortunat e, indeed, should it be again proposed to lose a campaign

on New York and to exhaust on that the efforts of the confederac y as those of

Spain on Gibraltar, to give up provinces in the south for towns in the north.

Should a superiority on the Continental seas be obtained by your fleet, it will

save everything from north to south: if the detachment s of the British army

can once be insulated, they will be whittled down by the militia, by famine, by

sickness and desertion to nothing. 







If they can be prevented availing themselves of an army flying on the wings of

the wind to relieve the laboring part acting in New York this week, in

Portsmouth the next, in Charlestow n the third, the Continental war would be

totally changed, and a single campaign would strip them of the labors and

laurels of half a dozen. Could the enemies for instance at Portsmouth be

excluded from the water, they might be blockaded by land and must fall in a due

course of time without the loss of a man on our part. 







Correspond ence 409 







TO COLONEL OLIVER TOWLES. 







RICHMOND, April 14th, 1781. 



SIR,­The same very disagreeabl e intelligence which you have been pleased to

communicat e to me, of the operations of our savage enemy on the Potomac, has

come to hand from several parts of that river. Colonel Skinner particularl y

has written on the subject of arms. The order I enclosed him, tardy as the

supply may be, is the utmost it is in our power to do. From his letter we are

to judge about a third of his militia have guns. These I suppose not to be very

good, but they are unfortunat ely what we are obliged to have recourse to: the

200 stand from Annapolis, for which I gave him an order, are said to be very

fine. The defence at Hunter's and the public work at Fredericks burg are very

important, indeed, and I hope will be very particularl y attended to by the

adjacent counties. No intelligence from Portsmouth gives us reason to believe

that any regular forces have been sent on this expedition; so that we trust

that it is less formidable than some representations make it. The worst is that

a country vulnerable in every point is open to insult and depredatio n to even

the smallest force, yet important points may we trust be guarded. In effecting

this we rely on your exertions being added, as we are assured they will be. 







410 Jefferson's Works 







TO COLONELS SKINNER AND GARRARD. 







RICHMOND, April 14th, 1781. 







SIRS,­I am exceedingl y sorry to learn that the enemy are committing such cruel

depredatio ns in your part of the country; however it may tend to produce

immoveable hatred against so detestable a nation and thereby strengthen our

Union. Yet in the mean time it brings afflicting distress on individuals and by

diverting so great a proportion of our force from their principal object leaves

achievemen ts in their power which otherwise could not be. 







We had thrown the whole burden of militia duty on the southern counties,

leaving those to the north quiet till they should get through the raising of

their new levies. That being done we have set the southern counties on the same

business and relied on our northern citizens to constitute the opposition to

the hostile army below. Thus deprived for two months of the aid of the southern

counties and so many of the northern like to be diverted, our army is reduced

to less than a third of the number of our enemy who, of course, may march

wherever they please. Situated as you are we cannot say that the men before

called for must march at all events. We wish you to consider the above

circumstan ces and viewing at the same time your own situation, to determine

yourself whether the force called for can be spared without endangerin g your

part of the country. Every part being equally within our care we wish not to 







Correspond ence 411 







expose one for the defence of another. The very important works at and near

Fredericks burg we must recommend to your particular protection, as also the

saving all public tobacco within your county. Sir John Peyton for us purchased

lately at Baltimore about 200 stand of arms from Isaac and Adam Van Bibber and

Co. They were brought to Annapolis in the vessels which brought on the Marquis

Fayette's detachment . Sir John Peyton has written to have them brought on by

land, but he does not inform me to whom he has written. It is not in our power

to offer you any other supply of arms but this. Were you to send some person in

quest of these he would probably be able to meet with, or find them out and

have them forwarded to you. His reasonable expenses and those of transportat

ion shall be paid by the public, and the arms when you get them may be applied

under your care for the defence of that part of the country instead of the 150

formerly ordered which you have not received. I enclose you an order for these

arms. 







TO COLONEL JAMES INNES. 



RICHMOND, April 21st, 1781. 



SIR,­Within an hour after receiving your first notification that the enemy were

in movement we issued orders to the militia of the counties of Chesterfiel d,

Prince George, Dinwiddie, Powhatan, Goochland, Hanover and Henrico to assemble 







412 Jefferson's Works 







immediately every man able to bear arms, and one half of those of Amelia and

Cumberlan d and to bring with them the best arms they had. They were to

rendezvous at Petersburg and this place. Some volunteer cavalry were also

called for. These orders were communicat ed to Baron Steuben and the several

letters of information from you have been regularly and immediately forwarded

to him. And I doubt not the moment the militia come in and can receive (such as

are unarmed) the spare arms from the south side of the river he will order them

to your assistance, now that it appears that yours is the post of their

destination . 







Though our orders calling out the militia went out on Thursday morning not a

man is yet assembled here. I am told the Powhatan militia will be in today.

Certainly those of this county will be as early. This fatal tardiness will I

fear be as unfortunat e to Williamsbur g on this occasion as it was for

Richmond. 







Be assured that no effort of ours for your support shall be wanting and that

the resources of the country as our powers will call them forth shall be

applied to the relief of the part threatened. I must entreat you to let us hear

from you daily while the scene is so interesting . 







P. S. You observe we said nothing of the militia of the counties near

Williamsbur g because we supposed you would, of course, call for as many as you

could arm. 







Correspond ence 413 







TO COLONEL BENJAMIN HARRISON. 







IN COUNCIL, April 22d, 1781. 



SIR, We thought it best, as I informed you in a former letter, to call into

service on this occasion the militia whose families and property were not

immediately exposed. Being circumscri bed in our number of arms, it still

appears best, that what we have should be put into the hands of those militia.

Were we to send any to Charles City we must dismiss so many militia now

collected here and at Manchester . Experience has also shown it preferable for

another reason to put your arms into the hands of those not exposed, because on

the enemy's coming into the exposed parts of the country, the militia of the

neighborho od will desert, carry off their arms and perhaps suffer them to be

taken off by the enemy. We, therefore, think to retain the militia collected

and collecting here, who we expect every moment will receive marching orders

from Baron Steuben and that yours should be permitted to take care of their

families and property. 







I am informed the enemy have got possession of the ship-yard and that by the

most unaccountable inattention the Lewis and safeguard galleys have withdrawn

up Chickahomi ny instead of James River. 







414 Jefferson's Works 







TO MAJOR-GEN ERAL BARON STEUBEN. 







IN COUNCIL, April 22d, 1781. 



SIR,­I enclose you two letters just received from Colonel Innes. We are in

great anxiety for him. His force, we are told, is very considerabl y reduced by

desertion and he has no cavalry. I make no doubt you see how far it is

necessary to send him reinforcem ents and will order them accordingl y. I have

no return of the numbers of militia here. Indeed, it is changing every hour by

the arrival of others. Report makes three or four hundred at this place and

Manchester . The new raised cavalry or a due proportion of it may perhaps be of

singular use to him. We have determined to remove our armorer's shop to the

Fork of James River immediately . Colonel Davies expects they will be at work

there within ten days and that he shall be able to procure a very considerabl e

number of hands there. Considerin g the greater security of that place than

Powhatan Courthouse and the little probability from General Muhlenber g's

letter of removing the armorers from Breakwater , perhaps you will think it

better that our armorers should all be employed together at the Fork under

Colonel Davies's direction than to send any part of them to Powhatan Courthouse

. 



We made a proposition to the militia of Prince George, which we had reason to

believe would have effected the immediate completion of the work at Hood's. It

was that any man of that county who 







Correspond ence 415 







would go or send an able laborer to work there 12 days should have six weeks'

credit on his tours of duty out of the county. Unfortunat ely the movements of

the enemy obliged us the very next day to call every man into the field.

Neverthele ss if you think it more important you will be pleased to permit such

of them to quit the field, as choose to comply with the proposition . One

caution may perhaps be necessary: that is to order those militia to a separate

position from that of the other counties, lest the restraining the offer to the

militia of Prince George might produce an idea of partiality and give

dissatisfact ion to the rest. One county will suffice for the execution of this

work and it would be improviden t to make the proposition to more. I enclose

you some intelligence which at this time of depression we thought it would be

well to put in hand bills and communicat e to both armies. I send a parcel to

Colonel Innes's and trouble you with those for General Muhlenber g's. 







I received a letter from the Marquis Fayette to-day dated Baltimore, April

17th: he was then coming on by forced marches for Virginia. 







TO MAJOR-GEN ERAL BARON STEUBEN.¹ 



RICHMOND, April 24th. 



SIR,­I have information this morning from Captain Maxwell on his own view that

the enemy landed 







#¹Copied from the original letter in the collection of Sparks manuscript s

belonging to Harvard University. # 







416 Jefferson's Works 







at Westover yesterday evening. If it be impossible that he should have been

deceived, it is equally unaccounta ble that we are uninformed of it from the

videttes sent. The movements of the enemy up Chickatami ng obliged Colonel

Innes, encumbere d with 20 wagons with stores, and 100 sick, to cross Pamunkey

at Ruffens Ferry. As soon as he has disposed of those, he will endeavor, if the

movements of the enemy render it proper, to retire towards this place. There

are here about 200 militia armed, and 300 unarmed. At Manchester there is, I am

told, a larger number armed, but of this I have no proper information . The

militia of several counties being here, I gave Colonel Wood the command till

you should be able to have them arranged as you should choose. He happened to

be here on business, and it will be inconvenie nt to him to continue any time.

Can the object of the enemy be our vessels at Osbornes? There are no public

stores here, and they have showed that private depredatio n is not within their

views. 







Colonel Southell showed to Colonel Wood and myself, your orders of yesterday

for the militia to divide into two parties and go to the Long Bridge, and

Turkey Island and to correspond with Colonel Innes. But the enemy having, as is

supposed, landed at Westover, and Colonel Innes crossed Pamunkey, it was

thought advisable that Colonel Wood should await your orders on those new

circumstan ces, supposed to be unknown to you at the date of y our order: 







Correspond ence 417 







As soon as it is known that the enemy are landed at Westover, and my presence

here no longer necessary, I shall cross the river either here or at Tuckahoe

and keep in the neighborho od on the other side. I shall be ready and happy to

give you every aid from the civil power which may be necessary. 







TO COLONEL VANMETER. 







RICHMOND, April 27th, 1781. 



SIR,­I have directed Mr. Woodrow to furnish money for the bounty of the new

levies out of what was put into his hands for the removal of your militia to

Pittsburg. 







I am sorry such a spirit of disobedien ce has shown itself in your county. It

must be subdued. Laws made by common consent must not be trampled on by

individuals . It is very much the good to force the unworthy into their due

share of contributio ns to the public support, otherwise the burden on them

will become oppressive, indeed. We have no power by the law of raising cavalry

in the counties generally, but on some similar occasions we have recommended to

the County Lieutenant s who have the power of forming their militia companies

as they please, to form into one company such individuals of their militia as

will engage to, mount and equip themselves and to serve as mounted infantry,

and we give commission s to the officers in the ordinary style. These may be

used as effectually as cavalry; 







#VOL. IV-27# 







418 Jefferson's Works 







and men on horseback have been found the most certain instrument s of public

punishment . 







Their best way, too, perhaps is not to go against the mutineers when embodied

which would bring on perhaps an open rebellion or bloodshed most certainly, but

when they shall have dispersed, to go and take them out of their beds, singly

and without noise, or if they be not found the first time, to go again and

again so that they may never be able to remain in quiet at home. This is what I

must recommend to you and, therefore, furnish the bearers with the commission s

as you desire. 







If you find this service considerabl e you will, of course, give the

individuals credit for it as a tour of duty. 







TO MAJOR-GEN ERAL BARON STEUBEN. 







RICHMOND, April 27th, 1781. 



SIR,­One half the Cumberlan d militia, and of those of Amelia, were ordered

down. Some of the former have come in. I have ordered them to go to you, but

what should be done with such of them as have no arms I think doubtful. 







We have found by experience that the men of those counties where the enemy are,

cannot be kept in the field; they desert and carry off their arms. It also

seems reasonable that such should be permitted to go to their homes, to

withdraw or otherwise to take care of their families and property. 







Correspond ence 419 







Under this view it would seem right that as unarmed militia come in from other

counties, we should discharge those of Prince George, Dinwiddie and Chesterfiel

d; next to these the militia of Powhatan; and lastly Henrico, Hanover,

Goochland. Indeed, those of Amelia and Cumberlan d were only meant to be kept

in the field till those whom I formerly stated to you as intended for the

service of May and June should come in. I would observe to you that Prince

George, Dinwiddie, Chesterfiel d, Powhatan, Amelia and Cumberlan d have not yet

got through the raising their new levies. These observatio ns suffice to

possess you of the general views of the Executive, and you will be pleased to

regulate by them the discharges of the militia as far as circumstan ces will

admit. 







TO COLONEL JAMES INNES. 







RICHMOND, May 2d, 1781. 



SIR,­Havin g received information that diverse citizens of this Commonwea lth

in the counties of James City and York, have lately committed acts, some of

which amount to high treason and others to misprision of treason, and that some

though they may have been able to disguise and conceal their transaction s as

that legal evidence cannot be obtained by which they may be subjected to

prosecutio n for treason or misprision of treason in a due course of law, yet

have so conducted themselves as 







420 Jefferson's Works 







to furnish the most pregnant circumstan ces of suspicion that they have been

guilty of those offences, or are disaffected to the independen ce of the United

States, and will, whenever they shall have opportunit y, aid or advise the

measures of the public enemy, which persons, in the critical situation of this

Commonwea lth, it is indispensa bly necessary to punish for their crimes by way

of example to others and to disable from doing mischief: I must, therefore, as

you are proceeding to that part of the country, desire and authorize you to

make enquiry into the premises, and where you shall have probable cause to

believe that any persons have been guilty of treason or misprision of treason,

that there is legal evidence to commit them thereof, and that an examining

Court can be had on them in the county where the offence was committed before

there shall be any danger of a rescue by the enemy, you have them delivered to

the warrant of a Justice of the Peace, in order that they may be prosecuted in

the usual forms of law, and be aiding in their safe conveyance to the public

jail in Richmond, if they be ordered to be conveyed. But where you shall be of

opinion that legal evidence cannot be obtained, that an examining Court cannot

be procured in the county before there will be danger of a rescue by the enemy

and that there are pregnant circumstan ces of suspicion that they have been

guilty of the offences of treason or misprision of treason, or where there

shall be pregnant causes of suspicion that 







Correspond ence 421 







persons in these counties are disaffected to the independen ce of the United

States; and when occasion serves, aid or advise the operations of the enemy,

that in those cases you apprehend such persons, and send them in safe custody

to the jail of this county reporting to the Executive the facts and circumstan

ces of suspicion whereon you proceed. In the executions of these powers, I must

recommend to you that you have no retrospect to any fact prior to the 17th of

April last, being the day the enemy embarked at Portsmouth ; that you single

out only those who have been foremost or most daring in their offences, and

that even these be treated by those into whose hands they shall be committed

with no insult or rudeness unnecessar y for their safe custody. 







TO COLONEL ABRAHAM PENN. 







RICHMOND, May 4th, 1781. 



SIR,­I am exceedingl y sorry that the public situation should be such as to

render it necessary to call our citizens from their farms at this interesting

season of the year But the enemy will not suspend their operations till we can

sow or reap, so that we must have our army on foot as well at these as the

other seasons of the year We have called on eleven counties to furnish a

reinforcem ent to General Greene, and hope it will be the last time we shall

have occasion to require our militia to go out of their own country as we think

it most advisable to put 







422 Jefferson's Works 







that distant disagreeabl e service on our regulars, and to send them forward as

fast as raised, and to employ our militia on service in our own country. And I

am confident that if the reinforcem ent of militia now under orders to General

Greene is marched, and serves the two months with him which is intended, that

by that time he will be so reinforced by regulars as to retain possession of

North and the greatest part of South Carolina, and thus keep to the war at a

distance from us. On the contrary, if he is not supported by the militia until

the regulars can get to him, he will be driven back and we shall have the war

on us. 







Of the eleven counties called on, seven have applied to be excused. You will

immediately see, Sir, what would be the consequenc e of complying with their

request. 







The Executive have, therefore, been obliged to insist on the requisition. Mr.

Henry has written on the same subject, as to your county, but the grounds on

which a relaxation of the order is proposed, being met as every other county

has or as would, go to a perpetual exemption from military duty, we cannot

withdraw the call. 







Captain Baurt has engaged fifty horse to go for three months, but this is no

equivalent for 250 infantry to serve two months. I must, therefore, Sir, rely

on your zeal and activity to carry the former requisition into execution. 







It is probable you may have among you some 







Correspond ence 423 







delinquent militia who should by law serve six months, as a punishment for

their delinquenc y; these, if sent with the militia, might be counted as part. 







TO MARQUIS MAJOR-GEN ERAL DE LA FAYETTE. 







RICHMOND, May 14th, 1781. 



SIR,­I was sorry that the situation of my family had occasioned my absence from

this place when you were pleased to send Captain Langhorne to me. 







I enclose you a state of the counties who have been called on to come into the

field; some of them to perform full tour of duty and others to make a present

opposition to the junction of the two hostile armies. The delay and deficiencie

s of the first are beyond all expectation and if the calls on the latter do not

produce sufficient reinforcem ents to you I shall candidly acknowledg e that it

is not in my power to do anything more than to represent to the General

Assembly that unless they can provide more effectually for the execution of the

laws it will be vain to call on militia. I could perhaps do something by

reprimands to the County Lieutenant s by repeating and even increasing the

demands on them by way of penalty. If you would be so good as to have returns

made to me once a week or at any other stated periods of the particular number

of men from each county. Without these we can never know what counties obey our

calls, or how long your men 







424 Jefferson's Works 







are to continue with you so as to provide in time. From Hampshire and Shenandoa

h we expected many riflemen. From Berkeley and Frederick some, and a few from

Culpeper, Orange, Loudoun and Fauquier, but what number may be expected I

cannot even conjecture. One tenth of the whole force (except from the counties

of Frederick, Hampshire, Berkeley, Shenandoa h, and Orange, who were called on

before we had concluded on this measure) were desired to come prepared with the

horses to do duty as cavalry. The militia which were called to do a full tour

were to join the army wherever it should be. Those counties called on to send

as many men as they could send armed were to rendezvous at Richmond, Prince

Edward Court House and Taylor's Ferry on Roanoke, as should be most convenient,

where they were given to believe orders would be lodged from you for their

future movements. These men are collecting to their places of rendezvous , so

that they will need immediately such orders as you should be pleased to give

them. I have the pleasure to enclose to you the four impress warrants, desired

by Captain Langhorne. 







Captain Maxwell called on me the 10th inst and informed me he was building a

few boats at the shipyard on Chickahomi ny. I desired him to send a good

batteau builder to Colonel Davies to superinten d and direct a number of hands

whom he would immediately put under him for building batteaux for the river

above the Falls, and that he would set 







Correspond ence 425 







all the rest of his people to building boats for navigating the lower parts of

the river, but so light and of such a form as that they might be moved on

wheels, and that those should be built either here or above the Falls as safety

and convenienc e should dictate. He left me with a promise to do so, and I

expect he is engaged in the execution. His hands being to remove from the

shipyard there will, of course, occasion some delay. 







The General Assembly having determined to meet at Charlottesv ille on the 22d

inst. renders it necessary for the Executive to prepare for removing there, and

particularl y for myself to go and see that provision be made for the reception

of the Public Boards and Records. I shall leave this place this evening. 







As a very frequent communicat ion between yourself and the Executive will be

necessary I have directed the State Quartermas ter to station a line of express

riders from your camp to Charlottesv ille by whom you will be so good as to

communicat e your wants from time to time under a full assurance that nothing

in my power shall ever be wanting to supply them. Interesting events will

always be acceptable whenever you shall have time to add them to a letter or

make them the subject of a special one. 







P. S. Lest anything should suffer which it is in my power to prevent I have

concluded to stay here this evening and to do myself the pleasure of calling on

you at your quarters to-morrow morning. 







426 Jefferson's Works 







TO MAJOR-GEN ERAL MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 







CHARLOTTE SVILLE, May 31st, 1781. 



SIR,­I had the honor last night of receiving your favor of the 28th from

Goldmine Creek and this morning that of the 29th. I shall be very happy,

indeed, if against such a superiority of cavalry you shall be able to keep out

of the way of the enemy till you are fully inforced. I imagine General Weedon's

observatio n as to his want of power to call forth the militia respects the

counties round about Fredericks burg; but all those on the south side of the

Rappahann ock have been called on by the Executive, and to those on the north

side, they may be called on under our invasion law, which directs that the

commandin g officer of the militia of any county hearing of the approach of an

enemy shall call on so many circumjace nt counties as he shall think necessary,

which counties by their officers are obliged to obey his call. I have the

pleasure to inform you that Mr. Ross's agent in Philadelphi a on the 9th

instant forwarded 275 stand of arms and a ton of powder to Fredericks burg; on

the 11th he forwarded another stand of arms; on the 18th he forwarded 600 stand

of arms, and by this time expected the remainder of 2000 engaged from Congress

by the Board of War. I must pray you to take such measures through General

Weedon, or otherwise, as may secure these stores from falling into the hands of

the enemy and moving them to where they may be useful to you. Your 







Correspond ence 427 







knowledge of the movements of the enemy will enable you to do this with safety,

whereas at the distance I am from them my orders, however proper when given,

might by a change of their route lead the arms into their way. Besides the

preceding arms General Washington has sent on 1000 stand, and the Board of War

were sending on 2000 more from Springfield . As to the eleven hundred and odd

stand which lately came on from Rhode Island the property of this State, I

desired Colonel Davies after delivering to Baron Steuben as many as he has new

recruits to return the rest for the militia of your camp. Will you be so good

as to advise him by what route you will have them sent to your camp or to what

other place. Two hundred of them being yet in your neighborho od I have ordered

them for present safety to Rockfish Gap, from which place they will be moved

according to any order you may give. 







With respect both to those arms and the new levies, I am desired to communicat

e to you the enclosed Resolution of General Assembly. The representa tion there

directed of the present state, quantity and condition of the public arms would

be unnecessar y to you who know already more than I do, nor can anybody be more

sensible than yourself of the reasons which urge the detention of the new

levies till other effectual force can be assembled. I shall, therefore, in

compliance with resolution only add my desire that you will be pleased to

retain all those arms within the State for its particular defence. 







428 Jefferson's Works 







Two days before the receipt of your letter of the 28th I had dispatched one to

you enclosing eight impress warrants, to provide horses from the counties

contiguous to the enemy's line of march. The Assembly used this undefined

expression in order to give you a latitude to impress, knowing that a precise

circumscri ption might defeat their intention altogether. This, therefore,

anticipated your desire expressed in that letter of extending your power 50

miles around. It also takes in your second request in the letter of the 20th to

authorize Colonel White to impress on the south side of James River. The

counties through which the enemy marched or bordered on them are within the

extent of the impress warrants sent you, one of which being given to Colonel

White will authorize him to impress in Amelia, Powhatan, Chesterfiel d,

Dinwiddie, Prince Edward, Brunswick and the other counties there abounding in

good horses. I will immediately direct the county superinten dents to collect

all accoutreme nts for horses belonging to the public in their counties and to

send them to such place as Colonel White shall appoint and in the mean time to

your camp. 







The prisoners of war in the State are most of them in the hands of Colonel

Holmes, Continental Commissary of prisoners at Winchester. There are a few at

Staunton. Your orders to either place will be effectual. 







Correspond ence 429 







TO FRANCIS EPPES.¹







PHILADELP HIA, Jan. 14, 1783. 



DEAR SIR,­You will hardly expect to receive a letter from me at this place, and

of so late a date. Yet I have apprehensi ons of being here ten days or a

fortnight longer, for though ready myself, some time since, the vessel in which

I go is not ready. Yesterday' s post brought no mail from Virginia. I was not

disappointe d in this, as I was pretty certain that under expectation of my

being gone you did not write. I had entertained some hope of meeting a letter

from you on my first arrival here, but suppose the same idea of its not coming

in time prevented it, so that at present I have no hope of hearing again, while

on this side of the water, from yourself and family and those dear little ones

I left with you. We have heard nothing since my last from which the length of

my absence may be conjecture d. The last authentic advices were of the 14th of

October, but the affair of Gibraltar happened just then, and the negotiation

was in such a state that what had passed between the negotiators was at that

time under submission to the British court for their approbatio n or disavowal.

How far this would be influenced by their good fortune at Gibraltar is the

question which the next advices must certainly solve. Since I came here there

has been sold the Westover copy of Catesby's History of Carolina. It was held

near a 







#¹ First published in Randall's Life of Jefferson, vol. III, p. 586.# 







430 Jefferson's Works 







twelvemont h at twelve guineas, and at last sold for ten. This seems to fix

what should be given for Mr. Bolling's copy, if you can induce him to let me

have it, which I am very anxious for. Perhaps it would be a temptation to offer

that the ten guineas should be paid to Mr. Ross's agent at Nantes, where he

could lay them out and send the articles to Mr. Bolling. His draft shall be

paid on sight in Paris. Perhaps you had better effect this by making the

proposition to Mrs. Bolling. Of this your knowledge of the family will enable

you to judge. Be so good as to present me most affectionat ely to Mrs. Eppes,

Mr. and Mrs. Skipwith, and the two families, and believe me to be, with very

great sincerity, dear Sir, your friend and servant. 







TO JAMES MADISON. 







BALTIMORE , 7 February, 1783. 



DEAR SIR,­I write by this post to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, but will

repeat to you the facts mentioned to him and some others improper for a public

letter, and some reflections on them which can only be hazarded to the ear of

friendship. The cold weather having set in the evening of the 30th ult. (being

the same in which I arrived here) the Chevalier de Ville-brun was obliged to

fall down with his ship and the Guadeloupe to about twelve miles below this;

and the ice has since cut off all correspond ence with him till yesterday, when

I got a boat and







Correspond ence 431 







attempted a passage. There having passed a small boat before us, we got about

half way with tolerable ease, but the influx of the tide then happening the ice

closed on us on every side and became impenetrab le to our little vessel, so

that we could get neither backwards nor forwards. We were finally relieved from

this situation by a sloop which forced its way down and put us on board the

Romulus, where we were obliged to remain all night. The Chevalier de Ville-brun

communicat ed to me several letters of intelligence which deserves weight; by

which we are informed that the enemy, having no other employment at New York,

have made our little fleet their sole object for some time, and have now

cruising for us nothing less than 1 ship of 64 guns, 4 ships of 50 guns, 2

ships of 40 guns, 18 frigates from 24 to 30 guns, a most amazing force for such

an object. The merchants who intended to have sent their vessels out with us,

have so far declined it, that two vessels only go with us, but they are

unfortunat ely the greatest sluggards in the world. The Minister has given

Ville-brun leave to remain if he thinks it expedient till the middle of March,

but politely and kindly offered the Guadeloupe for my passage if I chose to run

the risk. I find that having laid ten months under water she got perfectly

sobbed, insomuch that she sweats almost continually on the inside, in

consequenc e of which her commander and several of the crew are now laid up

with rheumatism . But this I should have disregarde d had it not







432 Jefferson's Works 







appeared that it was giving to the enemy the ship and crew of a friend, and

delaying myself in fact by endeavorin g at too much haste. I, therefore, have

not made use of the liberty given me by the Minister. Ville-brun seems certain

he shall not sail on the first of March, and I confess to you I see no reason

to suppose that when that time arrives the same causes will not place our

departure as distant as it now seems. What then is to be done? I will mention

the several proposition s which occur with some reflections on each. 







1. To go to Boston and embark thence. Would to God I had done this at first. I

might now have been half-way across the ocean. But it seems very late to

undertake a journey of such length, through such roads and such weather: and

when I should get there some delay would still necessarily intervene,­ yet I am

ready to undertake it if this shall be thought best. 







2. To stay here with patience till our enemies shall think proper to clear our

coast. There is no certain termination to this object. It may not be till the

end of the war. 







3. To fall down to York or Hampton and there wait those favorable circumstan

ces of winds and storms which the winter season sometimes presents. This would

be speedier than the second but perhaps it may not be approved of by the

commander for reasons which may be good though unknown to me. Should this,

however, be adopted we ought to be 







Correspond ence 433 







furnished by the Marine department with, or authorized to employ one or more

swift sailing boats to go out of the capes occasionall y and bring us

intelligence to York or Hampton wherever we should be. 







4. To ask a flag for me from the enemy and charter a vessel here. This would be

both quickest and most certain, but perhaps it may be thought injurious to the

dignity of the States, or perhaps be thought such a favor as Congress might not

choose to expose themselves to the refusal of. With respect to the last,

nothing can be said: as to the first, I suppose were history sought, many

precedents might be found where one of the belligerent powers has received from

the other, passports for their Plenipotent iaries; and I suppose that

Fitzgerald and Oswald got to Paris now under protection of a flag and passport.

However, these are tender points and I would not wish the sensibility of

Congress to be tried on my account, if it would be probably disagreeabl e. 







5. To await a truce. This cannot take place till after preliminari es are

signed, if then: and though these are not definitive, yet it must be evident

that new instruction s and new or perhaps inconsisten t matter would be

introduced with difficulty and discredit. 







There is an idle report here of peace being actually concluded. This comes by

the way of the West Indies, and must probably be founded on the settlement of

preliminari es, if it has any foundation at a11. 







Should you think that the interferenc e of Congress 







#VOL. IV-28# 







434 Jefferson's Works 



might expedite my departure in any of the above ways, or any other, I have

suggested these hasty reflections in hopes that you would do in it whatever you

think right. I shall acquiesce in anything, and if nothing further comes to me

I shall endeavor to push the third proposition with the Commander , and if I

fail in that shall pursue the second. I wish to hear from you as often as you

have anything new. I fear I shall be here long enough to receive many letters

from you. My situation is not an agreeable one, and the less so as I contrast

it with the more pleasing one I left so unnecessar ily. Be so good as to

present my esteem to the good ladies and gentlemen of your fireside and to

accept yourself the warmest assurances of friendship from, dear Sir, your

friend and servant. 







Feb. 8. The preceding was written last night. Before I close my letter I will

ask the favor of you to write me by the return of post and to let me have your

own sentiments (whether anything be, or be not determined authoritati vely)

which will have great weight with me. I confess that after another night's

reflection the fourth is the plan which appears to me best on the whole, and

that the demand from New York is nothing more than what is made at the close of

almost every war, where the one or the other power must have a passport: it is

no more than asking a flag to New York. Should this, however, be disapprove d,

the third seems the only remaining plan which promises any degree of

expedition. Perhaps 







Correspond ence 435 







the Minister may have a repugnanc e to venture the Romulus at York or Hampton,

in which case if I could receive his approbatio n I should be willing to fall

down there with the Guadeloupe alone and be in readiness to avail ourselves of

a northweste rly snow storm or other favorable circumstan ce. 







TO JAMES MADISON. 







BALTIMORE , Feb. 14., 1783. 







DEAR SIR,­Yours of the 11th came to hand last night. From what you mention in

your letter I suppose the newspaper s must be wrong when they say that Mr.

Adams had taken up his abode with Dr. F­. I am nearly at a loss to judge how he

will act in the negotiation . He has F­, he has Jay, he has the French, he has

the English, to whom will he adhere? His vanity is a lineament in his character

which had entirely escaped me. His want of taste I had observed. Notwithsta

nding all this he has a sound head on substantial points, and I think he has

integrity. I am glad, therefore, that he is of the commission and expect he

will be useful in it. His dislike of all parties, and all men, by balancing his

prejudices, may give them some fair play to his reason as would a general

benevolenc e of temper. At any rate honesty may be extracted even from

poisonous weeds. 







My stay here has given me opportuniti es of making some experiment s on my

amanuensis F­s perhaps 







436 Jefferson's Works 







better than I may have in France. He appears to have a good enough heart, and

understand ing somewhat better than common, but too little guard over his lips.

I have marked him particularl y in the company of women where he loses all

power over himself, and becomes almost [     ].¹ His temperatur e would not be

proof against their allurements , were such to be employed as engines against

him. This is in some measure the vice of his age, but it seems to be increased

also by his peculiar constitutio n. 







I wrote to the Chevalier de Ville-brun proposing his falling down to York or

Hampton which was one of the measures I suggested in my letter to you, and was

the most eligible except that of the flag, in my own opinion. His answer dated

Feb. 12, is in these words: 'Je serois bien de l'avis proposé à votre

Excellence d'aller mouiller à York ou Hampton pour être à portée de profiter

des premiers vents de Nord Ouest qui me mettroient loin de la côte dans la nuit

surtout si je n'avois pas de convoy à conserver, mais des batiments entrés

anjourd'hu i raportent avoir été chassés par quatre fregates pis que sur la Cap

Charles et avoir vu au mouillage de Linhaven un vaisseau et un frégate qui ont

appareillés et pris un Brig qui navigoit avec eux. De plus York et Hampton n'

ont pas un canon monté, si l'ennemi trés supérieur, entrepreno it de venir nous

y forcer, il y auroit peu de sureté. 







Peutétre conviendro it-il autant d'attendre, comme 







#¹ A word is lacking here in the manuscript .# 







Correspond ence 437 







le propose M de la Luzerne, jusqu'au mois prochain, des nouvelles de l'Europe,

ou l'arrivée d'une division des Antilles promise par M. de Vaudreuil, ou bien

encore que l' ennemi fatigué ne fut obligé de rentrer à New York.' 







To go to Boston would be the most economical plan. But it would be five weeks

from my leaving this place before I could expect to sail from thence. Of

course, I may from here be in France by the time I should be sailing from

Boston. 







Five weeks in a crisis of negotiation may be much. Should I accept of the

Guadeloupe , and she should be lost, it would under present circumstan ces draw

censure. Moreover in this or the former case, besides losing the vessel, what

will be my situation?­ that of a prisoner certainly. From what has been done in

Lauren's case they would not release me in expectation of a high exchange; or

if they did, it would only be on parole; in which case I could neither act nor

communicat e. This plan would have in its favor economy and a possibility (a

bare one) of despatch. That of the flag still appears best. It is favored by

the circumstan ces of despatch, safety, and the preservatio n of our papers.

But when I think of the expense I feel myself annihilated in comparison with

it. A vessel may be got here, but I question if for less than 11.819. 36 or

843.10. 819.36 pounds. Besides can a passport be obtained from New York without

naming the vessel, the crew, etc. If not, it would take long to furnish these







438 Jefferson's Works 







circumstan ces from hence. The Delaware would be more eligible in that case.

Otherwise this place is. If this should be adopted, what would be the extent of

the protection of the flag to the papers I should carry? These, so far as this

question would affect them, would be of three description s. 1. My own

commission, instruction s, and other documents relative to my mission. 2.

Public letters to the consuls, ministers and others on other business. 3.

Private letters. I have no means of satisfying myself on these points here. If,

therefore, this measure should be adopted, I should thank you for your opinion

on them, as you can, where you are doubtful; make enquiry of others., I am

exceedingl y fatigued with this place, as, indeed, I should with any other

where I had neither occupation nor amusement. I am very particularl y indebted

here to the politeness and hospitality of General La Vallette, who obliges me

to take refuge in his quarters from the tedium of my own, the latter half of

every day. You are indebted to him, too, as I should make my long letters much

longer and plague you with more cypher¹ were I confined at home all day. I beg

you to be assured of my warmest wishes for your happiness. 







Feb. 15, 9 o'clock P. M. After sealing up this letter, I received yours of

yesterday enclosing the King's speech; for which I thank you much. The

essential information conveyed to us by that is that 







#¹ Part of this letter was written in cypher.# 







Correspond ence 439 







the preliminary for our independen ce (which we before knew to have been agreed

between the plenipotent iaries) has been provisional ly ratified by him. I have

thought it my duty to write the enclosed letter which after reading you will be

so good as to stick a wafer in and deliver. I wish no supposed inclination of

mine to stand in the way of a free change of measure, if Congress should think

the public interest required it. The argument of economy is much strengthen ed

by the impossibilit y (now certain) of going but in an express vessel. The

principal matters confided to me were, 1. The new instruction ; which perhaps

may have been sent by Count Rochambea u, or may yet be sent. 2. The details of

the financier's department which Mr. Morris, not choosing to trust to paper,

had communicat ed verbally. These in the event of peace or truce may safely go

in paper. 3. The topics which support our right to the fisheries, to the

western country, and the navigation of the Mississippi. The first of these is

probably settled. The two latter should only come into discussion in the

Spanish negotiation , and, therefore, would only have been the subject of

private conversatio n with Mr. Jay, whose good sense and knowledge of the

subject will hardly need any suggestion s. 







I forgot to mention to you in my letter that Mr. Nash arrived here the day

before yesterday on his way to North Carolina, and that Mr. Brunt is not yet

arrived, but is weekly expected. I am yours affectionat ely. 







440 Jefferson's Works 







TO JAMES MADISON. 







TUCKAHOE, May 7, 1783. 



I received your favor of April 22 and am not a, little concerned at the

alteration which took place in the Report on the impost, etc., after I left

you. The article which bound the whole together was, I fear, essential to get

the whole passed; as that which proposed the conversion of State into Federal

debts was one palatable ingredient at least in the pill we were to swallow.

This proposition being then hopeful, I never consulted you whether the payment

of our western expenditur es, annexed as a condition to our passing the

articles recommended, would not be acceded to by Congress; more especially when

one of those articles is the cession of that very territory for the acquisition

and defense of which these expenditur es have been incurred. If I recollect

rightly Congress offered this in their first proposition for a cession. I beg

your sentiments, however, on this subject by return of the first post.

Notwithsta nding the unpromisin g form of these articles I have waited a

fortnight in the neighborho od of Richmond that I might see some of the

members. I passed yesterday in associating and conversing with as many of them

as I could. The Attorney has cooperated in this work. This is the view I form

at present of the leaders. Dr. Arthur Lee, R. H. Lee, Mr. Page, Taylor, will be

against them. So will Thurston and White if elected, and even an A. 







Correspond ence 441 







Campbell is thought worthy of being named with these as having some influence

in the southwestern quarter. In their favor will be Tyler, Tazewell, General

Nelson, W. Nelson, Nicholas and a Mr. Stewart,¹ a young man of good talents

from the westward. Henry as usual is involved in mystery: should the popular

tide run strongly in either direction, he will fall in with it. Should it not,

he will have a struggle between his enmity to the Lees, and his enmity to

everything which may give influence to Congress. T. Mason² is a meteor whose

path cannot be calculated. All the powers of his mind seem at present to be

concentrat ed in one single object, the producing a convention to new model the

Constitutio n.² This is a subject much agitated, and seems the only one they

will have to amuse themselves with till they shall receive your proposition s.

These should be hastened; as I think the session will be short. I have seen Mr.

Wythe. He has none of his amendment s or notes on the Confederati on. 







Mr. Short has desired me to suggest his name as that of a person willing to

become a legatine secretary should these offices be continued. I have apprised

him of the possibility that they may not. You know my high opinion of his

abilities and merits; I will, therefore, only add that a peculiar 







#¹ Archibald Stewart. 



² Thompson Mason. 



² Referring to the State Constitutio n.# 







442 Jefferson's Works 







talent for prying into facts seems to mark his character as proper for such a

business. He is young, and little experience d in business, though well

prepared for it. These defects will lessen daily. Should persons be proposed

less proper on the whole, you would on motives of public good, knowing his

willingness to serve, give him a nomination and do justice to his character. 







I rejoice at the information that 1832. 164. 928. 36. 323.¹ and yourself concur

in sentiments. I rejoice as it will render you happier and give to me a

neighbor on whom I shall set high value. You will be continued in your

delegation till the end of three years from the completion of the Confederati

on. You will, therefore, model your measures accordingl y. You say nothing of

the time when you shall pay your visit to Virginia. I hope you will let me know

of your arrival as soon as it happens. Should the call be made on me, which was

sometimes the subject of our conversatio n, and be so timed with your visit as

that you may be the bearer of it, I shall with great pleasure accommodat e my

movements to yours so as to accompany you on your return to Philadelphi a. 







I set out this morning for Monticello. My affectionat e compliment s to the

ladies and gentlemen of the house, and sincere friendship to yourself. Adieu. 







#¹ The cyphers presumably allude to Miss Floyd, a young lady to whom at that

time Madison was paying marked attentions. # 







Correspond ence 443 







TO JAMES MADISON. 







MONTICELL O, June 17, 1783. 



DEAR SIR,­Your favors of the 13th and 20th ult came to hand about a week ago. I

am informed the Assembly determined against the capacity of re-election in

those gentlemen of the delegation who could not serve a complete year. I do not

know on what this decision could be founded. My hopes of the success of the

Congressio nal proposition s here have lessened exceedingl y. Mr. Henry had

declared in favor of the impost: but when the question came on he was utterly

silent. I understand it will certainly be lost if it be not already. Instead of

ceding more lands to the United States a proposition is made to revoke the

former cession. Mr. Henry is for bounding our State reasonably enough, but

instead of ceding the parts lopped off he is for laying them off into small

republics. What further his plan is I do not hear. However, you get the

parliamenta ry news so much more directly from Richmond, that it is idle for me

to give it you from hence. 







A convention for the amendment of our Constitutio n having been much the topic

of conversatio n for some time, I have turned my thoughts to the amendment s

necessary. The result I enclose to you. You will have opportuniti es during

your stay in Philadelphi a of enquiring into the success of some of the parts

of it which though new to us have been tried in other States. I shall only

except against your







444 Jefferson's Works 







communicat ing it to any one of my own country, as I have found prejudices

frequently produced against proposition s handed to the world without

explanation or support. I trust that you will either now or in some future

situation turn your attention to this subject in time to give your aid when it

shall be finally discussed. The paper enclosed may serve as a basis for your

amendment, or may suggest amendment s to a better groundwor k. I further learn

that the Assembly are excluding members of Congress from among them. Whether

the information they may derive from their presence, or their being marked by

the confidence of the people, is the cause of this exclusion I cannot tell. 







Be pleased to present me with affection to my acquaintan ces of the house, and

to receive yourself the sincerest assurances of the esteem with which I am,

dear Sir, your friend and servant. 







P. S. I will take the first opportunit y of forwarding the pamphlet to your

father. 







TO CHARLES CARTER. 



EPPINGTON , Oct. 12, 1783. 



DEAR SIR,­Findi ng that Mr. Eppes has made no purchase of horses for me, the

bearer comes for those you were so kind as to offer me. Thinking it almost

certain that they will suit me from what I hear of them, I send you enclosed an

order on Mr. Donald 







Correspond ence 445 







for £60, which will be paid at sight: only be so good as to keep it up till

Tuesday evening, because if, contrary to my expectation s, the horses should

not suit, they shall be returned to you by that time. If you have a third horse

matching them in all respects and of the same age, price and qualities, I will

take him also: for as I shall go on to the northward with a pair of horses in

my phaeton, it will be a great relief that the horse on which my servant shall

ride may be changed with them occasionall y.­One word more, my dear Sir, which

is to express my uneasiness at your having supposed I imputed to you a motive

in the change of price which never entered my head. I could not think you

wanted to take advantage of any necessity of mine, because no such necessity

existed. I shall not use the horses I purchase till the month of March;

consequent ly I could not be under the spur of necessity till then, besides

this I knew you too well to have thought it under any circumstan ces. I am,

with sentiments of sincere attachment and respect, dear Sir, your most obedient

humble servant. 







P. S. If you send me a third horse I will send an order for payment of the

price either to yourself or Mr. Donald according as the first conveyance may

offer to the one or the other. 







446 Jefferson's Works 







TO MARTHA JEFFERSON .¹ 







ANNAPOLIS , Nov. 28th, 1783. 



DEAR PATSY,­Aft er four days' journey, I arrived here without any accident, and

in as good health as when I left Philadelphi a. The conviction that you would

be more improved in the situation I have placed you than if still with me, has

solaced me on my parting with you, which my love for you has rendered a

difficult thing. The acquiremen ts which I hope you will make under the tutors

I have provided for you will render you more worthy of my love; and if they

cannot increase it, they will prevent its diminution. Consider the good lady

who has taken you under her roof, who has undertaken to see that you perform

all your exercises, and to admonish you in all those wanderings from what is

right or what is clever, to which your inexperience would expose you: consider

her, I say, as your mother, as the only person to whom, since the loss with

which Heaven has pleased to afflict you, you can now look up; and that her

displeasure or disapproba tion, on any occasion, will be an immense misfortune,

which should you be so unhappy as to incur by any unguarded act, think no

concession too much to regain her good-will. With respect to the distributio n

of your time, the following is what I should approve: 







From 8 to 10, practice music. 







#¹ First published in S. N. Randolph's Domestic Life of Thomas Jefferson, page

69# 







Correspond ence 447 







From 10 to 1, dance one day and draw another. 



From 1 to 2, draw on the day you dance, and write a letter next day. 



From 3 to 4, read French. 



From 4 to 5, exercise yourself in music. 



From 5 till bed-time, read English, write, etc. 







Communicat e this plan to Mrs. Hopkinson, and if she approves of it, pursue it.

As long as Mrs. Trist remains in Philadelphi a, cultivate her affection. She

has been a valuable friend to you, and her good sense and good heart make her

valued by all who know her, and by nobody on earth more than me. I expect you

will write me by every post. Inform me what books you read, what tunes you

learn, and enclose ma your best copy of every lesson in drawing. Write also one

letter a week either to your Aunt Eppes, your Aunt Skipwith, your Aunt Carr, or

the little lady from whom I now enclose a letter, and always put the letter you

so write under cover to me. Take care that you never spell a word wrong. Always

before you write a word, consider how it is spelt, and, if you do not remember

it, turn to a dictionary. It produces great praise to a lady to spell well. I

have placed my happiness on seeing you good and accomplish ed; and no distress

this world can now bring on me would equal that of your disappointi ng my

hopes. If you love me, then strive to be good under every situation and to all

living creatures, and to acquire those accomplish ments which I have put in

your power, and which will go far towards 







448 Jefferson's Works 







ensuring you the warmest love of your affectionat e father. 







P. S. Keep my letters and read them at times, that you may always have present

in your mind those things which will endear you to me. 







TO GEORGE WASHINGTO N. 







ANNAPOLIS , April 6, 1784. 



DEAR SIR,­I am obliged to you for your query as to the distance from New York

to Cuyahoga, as it occasioned my re-examina tion of that matter and detection

of an error of 150 miles. The distances from New York to Niagara I collect from

information as follows: 







From New York to          Albany   164 miles. 



                         Oneida   165 



                         Oswego 171 



                         Niagara  180 



                                  680 







From Niagara to      Cuyahoga  140 



                                   820 



This last distance I collect by measuring on Hutchin's map and reducing that

proportion ably by the known distance from Niagara to Detroit, which is 250

miles. 







The public papers confirm the resignation of Mr. Pitt and his friends. A ship

arrived here, and some others in Philadelphi a have brought us a riddle with.

out a key. They received their bounties and draw







Correspond ence 449 







backs on clearing out from London as they used to do while we were colonies

without any public act authorizing it being visible. The Custom house officers

tendered them, and they were not so rude as to refuse them. The prohibitory

proclamatio n they say is eluded and connived at by governmen t. We have 11

States in Congress and hope by the middle of May to adjourn to November. If

anything prevents this it will be the representa tion of 8 States of the 11 by

2 members each, who frequently dividing retard business extremely. ­The

enclosed letter was put into my hands with a request to forward it to you.

­This will be delivered you by Monsieur de Hogendorff , a relation of Mr. Van

Berchel's. A very particular acquaintan ce with him here has led me to consider

him as the best informed man of his age I have ever seen. Nature and

application seem equally to have concurred in fitting him for important

business. He returns to Holland, his native country, in the summer, and cannot

deny himself the satisfaction of paying his tribute of respect to you. 







P. S. The Minister of France arrived here to-day. I believe he is on a tour

through Virginia, but I have not yet learned when he sets out. Since writing

this I learn that the Minister has declined his tour through Virginia, but

thinks to go as far as your house: perhaps within a fortnight. 







#VOL. IV-29# 







450 Jefferson's Works 







TO HORATIO GATES.¹ 







ANNAPOLIS , May 7th, 1784. 



DEAR GENERAL,­ I received by the last post your favor of the 27th ultimo, and

am much obliged for the communicat ion therein. The ferment on the subject of

your society seems just becoming general. They write us from Virginia that it

works high there, and that the division is precisely into civil and military.

We will not presume to send foreign news from Annapolis to Philadelphi a.

Congress expects to adjourn on the 3d of June. They have passed the estimate

and requisition s for the year, and some recommendations to the States to vest

Congress with such much power over their commerce as will enable them to

retaliate on any nation who may wish to grasp it on unequal terms; and to

enable them if it should be found expedient to pass something like the British

navigation act. You say in the public papers a report of a committee,

erroneousl y said to be an act of Congress, for dividing the western country

into new States. That report was recommitte d, the paragraphs of names struck

off the principles of governmen t somewhat varied and the act then passed.

Foreign treaties of commerce occupy us at present. I am not yet fixed as to the

time of my coming to Philadelphi a, though think it will not be long after the

first. 







#¹ Copied from the original letter in the collection of Dr. Thomas Addis Emmet

of New York.# 







Correspond ence 451 







TO JAMES MONROE. 







PHILADELP HIA, May 21, 1784, 



DEAR SIR,­Your favor of the 14th came duly to hand. It enabled me to give to

Colonel Humphreys the first intimation of his appointmen t and to see that he

received real pleasure from it. He was before unknown to me; but our future

connection in business has occasioned me to inquire into his character, with

which I am much pleased. We have taken arrangeme nts for passing the Atlantic

together. Short is not yet arrived. But had he not been coming, the servant

whom I ordered to join me here would have been with me before now. I wait for

time and for our commission s and instruction s. The moment these arrive I

shall set out for Boston, where a passage will be provided.­ Is there a

commission for an additional treaty with France? The instruction s made this

necessary, and without it we shall be at Paris but private citizens, unprotecte

d by the laws of nations, and liable to the jurisdictio n of the country. A

very disagreeabl e affair has happened here which will give you trouble

probably both on this and the other side the water. It is an assault by a very

worthless Frenchman on Mr. Marbois, for refusing to give the attestation s of

the consulate to some falsehoods which he wished to establish. I mean to make

myself acquainted with the affair and will write you particularl y on it before

I leave this place. General Knox went on from hence two days 







452 Jefferson's Works 







ago to receive the orders of Congress as to the western posts. The mouth of the

Illinois is the interesting post for Virginia, because it will open a trade up

the Missouri and Mississippi. The spot there is advantageo us for defence

according to Hutchins' pamphlet, and General Washington 's letter on the peace

establishme nt. Michillimaci nac is very important for the United States in

general: it is interesting to Virginia on the expectation that she may open the

navigation from Lake Erie to Potomac. Detroit is a place of consequenc e, but

so strongly settled that I doubt whether any force need be kept there. The New

Yorkers will wish a force at Niagara or Oswego. I should yield to them as far

as necessity requires; but the further north that post is the better for

Virginia, were it even pushed to the intersectio n of the Cataraqui with the

45th degree. It might then leave a possibility of drawing the six nations to

Fort Pitt. Mr. Thomson's counsel on this subject will probably be useful, the

interests of Pennsylvan ia and Virginia being united as to all these posts. We

shall not begin to scramble for the trade till we have brought it to Fort Pitt.

To the southward it would be our interest to have an agency kept up with the

Overhill Cherokees, and Martin the agent. If South Carolina and Georgia would

then be contented with one other agency, and could agree on its situation it

would be well. I had thought of the head of Mobile river because there is a

very short portage from there to the waters of the Tennessee which would give

us 







Correspond ence 453 







access to it, but Mr. Reid thought it too distant from the inhabited country. I

am to thank you for your care of my baggage which is come safely to hand. Mr.

Hopkinson had sent on under cover to me a draught from Mr. Morris for 233€

dollars for me, and for the amount of Mr. Hardy's bill. My part was intended

for Mr. Jenifer. I hope you will have been so good as to dispose of both parts

according to their destination . Boirod and Gaillard had also forwarded by the

stage some of the books you desired. I have not yet received their bill and

will transmit it to you as soon as received. The stage having ceased to pass

between Baltimore and Annapolis, possibly these books may remain at the former

place. I believe there is sometimes, too, a stoppage at Susquehan na by a

change of interest in the proprietors of the stage. Should this have happened,

your enquiries must come that far. I have had the pleasure of seeing three

balloons here. The largest was of 8 feet diameter and ascended about 300 feet.

I shall write to you again from this place and afterwards in the course of my

northern progress. I shall be obliged to you to continue your letters as long

as they can reach Boston by the 15th of June. A particular detail of Congressio

nal proceeding s, and of the communicat ions from or concerning your foreign

ministers will be most acceptable. Hopkinson tells me he had mentioned in his

letter to me that the office of director or master of the mint would be

acceptable. He was, therefore, uneasy when I told 







454 Jefferson's Works 







him that I had left a request with a friend to open my letters. But I satisfied

him perfectly on that head, and that you would render him any service which the

duties of your situation would permit. He is a man of genius, gentility and

great merit, and at the same time poor and the father of a numerous family. He

holds a little office here, more respectable than profitable, for he can but

barely live. He is as capable of the office as any man I know and the

appointmen t would give general pleasure, because he is generally esteemed.­

Messrs. Boirod and Gaillard will be glad to receive the prospectus of the

Encycloped ia. Foreseeing that if I turn over the leaf I shall plague you with

another page full I will here bid you adieu. 







TO CHARLES THOMSON.¹ 







PHILADELP HIA, May 21, 1784. 



DEAR SIR,­I received your favor of the 16th last night. I was out when it was

delivered, so knew not how it came, a circumstan ce no otherwise important than

as I am at a loss how or where to enquire for the packet which should have

accompanie d it, containing the commission s, instruction s, etc. I shall

immediately , however, make the enquiry. I am obliged to you for the order for

the journal. I shall make use of it to procure those of 1779-1783, and 







#¹ Copied from Collections of the N. Y. Historical Society for 1878, page 186# 







Correspond ence 455 







part of 1784 which my set wants. My matter in the printing way is dropped.

Aitken had formerly told me he would print it for £4 a sheet. He now asks £5

10s., which raises the price from £48 to £66; but what was a more effectual and

inseparable bar was that he could not complete it under three weeks, a time I

could not wait for it. Dunlap happened to be out of town, so I relinquishe d

the plan. Perhaps I may have a few copies struck off in Paris if there be an

English printer. If I do you shall assuredly have one. I shall take the liberty

of adding some of your notes­thos e which were mendatory merely will have their

effect on the body of the work. I left all the papers belonging to the Grand

Committee in the hands of Mr. Blanchard. Among these were the papers relating

to Vermont. My reason for not delivering them to you as I did the others, was,

that the Committee was to sit that morning. There are vessels arrived here

which left London as late as the 14th of April. Nothing important, however, has

yet been communicat ed from them. The principal interesting occurrence here is

a very daring insult committed on Mr. Marbois by a Frenchman, who calls himself

the Chevalier De Longchamp s, but he is in fact, the nephew of the Minister's

steward's wife. He obliged him in his own defence to box in the street like a

porter. He is demanded by the Minister to be delivered up by the Executive here

to be sent to France for punishment . They are plodding over the case. Whether

he be a citizen of America or not 







456 Jefferson's Works 







is not yet decided. I shall endeavor to make myself acquainted with the facts,

because it will probably be the cause of something disagreeabl e here, arid

perhaps on the other side of the water. T think there is a desire in the

Executive to give every satisfaction they can, but whether it is in the

syllables and letters of the law that a Frenchman committing an outrage may be

delivered up to his master for punishment is matter of dubity. You will hear

enough of it, as it comes to Congress, of course; so I will add no more than my

respectful compliment s to Mrs. Thomson and assurances to yourself that I am,

with much esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant. 







P. S. I find your letter came by post, but no packet with it. The arrival of so

late a vessel is now contradicte d. 







TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. ¹ 







BOSTON, June 19, 1784. 



DEAR SIR,­Suppo sing that Congress would communicat e to you directly the

powers committed to yourself, Mr. Adams and myself, I have delayed from day to

day the honor of writing to you, in hopes that every day would open to me a

certainty of the time and place at which I might sail. A French packet will

leave New York early in the month. By her I mean to take my passage, and may,

therefore, 







#l Published in Bigelow's Works of Franklin, vol. VIII, page 505.# 







Correspond ence 457 







expect, in the ordinary course of things, to have the pleasure of joining you

at Paris in the middle or latter part of August, and of communicat ing the

commission s and instruction s under which we are to act. The latter are more

special than those heretofore sent. I shall then also have the pleasure of

giving you more particular information of the situation of our affairs than I

could do by letter; in general, I may observe to you that their aspect is

encouragin g. 







Congress, understand ing that Mr. Jay was probably on his passage to America,

appointed him their Secretary for Foreign Affairs. It would give me peculiar

pleasure to meet with him before my departure, and to know that he will act in

an office with







which we shall be so immediately connected. Congress adjourned on the 3rd of

June, to meet at Trenton on the first Monday of November, leaving a committee

of the States at the helm during their recess. 







I have the pleasure to inform you that Mrs. Bache and her family were well when

I left Philadelphi a, which was about three weeks ago. In hopes of joining you

nearly as soon as you will receive this letter, I subscribe myself, with very

sincere esteem and regard, dear Sir, your most affectionat e humble servant. 



458 Jefferson's Works 







TO JAMES MADISON. 







BOSTON, July 1, 1784. 



DEAR SIR,­After visiting the principal towns through Connecticu t, Rhode

Island, this State, and New Hampshire, in order to acquire what knowledge I

could of their commerce and other circumstan ces, I am returned to this place,

and shall sail the day after to-morrow in the Ceres bound for London: but my

purpose is to get on shore in some boat on the coast of France and proceed

directly to Paris. My servant being sent off to-day, and much on hand to

prepare for my voyage, I have no time for any particular communicat ions.

Indeed, there are few I should have to make, unless I were to enter into a

detail which would be lengthy, as to the country and people I have visited. The

lower house of this State have passed a bill giving Congress the powers over

their commerce which they had asked. It had had two readings with the Senate,

and meets with no opposition. I find the conviction growing strongly that

nothing can preserve our confederac y unless the band of union, their common

council, be strengthen ed.