The Writings of



Thomas Jefferson







Definitive Edition







Containing His



Autobiography, notes on Virginia, Parliamentary Manual, Official Papers,

Messages and Addresses, and Other Writings, Official and Private, Now Collected

and







Published in Their entirety For The First Time







INCLUDING



ALL OF THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS, DEPOSITED IN THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE AND

PUBLISHED IN 1853 BY ORDER OF THE JOINT COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS



WITH NUMEROUS ILLUSTRATIONS



AND



A COMPREHENSIVE ANALYTICAL INDEX







Albert Ellery Bergh



Editor







VOL. X







ISSUED UNDER THE AUSPICES OF



The Thomas Jefferson Memorial Association



of the United States



Washington, D. C.



1907



















 JEFFERSON'S FAITH IN THE PEOPLE.















Of all America's great ones none presents so many-sided a character as Thomas

Jefferson. Nothing that came under his observation appears to have been too

great, or too lowly, to awaken his interest. To have awakened his interest in

any- thing meant that as perfect an understanding of that thing as was possible

would be stored away in his all-receptive mind to await the occasion when the

knowledge acquired might be used in some scheme for the promotion of the

welfare of humanity. At the age of thirty-two,. when he took his seat as a

delegate to Congress, he was already famous for his versatility, being credited

with competency to "calculate an eclipse, survey an estate, tie an artery, plan

an edifice, try a cause, break a horse, dance a minuet and play the violin. ''







Undoubtedly it was because of his insatiable thirst for knowledge and capacity

to acquire it that he has been so much accused by his foes of inconsistency,

with the implication, of course, that inconsistency and unreliability are

synonymous. Such accusation, however, will be made only by the shallow thinker;

for even should one be inclined 













ii Jefferson's Faith in the People







to grant that Thomas Jefferson was inconsistent to a degree regrettable to his

friends and delightful to his enemies, it will, upon examination and

reflection, be readily seen that inconsistency in great men is wholly

praiseworthy. Our Emerson is said to resemble Jefferson in that while people of

every complexion and shade of politics find their source in Jefferson, the same

is true of Emerson as regards theology and ethics. Emerson himself says that a

" terror that scares us from self-trust is our consistency; a reverence for our

past act or word, because the eyes of others have no other data for computing

our orbit than our past acts, and we are loath to disappoint them."







Indeed, how can it be otherwise than that with larger knowledge, added

experience and riper judgment, the point of view regarding many mundane things

must change. Where one's opinion or present belief is based upon self-evident

truth, inconsistency regarding that opinion or belief can be nothing short of

insanity. Emerson also says .. that ` ` A foolish consistency is the hobgoblin

of little minds, adored by little statesmen and philosophers and divines. With

consistency a great soul has simply nothing to do. He may as well concern

himself with the shadow on the wall. ''







There is one sublime idea, however, of which Jefferson is the greatest

exponent, and concerning which he was ever as consistent as is the sun in his

rising and his setting, and that was faith in the 













      Jefferson's Faith in the People iii







wisdom of the people as the final arbiters of all public questions. The

Declaration of Independence alone proves this. Jefferson "turned neither to

book nor pamphlet in writing it, '' and the charge that he plagiarised the

sentiments embodied in the document is groundless, for they are bottomed upon

the eternal verities, and truth is the exclusive property of no man. His

subsequent career and his voluminous writings prove that his whole soul was

saturated with the spirit of universal liberty and equality. Whoever through

all the past had enunciated the principles of human freedom, must, of course,

have found in Jefferson an attentive listener. And it matters not who or what

time had given forth those sentiments of liberty and equality, this was the

first occasion since the dawn of history upon this globe that the ideas had

been put to practical application, or that such sublime courage had been

displayed among the peoples of the earth as the casting by our infant republic

of the gage of battle in the form of the Declaration of Independence at the

feet of the mightiest of nations.







   "All words are thoughts, and a small drop of ink







Falling like dew upon a thought, produces







That which makes thousands, perhaps millions, think."







  The words of Jefferson in that document, signed by the people's

representatives, not only made the people think, but it showed the people that

there is no divinity that doth hedge an unjust king; it 













iv Jefferson's Faith in the People







leveled the barriers of caste and taught the people to see that there is no

true aristocracy except it be founded upon virtue and talent; it told men that

they were entitled to the free use of the natural gifts of God, to the right to

labor and to enjoy the fruits of that labor; to the right to the heretofore

unenjoyed prerogatives of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness so far as

was consistent with the equal rights of all. It revealed to the people that

they were the source from which sprung all power lodged 'in government, and

that Providence has not " sent a few men into the world, ready booted and

spurred to ride, and millions ready saddled and bridled to be ridden. '' Two

years before the Declaration of Independence was written, Jefferson in his ` `

Summary View '' ( 1774), made plain the policy of his life when he said, "

Kings are the servants, not the proprietors, of the people. ''







As evidence of his early confidence in the popular judgment, I will quote from

a letter to Thomas Adams, a London merchant, in 1770, where, in referring to

his correspondent's belief in the necessity of forming a separate chamber of

legislature of aristocrats as a protection to wealth against agrarian and

plundering enterprises of the majority of the people, he says: " From fifteen

to twenty legislatures of our own, in action for thirty years past, have proved

that no fears of an equalization of property are to be apprehended from them. I

think the best remedy is that provided by all our constitutions; to leave 













       Jefferson's Faith in the People v







to the citizens the free election and separation of the aristoi from the

pseudo-aristoi, of the wheat from the chaff. In general they will elect the

really good and wise. In some instances wealth may corrupt and birth blind

them, but not in sufficient degree to endanger the society." By the aristoi was

meant a natural aristocracy of moral and intellectual men.







  The result of the conflict between the colonies and the Mother country might

suggest that the idea of liberty at that time generating in the brain of the

people at large, cumulated and became incarnate in  Jefferson. For under the

impulse given to the desire for freedom by the lofty sentiments of the

Declaration, the unexpected happened, the impossible was accomplished and

Jefferson's faith in the tribunal of public opinion was augmented. An idea had

prevailed over strength and numbers, as had happened before in the history of

the world and as must ever happen when miracles are to be performed by men.







  It should not be understood that Jefferson's faith in the people as the

ultimate arbiters of public questions was blind. By no means! His faith did not

go to the extent of leading him to believe that in his own day and generation

the people were perfectly competent to solve with absolute correctness every

public problem that could be submitted to them. He knew, nevertheless, that

their instincts were true and that with time and opportu













vi Jefferson's Faith in the People







nity they would become competent. In founding the University of Virginia he

showed that, like Emerson, he believed that "the highest end of government is

the culture of men; and that if men can be educated, the institutions will

share their improvement, and moral sentiment will write the law of the land. ''







Jefferson has rightly been called the apostle of individualism. When he gave

liberty to the individual he desired also to bestow upon him character. He knew

that the character of the State mirrors forth the character of the citizen and

that a government is admirable, or otherwise, according to the aggregate of

culture in the populace. In his " Notes on Virginia. '' ( 1782 ), he says : ` `

In every government on earth is some trace of human weakness, some germ of

corruption and degeneracy, which cunning will discover and wickedness

insensibly open, cultivate and improve. Every government degenerates when

trusted to the rulers of the people alone. The people themselves, therefore,

are its only safe depositaries. And to render even them safe, their minds must

be improved to a certain degree. ''







Writing to Van der Kemp in 1812, he says : ` ` The only orthodox object of the

institution of government is to secure the greatest degree. of happiness

possible to the general mass of those associated under it. '' And- where will

the ignis fatuus, happiness, be secured if not in the possession of wisdom? 













      Jefferson's Faith in the People vii







He knew that wisdom was the only sure basis upon which a democracy could

endure, and he was strenuous and unfaltering in his efforts to furnish the

basis. As a member of the first Republican House of Delegates of Virginia, in

1776, he introduced a bill embodying a system of education provid- ing free

elementary schools for all children in the State for a term of three years,

high schools for advanced scholars and all to be crowned with a State

University. In a letter to George Wythe, in 1786, he said he thought that no

other sure foundation than the diffusion of knowledge among the people could be

devised for promoting the virtue and advancing the happiness of man. With

Macaulay, he might have added, "that is the best government that desires to

make the people happy, and knows how to make them happy. ''







Thus are we made aware that the extreme expressions of trust in the people so

often delivered by Jefferson were owing not at all to any questions of

expediency, had nothing whatever in common with the sops cast upon the ocean of

selfish purpose by narrow-gauge politicians and demagogues to curry popular

favor. His repeated declarations of thorough reliance upon the ultimate

judgment of the people. were based upon his all-biding faith in the final

ascendancy of the leaven of virtue that in a greater or less degree is present

in the constitution of every member of the human family. His democracy was the

resultant of his wisdom 













viii Jefferson's Faith in the People







and his splendid optimism regarding his fellow citizens. In his "Notes on

Virginia" (1782), he says: "The influence over government must be shared by all

the people. If every individual which composes their mass participates of the

ultimate authority, the government will be safe. ''







We need not, perhaps, be reminded that we must not look for perfection in any

man, and it may be admitted that there are points in Jefferson 's career where

the methods adopted by him, and the results attained through those methods, are

not the objects of unalloyed adulation even on the part of his friends. Still,

it can never be successfully denied that whatsoever he did was done with the

single intention of carrying out the will of the people to the enhancement of

their prosperity and in the belief that the means adopted by him were the best

available to secure the desired end.







  He loved freedom with an unfaltering love, and he never altered his

determination to do what in him lay toward giving freedom to the people. In a

community of landed aristocrats, he advocated an aristocracy of merit; a

slaveholder himself, and living in the midst of slaveholders, he advocated the

abolition of slavery; long before the State that was honored in being his

birthplace was ready for the innovation, he advocated a comprehensive system of

free education; unpopular and dangerous though it might thus early prove, he

advocated freedom of worship; he advocated the free appro













      Jefferson's Faith in the People ix







priation by the individual of vacant land; he declared for the highest possible

measure of local selfgovernment. He said, " every man and every body of men on

earth possesses the right of self--government. They receive it with their being

from the hand of nature. " He was the moving spirit in the execution of a deed

from Virginia to the United States of all the territory of the Northwest, and

he submitted                                     ` to Congress a plan, complete

in every detail, for the territory's division into states, whose growth was to

be fostered under a well-defined system of local government.







  Bacon says, " all states that are liberal of naturalization towards strangers

are fit for empire." Jefferson was the author of a bill passed by the

legislature of Virginia, making easy the conditions to be imposed upon

foreigners seeking naturalization, and those liberal conditions were adopted by

Congress when the first United States naturalization law was passed, and they

have ever since been retained. In 1776 he introduced his bill to secure

religious liberty, procuring its enactment after a struggle that lasted ten

years, and this not alone gives added proof of Jefferson 's faith in all the

people, but also points his place in the vanguard of the pioneers of progress;

for England with her centuries of civilization, maintained barriers that, on

grounds of religious belief, excluded Englishmen from holding public office

even down to the year 1888.







Jefferson invented many useful articles that, had 













      x    Jefferson's Faith in the People







  he patented them, would have placed him beyond the necessities that overtook

him. In this respect, however, as in every other, he sacrificed his personal

interests to the general good, and permitted all mankind to exercise what he

believed to be their natural right and freely enjoy whatever benefits those

inventions could bestow.







       Many were the adverse criticisms directed against many things in

Jefferson 's life and work ; but never did the critics succeed in alienating

from him the affections and confidence of the people to whom he had consecrated

his life and talents. They understood him intuitively and they knew that this

intellectual king among men was their friend, that his extraordinary powers

were entirely devoted to their service, and that, of all America's great sons,

he at least would try to lead them " out of the land of Egypt and out of the

house of bondage."







  That Jefferson's faith in the people as the final arbiters of all public

questions was as all-abiding as the rock-ribbed foundations of the " sure and

firmset earth," and as all-embracing as the broad



spread of the universe, must be patent to the most impatient student of his

life and work. Hundreds of proofs of this could be adduced. I will content

myself by adding to those already quoted a few more illustrative expressions of

his confidence in the people.







       In an opinion on French Treaties (1793), he says : " I consider a people

who constitute a society,











      Jefferson's Faith in the People xi







or nation as the source of all authority in that nation. ''







In a letter to Joseph Priestley (1802) : " Our people in a body are wise,

because they are under the unrestrained and unperverted operation of their own

understandings."







" Our citizens may be deceived for a while, and have been deceived ; but as

long as the press can be protected we trust them for light. '' (Apothegm.)







" Every society has a right to fix the fundamental principles of its

association." (To W. H. Crawford, 1816.) ` ` Writing to Edward Carrington in

1787, he says :







They [the people) may be led astray for a moment, but they will soon correct

themselves. The people are the only censors of their governors; and even their

errors will tend to keep these to the true principles of their institution."







" My earnest wish is to see the Republican element of popular control pushed to

the maximum of its practicable exercise." (To Isaac H. Tiffany, 1816.)







To the same purport are the following apothegms :







" I know no safe depositary of the ultimate powers of society but the people

themselves."







"The will of the majority honestly expressed should give law."







" To inform the minds of the people and to follow their will is the chief duty

of those placed at their head. ''







"I have such reliance on the good sense of the 













xii Jefferson's Faith in the People







body of the people and the honesty of their leaders that I am not afraid of

their letting things go wrong to any length in any cause. ''







A change of one word in the maxim, Salus populi suprema est lex, will give a

motto that might appropriately appear at the end of the works of Thomas

Jefferson :-







  Vox populi suprema est lex.







  











        CONTENTS







Jefferson's Faith in the People. By Hon. Alton



B. Parker, Chief Judge Court of Appeals of New



York...........................................................................

....................................i







Letters Written After His Return to the



United States,

1789-1826......................................................................

1-448



To Peregrine Fitzhugh, Esq., Feb. 23,

1798...........................................         1



To James Madison, March 2,

1798.....................................................           4



To James Madison, March 15,

1798.....................................................         6



To James Madison, March 21,

1798.......................................................       9



To ------------------, March 23,

1798..................................................       11



To Robert Patterson, March 27,

1798....................................................       15



To James Madison, March 29,

1798......................................................       16



To Edmund Pendleton, April 2,

1798......................................................       19



To James Madison, April 5,

1798...........................................................       22



To James Madison, April 6,

1798...........................................................       24



To James Madison, April 12,

1798.........................................................       27



To Peter Carr, April 12,

1798.................................................................       28



To James Madison, April 26,

1798..........................................................       31



To James Madison, May 3,

1798.............................................................       33



To James Lewis, Junior, May 9,

1798......................................................       36



To Colonel Monroe, May 21,

1798..........................................................      38



To James Madison, May 31,

1798.............................................................     40



To John Taylor, June 1,

1798.....................................................................    

44



To General Kosciusko, June 1,

1798.........................................................      47



To James Madison, June 21,

1798.............................................................      49



To Philip Nolan, June 24,

1798..................................................................      53



To Samuel Smith, August 22,

1798...........................................................       55







XIV            Contents







LETTERS WRITTEN AFTER HIS RETURN TO THE



UNITED STATES,  1789-1826 - continued



To A. H. Rowan, September 26, 1798.. .. . .                    59



To Stephens Thompson Mason, 0ctober 11, 1798                 61



To James Madison, November 17, 1798.... . .                    62



To John Taylor, November 26, 1798.... . .                     63



To James Madison, January 3, 1799. . ..                     67



To James Madison, January 16, 1799... .. .                    69



To Colonel Monroe, January 23, 1799.                 70



To Elbridge Gerry, January 26, 1799.. . .                74



To Edmund Pendleton, January 29, 1799                86



To Colonel N. Lewis, January 30, 1799              89



To James Madison, January 30, 1799. .                  92



To James Madison, February 5, 1799. . .. . .                   95



To Colonel Monroe, February I I, 1799.                 97



To Archibald Stuart, February 13, 1799... .. .                100



To Edmund Pendleton, February 14, 1799... .                   104



To James Madison, February 19, 1799... .. .                   110



To Edmund Pendleton, February 19, 1799.... .                  113



To General Kosciusko, February 21, 1799. . .                  115



To Chancellor Livingston, February 23, 1799..                 117



To James Madison, February 26, 1799               119



To Bishop Madison, February 27, 1799            122



To Thomas Lomax, March I z, 1799..         123



To Edmund Randolph, August 18, 1799                  125



To Wilson C. Nicholas, August 26, 1799... . .                 129



To Wilson C. Nicholas, September 5, 1799.               130



To James Madison, November 22, 1799.... ..                    132



To Colonel Monroe, January 12, 1800. . ... .                  134



To J. Parker, January 13, 1800... . . ...        136



To Morgan Brown, January 16, 1800.. . . ...                   138



To Dr. Priestley, January 18, 1800. .. .. . .                 138



To Henry Innis, Esq., January 23, 1800. . . .                 143



To Dr. Priestley, January 27, 1800. . ...         146



To John Breckenridge, January 29, 1800..                   149

















               Contents







LETTERS WRITTEN AFTER His RETURN TO THE



UNITED STATES, 1789-1826 - CONTINUED



To T. M. Randolph, February 2, 1800.           150



To Samuel Adams, February 26, 1800.. . ..               153



To James Madison, March 4, 1800. .. . . ..                154



To Colonel Hawkins,  March 14, 1800.... .. .               160



To P. N. Nicholas, April 7, 1800..                      162



To E. Livingston, Esq., April 30, 1800. . . . .           163



To James Madison, May 12, 1800.. . ..                 165



To Gideon Granger, August I3, 1800... .. ..               166



To Uriah M'Gregory, August 13, 1800.. .               170



To Dr. Benjamin Rush, September 23, 1800.. .              173



To Robert R. Livingston, December 14, 1800...             176



To Colonel Aaron Burr, December 15, 1800. ..               180



To Judge Breckenridge, December 18, 1800.. .               182



To James Madison, December 19, 1800... , ..                184



To James Madison, December 26, 1800.. . . .                186



To Tenche Coxe, Esq., December 31, 1800. . .               187



To Dr. Hugh Williamson, January 10, 1801. . .             188



To William Dunbar, Esq., January 12, 1801....              191



To Colonel Aaron Burr, February I, 1801. . ..              193



To Governor M'Kean, February 2, 1801        194



To Dr. Caspar Wistar, February 3, 1801. . ..               196



To Tenche Coxe, February II, 1801... . . .        198



To Dr. B. S. Barton, February 14, 1801. . . .              199



To James Monroe, February 15, 1801. . .. .                 201



To James Madison, February 18, 1801.. . .             202



To Henry Dearborn, February 18, 1801.. . ..              204.



To Major William Jackson, February 18, 1801             205



To T. M. Randolph, February 19, 1801.. . .. .              207



To the Hon. Samuel Dexter, February 20, 1801.           208



To the Hon. Benjamin Stoddart, February 21, 1801 . . . .. . . . . .. . .. .. .

. .         209



To Chancellor Livingston, February 24, 1801...            210



To Thomas Lomax, Esq., February 25, 1801. ..              210

















xvi             Contents







LETTERS WRITTEN AFTER HIS RETURN TO THE



UNITED STATES, 1789-1826 - continued             Page



To Gentlemen of the Senate, February 28, 1801..             212



To Marquis de Lafayette, March 1, 1801... . ..            213



To the President Pro Tempore of the Senate, March 2, 1801.         214



To the Honorable John Marshall, March 2, 1801           215



To the Speaker of the House of Representatives, March 3, 1801..        216



To John Dickinson, March 6,1801.. . . .. . .               216



To Colonel Monroe, March 7, 1801.. . . ... .                218



To Governor M'Kean. March 9, 1801.. . . . ..                222



To Joel Barlow, March 14, 1801.. . .. .. . ..               222



To Thomas Paine, March 18, 1801 .                           223



To Monsieur de Reyneval, March 20, 1801..... ..            225



To Dr. Joseph Priestley, March 21, 1801... . ..             227



To General Warren, March 21, 1801 ... ...                   231



To Nathaniel Niles, Esq., March 22, 1801.. . ..             232



To John Page, March 22, 1801.. .. . . .. ...                233



To Benjamin Waring, Esq., and  Others, March 23, 1801.        235



To Moses Robinson, March 23, 1801.. . ......               236



To William B. Giles, March 23, 1801.. .. .. ..              238



To Dr. Benjamin Rush, March 24, 1801.. . ....             241



To Don Joseph Yxnardi, March 26, 1801 ..                 244



To General Knox, March 27 1801... .. .. ...                245



To Messrs. Eddy, Russell, Thurber, Wheaton and Smith, March 27, 1802..       

248



To George Jefferson, March 27, 1801.... .. . ..             248



To Samuel Adams, March 29, 1801... . .. ...                250



To Elbridge Gerry, March 29, 1801. . .. .. .                251



To Dr. Walter Jones, March 31, 1801... .. . ..              255



To A. Stuart, Esq., April 8, 1801 ... .. .. . ..            256



To Hugh White, Esq., May 2, 1801. ... ... ..                258



To Gideon Granger, May 3, 1801. ... .. .. ..              259

















                Contents            xvii







LETTERS WRITTEN AFTER HIS RETURN TO THE



UNITED STATES, 1789-1826 - continued                                           

      PAGE



To Nathaniel Mason, May 141, 1801... ... .. .               260



To the General Assembly of Rhode Island and



Providence Plantations, May 26, 1801.. . ..                262



To Levi Lincoln, July II, 1801 ... .. .. .              263



To Governor Monroe, July 11, 1801.... .. .. .              267



To Elias Shipman and Others, a Committee of the



Merchants of New Haven, July 12, 1801... ..                268



To Levi Lincoln, August 26, 1801. .. .. .. .               273



To Robert R. Livingston, September 9, 1801.. .             277



To William Short, 0ctober 3, 1801. ... ... ..               284



Circular to the Heads of the Departments, and



Private, November 6, 1801. . ... ...         289



To Amos Marsh, Esq., November 20, 1801.. ...               292



To Governor Monroe, November 24, 1801. . ..                294



To the Reverend Isaac Story, December 5, 1801              298



To the President of the Senate, December 8, 1801           300



To John Dickinson, December 19, 1801 .. ..               301



To Dr. Benjamin Rush, December 20, 1801....                303



To Levi Lincoln, January 1, 1802..... ... . .          305



To Albert Gallatin, April I, 1802.... . .. ..              306



To General Kosciusko, April z, 1802.. .. . ..              309



To Robert R. Livingston, April 18, 1802... . .             311



To Monsieur Dupont de Nemours, April 25, 1802             316



To Joel Barlow, May 3, 1802. . . ...        319



To Albert Gallatin, June 19, 1802. .. .. . .               322



To Dr. Joseph Priestley, June 19, 1802.. ... .             324



To Rufus King, July 13, 1802... . .. .. . .                326



To Governor Monroe, July 15, 1802... . . .                 330



To Governor Monroe, July 17, 1802... . .         333



To Robert R. Livingston, 0ctober 10, 1802.. .              334



To Albert Gallatin, 0ctober 13, 1802.. . . .         337



To Levi Lincoln, 0ctober 25, 1802.. . . .         338



To Thomas Cooper, Esq., November 29, 1802. .               341

















xviii           Contents







LETTERS WRITTEN AFTER HIS RETURN TO THE



UNITED STATES, 1799-1826 -continued



To Governor Monroe, January 13, 1803.. .....                 343



To Monsieur Dupont de Nemours, February 1, 1803.        347



To Chancellor Livingston, February 3, 1803        352



To Professor Pictet, February 5, 1803.. .. ...               355



To General Andrew Jackson, February 16, 1803.                357



To Colonel Benjamin Hawkins, February 18, 1803               360



To , February 25, 1803.........                              365



To Dr. B. S. Barton, February 27, 1803. ... .                366



To Governor William H. Harrison, Feb.27, 1803                368



To Dr. Joseph Priestley, April g, 1803..... . .          374



To Edward Dowse, Esq., April 19, 1803. ... ..                376



To Albert Gallatin, April 21, 1803.. ... ...         378



To Dr. Benjamin Rush, April 21, 1803.. ... ..                379



To Dr. Hugh Williamson, April 30, 1803..... .                385



To Joseph H. Nicholson, May 13, 1803.. ... ..                387



To Governor W. C. C. Claiborne, May 24, 1803           390



To Sir John Sinclair, June 30, 1803. .. ... ..               396



To Captain Meriwether Lewis, July 4, 1803.. ..             398



To the Earl of Buchan, July 10, 1803.. . ... ..              399



To General Horatio Gates, July II, 1803. ...               402



To Monsieur Cabanis, July 12, 1803... . . ...                404



To Daniel Clarke, Esq., July 17, 1803... . ...               406



To John Breckenridge, August 12, 1803. . ...                407



To James Madison, August 25, 1803.. .. ....                  412



To Levi Lincoln, August 30, 1803.. . .. ...        415



To Wilson C. Nicholas, September 7, 1803... ..               417



To Dr. Benjamin Rush, 0ctober 4, 1803.. ....                  420



To Monsieur Dupont de Nemours, Nov. 1, 1803..                422



To Robert R. Livingston, November 4, 1803...                 424



To David Williams, November 14I, 1803... . ..                 428



To Captain Meriwether Lewis, November 16, 1803               431



To John Randolph, December 1, 1803... . . ..               435

















                Contents             xix











LETTERS WRITTEN AFTER HIS RETURN  TO THE



  UNITED    STATES, 1799-1826-Continued



To Albert Gallatin, December 13, 1803.. . . . .         436



To Governor George Clinton, December 31, 1803.         439



To Captain Meriwether Lewis, Jan. 22, 1804. . .         441



To Timothy Bloodworth, Esq., Jan. 29, 1804. .. .         443



To Dr. Joseph Priestley, Jan. 29, 1804. . . . . .         445







































 CORRESPONDENCE.







 LETTERS WRITTEN AFTER HIS RETURN



  TO THE UNITED STATES.



 1789-1826. 

















  TO PEREGRINE FITZHUGH, ESQ.







           PHILADELPHIA, February 23, 1798.







DEAR SIR,-I have yet to acknowledge your last favor which I received at

Monticello, and therefore cannot now refer to the date. The perversion of the

expressions of a former letter to you which you mention to have been made in

the newspapers, I had not till then heard of. Yet the spirit of it was not new.

I have been for some time used as the property of the newspapers, a fair mark

for every man's dirt. Some, too, have indulged themselves in this exercise who

would not have done it, had they known me otherwise than through these impure

and injurious channels. It is hard treatment, and for a singular kind of

offence, that of having obtained by the labors of a life the indulgent opinions

of a part of one's fellow-citizens. However, these moral evils must be







  VOL. X-I 













           Jefferson's Works







submitted to, like the physical scourges of tempest, fire, etc. We are waiting

with great anxiety to hear from our Envoys at Paris. But the very circumstance

of silence speaks, I think, plain enough. If there were danger of war, we

should certainly hear from them. It is impossible, if that were the aspect of

their negotiations, that they should not find or make occasion of putting us on

our guard, and of warning us to prepare. I consider therefore their silence as

a proof of peace. Indeed I had before imagined that when France had thrown down

the gauntlet to England, and was pointing all her energies to that object, her

regard for the subsistence of her islands would keep her from cutting off our

resources from them. I hope, therefore, we shall rub through the war, without

engaging in it ourselves, and that when in a state of peace our Legislature and

executive will endeavor to provide peaceable means of obliging foreign nations

to be just to us, and of making their injustice recoil on themselves. The

advantages of our commerce to them may be made the engine for this purpose,

provided we shall be willing to submit to occasional sacrifices, which will be

nothing in comparison with the calamities of war. Congress has nothing of any

importance before them, except the bill on foreign intercourse, and the

proposition to arm our merchant vessels. These will be soon decided, and if we

then get peaceable news from our Envoys, I know of nothing which ought to

prevent our immediate separation. It had been ex













              Correspondence







pected that we must have laid a land tax this session. However, it is thought

we can get along another year without it. Some very disagreeable differences

have taken place in Congress. They cannot fail to lessen the respect of the

public for the General Government, . and to replace their State governments in

a greater degree of comparative respectability. I do not think it for the

interest of the General Government itself, and still less of the Union at

large, that the State governments should be so little respected as they have

been. However, I dare say that in time all these as well as their central

government, like the planets revolving round their common sun, acting and acted

upon according to their respective weights and distances, will produce that

beautiful equilibrium on which our Constitution is founded, and which I believe

it will exhibit to the world in a degree of perfection, unexampled but in the

planetary system itself. The enlightened statesman, therefore, will endeavor to

preserve the weight and influence of every part, as too much given to any

member of it would destroy the general equilibrium. The ensuing month will

probably be the most eventful ever yet seen in modern Europe. It may probably

be the season preferred for the projected invasion of England. It is indeed a

game of chances. The sea which divides the combatants gives to fortune as well

as to valor its share of influence on the enterprise. But all the chances are

not on one side. The subjugation of England would be a general calamity. 













            Jefferson's Works







But happily it is impossible. Should it end in her being only republicanized, I

know not on what principle a true republican of our country could lament it,

whether he considers it as extending the blessings of a purer government to

other portions of mankind, or strengthening the cause of liberty in our own

country by the influence of that example. I do not indeed wish to see any

nation have a form of government forced on them ; but if it is to be done, I

should rejoice at its being a free one. Permit me to place here the tribute of

my regrets for the affecting loss lately sustained within your walls, and to

add that of the esteem and respect with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and

servant.















            TO JAMES MADISON.







              PHILADELPHIA, March 2, 1795.







  DEAR SIR,-I wrote to you last on the 2 ad ultimo ; since which I have

received yours without date, but probably of February the 18th or 19th. An

arrival to the eastward brings us some news, which you will see detailed in the

papers. The new partition of Europe is sketched, but how far authentic we know

not. It has some probability in its favor. The French appear busy in their

preparations for the invasion of England; nor is there any appearance of

movements on the part of Russia and Prussia which might divert them from it.







The late birth-night has certainly sown tares 













            Correspondence            5







among the exclusive federalists. It has winnowed the grain from the chaff. The

sincerely Adamites did not go. The Washingtonians went religiously, and took

the secession of the others in high dudgeon. The one sect threatens to desert

the levees, the other the parties. The Whigs went in number, to encourage the

idea that the birth-nights hitherto kept had been for the General and not the

President, and of course that time would bring an end to them. Goodhue, Tracy,

Sedgewick, etc., did not attend; but the three Secretaries and Attorney General

did.







We were surprised, the last week, with a symptom of a disposition to repeal the

stamp act. Petitions for that purpose had come from Rhode Island and Virginia,

and had been committed to rest with the Ways and Means. Mr. Harper, the

chairman, in order to enter on the law for amending it, observed it would be

necessary first to put the petitions for repeal out of the way, and moved an

immediate decision on this. The Rhode Islanders begged and prayed for a

postponement; that not knowing that this was the next question to be called up,

.they were not at all prepared; but Harper would show no mercy; not a moment's

delay would be allowed. It was taken up, and, on question without debate,

determined in favor of the petitions by a majority of ten. Astonished and

confounded, when an order to bring in a bill for revisal was named, they began

in turn to beg for time; two weeks, one week, three days, one day; not a moment

would be yielded. 













            Jefferson's Works







          They made three attempts for adjournment. But the majority appeared

to grow. It was decided, by a majority of sixteen, that the bill should be

brought in. It was brought in the next day, and on the day after passed and was

sent up to the Senate, who instantly sent it back rejected by a vote of fifteen

to twelve. Rhode Island and New Hampshire voted for the repeal in Senate. The

act will, thereforego into operation July the 1st, but probably without

amendments. However, I am persuaded it will be short-lived. It has already

excited great commotion



in Vermont, and grumblings in Connecticut. But they are so priest-ridden, that

nothing is expected from them, but the most bigoted passive obedience. No news

yet from our commissioners; but their silence is admitted to augur peace. There

is no talk yet of the time of adjourning, though it is admitted we have nothing

to do, but what could be done in a



fortnight or three weeks. When the spring opens, and we hear from our

commissioners, we shall probably draw pretty rapidly to a conclusion. A friend

of mine here wishes to get a copy of Mazzei's Recherches Historiques et

Politiques. Where are they?







          Salutations and adieu.















            TO JAMES MADISON.



                     PHILADELPHIA, March 15, 1798.







DEAR SIR,-I wrote you last on the 2d instant. Yours of the 4th is now at hand.

The public papers 













            Correspondence            7







will give you the news of Europe. The French decree making the vessel friendly

or enemy, according to the hands by which the cargo was manufactured, has

produced a great sensation among the merchants here. Its operation is not yet

perhaps well understood; but probably it will put our shipping out of

competition, because British bottoms, which can come under convoy, will alone

be trusted with return cargoes. Ours, losing this benefit, would need a higher

freight out, in which, therefore, they will be. underbid by the British. They

must then retire from the competition. Some no doubt will try other channels of

commerce, and return cargoes from other countries. This effect would be

salutary. A very well-informed merchant, too, (a Scotchman, entirely in the

English trade,) told me, he thought it would have another good effect, by

checking and withdrawing our extensive commerce and navigation (the fruit of

our natural position) within those bounds to which peace must necessarily bring

them. That this being done by degrees, will probably prevent those numerous

failures produced generally by a peace coming on suddenly. Notwithstanding this

decree, the sentiments of the merchants become more and more cooled and settled

down against arming. Yet it is believed the Representatives do not cool ; and

though we think the question against arming will be carried, yet probably by a

majority of only four or five. Their plan is, to have convoys furnished for our

vessels going to Europe, and smaller vessels for the coasting 













            Jefferson's Works







defence. On this condition, they will agree to fortify southern harbors, and

build some galleys. It has been concluded among them, that if war takes place,

Wolcott is to be retained in office, that the President must give up M'Henry,

and as to Pickering they are divided, the eastern men being determined to

retain him, their middle and southern brethren wishing to get rid of him. They

have talked of General Pinckney as successor to M'Henry. This information is

certain. However, I hope we shall avoid war, and save them the trouble of a

change of ministry. The President has nominated John Quincy Adams Commissioner

Plenipotentiary to renew the treaty with Sweden: Tazewell made a great stand

against it, on the general ground that we should let our treaties drop, and

remain without any. He could only get eight votes against twenty. A trial will

be made to-day in another form, which he thinks will give ten or eleven against

sixteen or seventeen, declaring the renewal inexpedient. In this case,

notwithstanding the nomination has been confirmed, it is supposed the President

would perhaps not act under it, on the probability that more that the third

would be against the ratification. I believe, however, that he would act, and

that a third could not be got to oppose the ratification. It is acknowledged we

have nothing to do but to decide the question about arming. Yet not a word is

said about adjourning; and some even talk of continuing the session permanently

; others talk of July and August. An effort, however, will soon be made for an

early adjournment, 













             Correspondence







  My friendly salutations to Mrs. Madison; to yourself an affectionate adieu.















             TO JAMES MADISON.







              PHILADELPHIA, March 21, 1798.







  DEAR SIR,-I wrote you last on the 15th ; since that, yours of the 12th has

been received. since that, too, a great change has taken place in the

appearance of our political atmosphere. The merchants, as before, continue, a

respectable part of them, to wish to avoid arming. The French decree operated

on them as a sedative, producing more alarm than resentment ; on the

Representatives, differently. It excited indignation highly in the war party,

though I do not know that it had added any new friends to that side of the

question. We still hoped a majority of about four; but the insane message which

you will see in the public papers has had great effect. Exultation on the one

side, and a certainty of victory ; while the other is petrified with

astonishment. Our Evans, though his soul is wrapt up in the sentiments of this

message, yet afraid to give a vote openly for it, is going off to-morrow, as is

said. Those who count, say there are still two members of the other side who

will come over to that of peace. If so, the members will be for war measures,

fifty-two, against them fifty-three; if all are present except Evans. The

question is, what is to be attempted, supposing we have a majority? I sug













10        Jefferson's Works







gest two things : 1. As the President declares he has withdrawn the executive

prohibition to arm, that Congress should pass a legislative one. If that should

fail in the Senate, it would heap coals of fire on their heads. 2. As, to do

nothing and to gain time is everything with us, I propose that they shall come

to a resolution of adjournment, "in order to go home and consult their

constituents on the great crisis of American affairs now existing. '' Besides

gaining time enough by this, to allow the descent on England to have its effect

here as well as there, it will be a means of exciting the whole body of the

people from the state of inattention in which they are ; it will require every

member to call for the sense of his district by petition or instruction ; it

will show the people with which side of the House their safety as well as their

rights rest, by showing them which is for war and which for peace ; and their

Representatives will return here invigorated by the avowed support of the

American people. I do not know, however, whether this will be approved, as

there has been little consultation on the subject. We see a new instance of the

inefficiency of constitutional guards. We had relied with great security on

that provision, which requires two-thirds of the Legislature to declare war.

But this is completely eluded by a majority's taking such measures as will be

sure to produce war. I wrote you in my last, that an attempt was to be made on

that day in Senate, to declare the inexpediency of renewing our treaties. But

the measure 













            Correspondence           11







is put off under the hope of its being attempted under better auspices. To

return to the subject of war, it is quite impossible, when we consider all the

existing circumstances, to find any reason in its favor resulting from views

either of interest or honor, and plausible enough to impose even on the weakest

mind ; and especially, when it would be undertaken by a majority of one or two

only. Whatever then be our stock of charity or liberality, we must resort to

other views. And those so well known to have been entertained at Annapolis, and

afterwards at the grand convention, by a particular set of men, present

themselves as those alone which can account for so extraordinary a degree of

impetuosity. Perhaps, instead of what was then in contemplation, a separation

of the Union, which has been so much the topic to the eastward of late, may be

the thing aimed at. I have written so far, two days before the departure of the

post. Should anything more occur to-day or to-morrow, it shall be added. Adieu

affectionately.















              TO - (1)







        PHILADELPHIA, March 23, 1798







DEAR SIR,-I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of August 16th and

18th, together with the box of seed accompanying the former, which has just

come to hand. The letter of the 4th of June, which you mention to have

committed to Mr. King,







  1 Address lost. 













12          Jefferson's Works







has never been received. It has most likely been intercepted on the sea, now

become a field of lawless and indiscriminate rapine and violence. The first box

which came through Mr. Donald, arrived safely the last year, but being a little

too late for that season, its contents have been divided between Mr. Randolph

and myself, and will be committed to the earth now immediately. The peas and

the vetch are most acceptable indeed. Since you were here, I have tried that

species of your field pea which is cultivated in New York, and begin to fear

that that plant will scarcely bear our sun and soil. A late acquisition too of

a species of our country pea, called the cow pea, has pretty well supplied the

place in my husbandry which I had destined for the European field pea. It is

very productive, excellent food for man and beast, awaits without loss our

leisure for gathering, and shades the ground very closely through the hottest

months of the year. This with the loosening of the soil, I take to be the chief

means by which the pea improves the soil. We know that the sun in our cloudless

climate is the most powerful destroyer of fertility in naked ground, and

therefore that the perpetual fallows will not do here, which are so beneficial

in a cloudy climate. Still I shall with care try all the several kinds of pea

you have been so good as to send me, and having tried all hold fast that which

is good. Mr. Randolph is peculiarly happy in having the barleys committed to

him, as he had been desirous of going considerably into that 













            Correspondence           13







culture. I was able at the same time to put into his hands Siberian barley,

sent me from France. I look forward with considerable anxiety to the success of

the winter vetch, for it gives us a good winter crop, and helps the succeeding

summer one. It is something like doubling the produce of the field. I know it

does well in Italy, and therefore have the more hope here. My experience leaves

me no fear as to the success of clover. I have never seen finer than in some of

my fields which have never been manured. My rotation is triennial ; to wit, one

year of wheat and two of clover in the stronger fields, or two of peas in the

weaker, with a crop of Indian corn and potatoes between every other rotation,

that is to say once in seven years. Under this easy course of culture, aided

with some manure, I hope my fields will recover their pristine fertility, which

had in some of them been completely exhausted by perpetual crops of Indian corn

and wheat alternately. The atmosphere is certainly the great workshop of nature

for elaborating the fertilizing principles and insinuating them into the soil.

It has been relied on as the sole means of regenerating our soil by most of the

land-holders in the canton I inhabit, and where rest has been resorted to

before a total exhaustion, the soil has never failed to recover. If, indeed, it

be so run down as to be incapable of throwing weeds or herbage of any kind, to

shade the soil from the sun, it either goes off in gullies, and is entirely

lost, or remains exhausted till a growth springs up 













14          Jefferson's Works







of such trees as will rise in the poorest soils. Under the shade of these and

the cover soon formed of their deciduous leaves, and a commencing herbage, such

fields sometimes recover in a long course of years; but this is too long to be

taken into a course of husbandry. Not so, however, is the term within which the

atmosphere alone will reintegrate a soil rested in due season. A year of wheat

will be balanced by one, two, or three years of rest and atmospheric influence,

according to the quality of the soil. It has been said that no rotation of

crops will keep the earth in the same degree of fertility without the aid of

manure. But it is well known here that a space of rest greater or less in

spontaneous herbage, will restore the exhaustion of a single crop. This then is

a rotation; and as it is not to be believed that spontaneous herbage is the

only or best covering during rest, so may we expect that a substitute for it

may be found which will yield profitable crops. Such perhaps are clover, peas,

vetches, etc. A rotation then may be found, which by giving time for the slow

influence of the atmosphere, will keep the soil in a constant and equal state

of fertility. But the advantage of manuring, is that it will do more in one

than the atmosphere would require several years to do, and consequently enables

you so much the oftener to take exhausting crops from the soil, a circumstance

of importance where there is more labor than land. I am much indebted.







            Correspondence          15















           TO ROBERT PATTERSON.







             PHILADELPHIA, March 27, 1798.







  DEAR SIR,-In the lifetime of Mr. Rittenhouse, I communicated to him the

description of a mouldboard of a plough which I had constructed, and supposed

to be what we might term the mould-board of least resistance. I asked not only

his opinion, but that he would submit it to you also. After he had considered

it, he gave me his own opinion that it was demonstrably what I had supposed,

and I think he said he had communicated it to you. Of that however I am not

sure, and therefore now take the liberty of sending you a description of it and

a model, which I have prepared for the Board of Agriculture of England at their

request. Mr. Strickland, one of their members, had seen the model, and also the

thing itself in use in my farms, and thinking favorably of it, had mentioned it

to them. My purpose in troubling you with it, is to ask the favor of you to

examine the description rigorously, and suggest to me any corrections or

alterations which you may think necessary, and would wish to have the ideas go

as correct as possible out of my hands. I had sometimes thought of giving it

into the Philosophical Society, but I doubted whether it was worth their.

notice, and supposed it not exactly in the line of their ordinary publications.

I had, therefore, contemplated the sending it to some of our agricultural

societies, in whose way it was more particularly, 













16          Jefferson's Works







when I received the request of the English board. The papers I enclose you are

the latter part of a letter to Sir John Sinclair, their president. It is to go

off by the packet, wherefore I will ask the favor of you to return them with

the model in the course of the present week, with any observations you will be

so good as to favor me with. I am with great esteem                            

          dear Sir, your most obedient servant.















            TO JAMES  MADISON.







             PHILADELPHIA, March 29, 1798.







DEAR SIR,-I wrote you last on the 21st. Yours of the 12th, therein

acknowledged, is the last received. The measure I suggested in mine, of

adjourning for consultation with their constituents, was not brought forward;

but on Tuesday three resolutions were moved, which you will see in the public

papers. They were offered in committee, to prevent their being suppressed by

the previous question, and in the committee on the state of the Union, to put

it out of their power, by the rising of the committee and not sitting again, to

get rid of them. They were taken by surprise, not expecting to be called to

vote on such a proposition as "that it is inexpedient to resort to war against

the French republic. '' After spending the first day in seeking on every side

some hole to get out at, like an animal first put into a cage, they gave up

their resource. Yesterday they came forward boldly, and openly combated the

proposi













             Correspondence







tion. Mr. Harper and Mr. Pinckney pronounced bitter philippics against France,

selecting such circumstances and aggravations as to give the worst picture they

could present. The latter, on this, as in the affair of Lyon and Griswold, went

far beyond that moderation he has on other occasions recommended. We know not

how it will go. Some think the resolution will be lost, some, that it will be

carried; but neither way, by a majority of more than one or two. The decision

of the Executive, of twothirds of the Senate, and half the House of

Representatives, is too much for the other half of that House. We therefore

fear it will be borne down, and are under the most gloomy apprehensions. In

fact, the question of war and peace depends now on a toss of cross and pile. If

we could but gain this season, we should be saved. The affairs of Europe would

of themselves save us. Besides this, there can be no doubt that a revolution of

opinion in Massachusetts and Connecticut is working. Two Whig presses have been

set up in each of those States. There has been for some days a rumor, that a

treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive with Great Britain, has arrived.

Some circumstances have occasioned it to be listened to; to wit, the arrival of

Mr. King's secretary, which is affirmed, the departure of Mr. Liston's

secretary, which I know is to take place on Wednesday next, the high tone of

the executive measures at the last and present session, calculated to raise

things to the unison of







   VOL. X-2 













18         Jefferson's Works







such a compact, and supported so desperately in both Houses in opposition to

the pacific wishes of the people, and at the risk of their approbation at the

ensuing election. Langdon yesterday, in debate, mentioned this current report.

Tracy, in reply, declared he knew of no such thing, did not believe it, nor

would be its advocate.







  An attempt has been made to get the Quakers to come forward with a petition,

to aid with the weight of their body the feeble band of peace. They have, with

some effort, got a petition signed by a few of their society; the main body of

their society refuse it. M'Lay's peace motion in the Assembly of Pennsylvania

was rejected with an unanimity of the Quaker vote, and it seems to be well

understood, that their attachment to England is stronger than to their

principles or their country. The revolution war was a first proof of this. Mr.

White, from the federal city, is here, soliciting money for the buildings at

Washington. A bill for two hundred thousand dollars has passed the House of

Representatives, and is before the Senate, where its fate is entirely

uncertain. He has become perfectly satisfied that Mr. Adams is radically

against the government's being there. Goodhue (his oracle) openly said in

committee, in presence of White, that he knew the government was obliged to go

there, but they would not be obliged to stay there. Mr. Adams said to White,

that it would be better that the President should rent a common house there, to

live in; that 













             Correspondence          19







no President would live in the one now building. This harmonizes with Goodhue's

idea of a short residence. I wrote this in the morning, but need not part with

it till night. If anything occurs in the day it shall be added. Adieu.















           TO EDMUND PENDLETON.







               PHILADELPHIA, April 2, 1798.







  DEAR SIR,-I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of January 29th,

and as the rising of Congress seems now to be contemplated for about the last

of this month, and it is necessary that I settle Mr. Short's matter with the

Treasury before my departure, I take the liberty of saying a word on that

subject. The sum you are to pay is to go to the credit of a demand which Mr.

Short has on the treasury of the United States, and for which they consider Mr.

Randolph as liable to them, so that the sum he pays to Short directly lessens

so much the balance to be otherwise settled. Mr. Short, by a letter received a

few days ago, has directed an immediate employment of the whole sum in a

particular way. I wish your sum settled, therefore, that I may call on the

Treasury for the exact balance. I should have thought your best market for

stock would have been here, and, I am convinced, the quicker sold the better;

for, should the war measures recommended by the Executive, and taken up by the

Legislature, be carried through, the fall of stock will be very 













20         Jefferson's Works







sudden, war being then more than probable. Mr. Short holds some stock here,

and, should the first of Mr. Sprigg's resolutions, now under debate in the

lower House, be rejected, I shall, within 24 hours from the rejection, sell out

the whole of Mr. Short's stock. How that resolution will be disposed of (to

wit, that against the expediency of war with the French Republic), is very

doubtful. Those who count votes vary the issue from a majority of q. against

the resolution to 2 or 3 majority in its favor. So that the scales of peace and

war are very nearly in equilibrio. Should the debate hold many days, we shall

derive aid from the delay. Letters received from France by a vessel just

arrived, concur in assuring us, that, as all the French measures bear equally

on the Swedes and Danes as on us, so they have no more purpose of declaring war

against us than against them. Besides this, a wonderful stir is commencing in

the eastern States. The dirty business of Lyon and Griswold was of a nature to

fly through the newspapers, both Whig and Tory, and to excite the attention of

all classes. It, of course, carried to their attention, at the same time, the

debates out of which that affair springs. The subject of these debates was,

whether the representatives of the people were to have no check on the

expenditure of the public money, and the Executive to squander it at their

will, leaving to the Legislature only the drudgery of furnishing the money.

They begin to open their eyes on this to the eastward, and to sus













             Correspondence           21







pect they have been hoodwinked. Two or three Whig presses have set up in

Massachusetts, and as many more in Connecticut. The late war message of the

President has added new alarm. Town meetings have begun in Massachusetts, and

are sending on their petitions and remonstrances by great majorities, against

war measures, and these meetings are likely to spread. The present debate, as

it gets abroad, will further show them, that it is their members who are for

war measures. It happens, fortunately, that these gentlemen are obliged to

bring 'themselves forward exactly in time for the eastern elections to

Congress, which come on in the course of the ensuing summer. We have,

therefore, great reason to expect some favorable changes in the Representatives

from that quarter. The same is counted on with confidence from Jersey,

Pennsylvania, and Maryland; perhaps one or two also in Virginia; so that, after

the next election, the Whigs think themselves certain of a very strong majority

in the House of Representatives ; and though against the other branches they

can do nothing good, yet they can hinder them from doing ill. The only source

of anxiety, therefore, is to avoid war for the present moment. If we can defeat

the measures leading to that during this session, so as to gain this summer,

time will be given, as well for the public mind to make itself felt, as for the

operations of France to have their effect in England as well as here. If, on

the contrary, war is forced on, the Tory 













22          Jefferson's Works







interest continues dominant, and to them alone must be left, as they alone

desire to ride on the whirlwind, and direct the storm. The present period,

therefore, of two or three weeks, is the most eventful ever known since that of

1775, and will decide whether the principles established by that contest are to

prevail, or give way to those they subverted. Accept the friendly salutations

and prayers for your health and happiness, of, dear Sir, your sincere and

affectionate friend.















            TO JAMES MADISON.







              PHILADELPHIA, April 5, 1798.







DEAR SIR,-I wrote you last on the 29th ultimo; since which I have no letter

from you. These acknowledgments regularly made and attended to, will show

whether any of my letters are intercepted, and the impression of my seal on wax

(which shall be constant hereafter) will discover whether they are opened by

the way. The nature of some of my communications furnishes ground of inquietude

for their safe conveyance. The bill for the federal buildings labors hard in

Senate, though, to lessen opposition, the Maryland Senator himself proposed to

reduce the two hundred thousand dollars to one-third of that sum. Sedgewick and

Hillhouse violently oppose it. I conjecture that the votes will be either

thirteen for and fifteen against it, or fourteen and fourteen Every member

declares he means to go there, but 













            Correspondence







though charged with an intention to come away again, not one of them disavow

it. This will engender incurable distrust. The debate on Mr. Sprigg's

resolutions has been interrupted by a motion to call for papers. This was

carried by a great. majority. In this case, there appeared a separate squad, to

wit, the Pinckney interest, which is a distinct thing, and will be seen

sometimes to lurch the President. It is in truth the Hamilton party, whereof

Pinckney is made only the stalking horse. The papers have been sent in and

read, and it is now under debate in both Houses, whether they shall be

published. I write in the morning, and if determined in the course of the day

in favor of publication, I will add in the evening a general idea of their

character. Private letters from France, by a late vessel which sailed from

Havre, February the 5th, assure us that France, classing us in her measures

with the Swedes and Danes, has no more notion of declaring war against us than

them. You will see a letter in Bache's paper of yesterday, which came addressed

to me. Still the fate of Sprigg's resolutions seems in perfect equilibrio. You

will see in Fenno two numbers of a paper signed Marcellus. They promise much

mischief, and are ascribed, without any difference of opinion, to Hamilton. You

must, my dear Sir, take up your pen against this champion. You know the

ingenuity of his talents ; and there is not a person but yourself who can foil

him. For heaven's sake, then, take up your pen, and do not desert the public

cause altogether. 













24         Jefferson's Works







 Thursday evening. The Senate have, to-day, voted the publication of the

communications from our Envoys. The House of Representatives decided against

the publication by a majority of seventy-five to twenty-four. The Senate

adjourned, over tomorrow (Good Friday), to Saturday morning ; but as the papers

cannot be printed within that time, perhaps the vote of the House of

Representatives may induce the Senate to reconsider theirs. For this reason, I

think it my duty to be silent on them. Adieu.















            TO JAMES MADISON.







              PHILADELPHIA, April 6, 1798.







 DEAR SIR,-So much of the communications from our Envoys has got abroad, and so

partially, that there can now be no ground for reconsideration with the Senate.

I may, therefore, consistently with duty, do what every member of the body is

doing. Still, I would rather you would use the communication with reserve till

you see the whole papers. The first impressions from them are very disagreeable

and confused. Reflection, however, and analysis resolve them into this. Mr.

Adams' speech to Congress in May is deemed such a national affront, that no

explanation on other topics can be entered on till that, as a preliminary, is

wiped away by humiliating disavowals or acknowledgments. This working hard with

our Envoys, and indeed seeming impracticable 













             Correspondence           25







for want of that sort of authority, submission to a heavy amendment (upwards of

a million sterling) was, at an after meeting, suggested as an alternative,

which might be admitted if proposed by us. These overtures had been through

informal agents; and both the alternatives bringing the Envoys to their ne

plus, they resolve to have no more communication through inofficial characters,

but to address a letter directly to the government, to bring forward their

pretensions. This letter had not yet, however, been prepared. There were,

interwoven with these overtures, some base propositions on the part of

Talleyrand, through one of his agents, to sell his interest and influence with

the Directory towards soothing difficulties with them, in consideration of a

large sum (fifty thousand pounds sterling) ; and the arguments to which his

agent resorted to induce compliance with this demand, were very unworthy of a

great nation, (could they be imputed to them,) and calculated to excite disgust

and indignation in Americans generally, and alienation in the republicans

particularly, whom they so far mistake, as to presume an attachment to France

and hatred to the federal party, and not the love of their country, to be their

first passion. No difficulty was expressed towards an adjustment of all

differences and misunderstandings, or even ultimately a payment for

spoliations, if the insult from our Executive should be first wiped away.

Observe, that I state all this from only a single hearing of the papers, and

there. 













26          Jefferson's Works







fore it may not be rigorously correct. The little slanderous imputation before

mentioned, has been the bait which hurried the opposite party into this

publication. The first impressions with the people will be disagreeable, but

the last and permanent one will be, that the speech in May is now the only

obstacle to accommodation, and the real cause of war, if war takes place. And

how much will be added to this by the speech of November, is yet to be learned.

It is evident, however, on reflection, that these papers do not offer one

motive the more for our going to war. Yet such is their effect on the minds of

wavering characters, that I fear, that to wipe off the imputation of being

French partisans, they will go over to the war measures so furiously pushed by

the other party. It seems, indeed, as if they were afraid they should not be

able to get into war till Great Britain shall be blown up, and the prudence of

our countrymen from that circumstance, have influence enough to prevent it. The

most artful misrepresentations of the contents of these papers were published

yesterday, and produced such a shock in the republican mind, as had never been

seen since our independence. We are to dread .the effects of this dismay till

their fuller information. Adieu. 













             Correspondence















       TO JAMES MADISON.







              PHILADELPHIA, April 12, 1798.







  DEAR SIR,-I wrote you two letters on the 5th and 6th instant ; since which I

have received yours of the 2d. I send you, in a separate package, the

instructions to our Envoys and their communications. You will find that my

representation of their contents from memory, was substantially just. The

public mind appears still in a state of astonishment. There never was a moment

in which the aid of an able pen was so important to place things in their just

attitude. On this depend the inchoate movement in the eastern mind, and the

fate of the elections in that quarter, now beginning and to continue through

the summer. I would not propose to you such a task on any ordinary occasion.

But be assured that a well-digested analysis of these papers would now decide

the future turn of things, which are at this moment on the creen. The merchants

here are meeting under the auspices of Fitzsimmons, to address the President

and approve his propositions. Nothing will be spared on that side. Sprigg's

first resolution against the expediency of war, proper at the time it was

moved, is now postponed as improper, because to declare that, after we have

understood it has been proposed to us to try peace, would imply an acquiescence

under that proposition. All, therefore, which the advocates of peace can now

attempt, is to prevent war measures externally, consenting to 













28          Jefferson's Works







every rational measure of internal defence and preparation. Great expenses will

be incurred; and it will be left to those whose measures render them necessary,

to provide to meet them. They already talk of stopping all payments of

interest, and of a land tax. These will probably not be opposed. The only

question will be, how to modify the land tax. On this there may be a great

diversity of sentiment. One party will want to make it a new source of

patronage and expense. If this business is taken up, it will lengthen our

session. We had pretty generally, till now, fixed on the beginning of May for

adjournment. I shall return by my usual routes, and not by the Eastern Shore,

on account of the advance of the season. Friendly salutations to Mrs. Madison

and yourself. Adieu.















             TO PETER CARR.







             PHILADELPHIA, April 12, 1798.







As the instruction to our Envoys and their communications have excited a great

deal of curiosity, I enclose you a copy. You will perceive that they have been

assailed by swindlers, whether with or without the participation of Talleyrand

is not very apparent. The known corruption of his character renders it very

possible he may have intended to share largely in the 50,000 demanded. But that

the Directory know anything of it is neither proved nor probable. On the

contrary,







             Correspondence           29







when the Portuguese ambassador yielded to like attempts of swindlers, the

conduct of the Directory in imprisoning him for an attempt at corruption, as

well as their general conduct really magnanimous, places them above suspicion.

It is pretty evident that Mr. A.'s speech is in truth the only obstacle to

negotiation. That humiliating disavowals of that are demanded as a preliminary,

or as a commutation for that a heavy sum of money, about a million sterling.

This obstacle removed, they seem not to object to an arrangement of all

differences, and even to settle and acknowledge themselves debtors for

spoliations. Nor does it seem that negotiation is at an end, as the President's

message says, but that it is in its commencement only. The instructions comply

with the wishes expressed in debate in the May session to place France on as

good footing as England, and not to make a sine qua non of the indemnification

for spoliation; but they declare the war in which France is engaged is not a

defensive one, they reject the naturalization of French ships, that is to say

the exchange of naturalization which France had formerly proposed to us, and

which would lay open to us the unrestrained trade of her West Indies and all

her other possessions; they declare the 10th article of the British treaty,

against sequestering debts, money in the funds, bank stock, etc., to be founded

in morality, and therefore of perpetual obligation, and some other

heterodoxies. 













            Jefferson's Works







  You will have seen in the newspapers some resolutions proposed by Mr. Sprigg,

the first of which was, that it was inexpedient under existing circumstances to

resort to war with France. Whether this could have been carried before is

doubtful, but since it is known that a sum of money has been demanded, it is

thought that this resolution, were it now to be passed, would imply a

willingness to avoid war even by purchasing peace. It is therefore postponed.

The peace party will agree to all reasonable measures of internal defence, but

oppose all external preparations. Though it is evident that these

communications do not present one motive the more for going to war, yet it may

be doubted whether we are strong enough to keep within the defensive line. It

is thought the expenses contemplated will render a land tax necessary before we

separate. If so, it will lengthen the session. The first impressions from these

communications are disagreeable ; but their ultimate effect on the public mind

will not be favorable to the war party. They may have some effect in the first

moment in stopping the movement in the Eastern States, which were on the creen,

and were running into town meetings, yet it is believed this will be momentary

only, and will be over before their elections. Considerable expectations were

formed of changes in the Eastern delegations favorable to the Whig interest.

Present my best respects to Mrs. Carr, and accept yourself assurance of

affectionate esteem. 













            Correspondence          31















       TO JAMES MADISON.







             PHILADELPHIA, April 26, 1798.







 DEAR SIR,-







 *     * * * *     *    *   *   *   *







The bill for the naval armament (twelve vessels) passed by a majority of about

four to three in the House of Representatives; all restrictions on the objects

for which the vessels should be used were struck out. The bill for establishing

a department of Secretary of the Navy was tried yesterday, on its passage to

the third reading, and prevailed by forty-seven against forty-one. It will be

read the third time to-day. The provisional army of twenty thousand men will

meet some difficulty. It would surely be rejected if our members were all here.

Giles, Clopton, Cabell and Nicholas have gone, and Clay goes to-morrow. He

received here news of the death of his wife. Parker has completely gone over to

the war party: In this state of things they will carry what they please. One of

the war party, in a fit of unguarded passion, declared sometime ago they would

pass a citizen bill, an alien bill, and a sedition bill; accordingly, some days

ago, Coit laid a motion on the table of the House of Representatives for

modifying the citizen law. Their threats pointed at Gallatin, and it is

believed they will endeavor to reach him by this bill. Yesterday Mr. Hillhouse

laid on the table of the Senate a motion for giving power to send away

suspected 













             Jefferson's Works







aliens. This is understood to be meant for Volney and Collot. But it will not

stop there when it gets into a course of execution. There is now only wanting,

to accomplish the whole declaration before mentioned, a sedition bill, which we

shall certainly soon see proposed. The object of that, is the suppression of

the Whig presses. Bache's has been particularly named. That paper and also

Carey's totter for want of subscriptions. We should really exert ourselves to

procure them, for if these papers fall, 'republicanism will be entirely

browbeaten. Carey's paper comes out three times a week, at five dollars. The

meeting of the people which was called at New York, did nothing. It was found

that the majority would be against the address. They therefore chose to

circulate it individually The Committee of Ways and Means have voted a land

tax. An additional tax on salt will certainly be proposed in the House, and

probably prevail to some degree. The stoppage of interest on the public debt

will also, perhaps, be proposed, but not with effect. In the meantime, that

paper cannot be sold. Hamilton is coming on as Senator from New York. There

have been so much contrivance and combination in that, as to show there is some

great object in hand. Troup, the district judge of New York, resigns towards

the close of the session of their Assembly. The appointment of Mr. Hobart, then

Senator, to succeed Troup, is not made by the President till after the Assembly

had risen. 













             Correspondence          33







Otherwise, they would have chosen the Senator in place of Hobart. Jay then

names Hamilton Senator, but not till a day or two before his own election as

Governor was to come on, lest the unpopularity of the nomination should be in

time to affect his own election. We shall see in what all this is to end; but

surely in something. The popular movement in the Eastern States is checked, as

we expected, and war addresses are showering in from New Jersey and the great

trading towns. However, we still trust that a nearer view of war and a land tax

will oblige the great mass of the people to attend. At present, the war hawks

talk of septembrizing, deportation, and the examples for quelling sedition set

by the French executive. All the firmness of the human mind is now in a state

of requisition.







  Salutations to Mrs. Madison; and to yourself, friendship and adieu.















       TO JAMES MADISON.







               PHILADELPHIA, May 3, 1798.







  DEAR SIR,-I wrote you last on the 26th; since which yours of the 22d of

April. has been received, acknowledging mine of the 12th ; so that all appear

to have been received to that date. The spirit kindled up in the towns is

wonderful. These and New Jersey are pouring in their addresses, offering life

and fortune. Even these addresses are not the worst things. For indiscreet

declarations and ex-







VOL. X-3 













            Jefferson's Works







pressions of passion may be pardoned to a multitude acting from the impulse of

the moment. But we cannot expect a foreign nation to show that apathy to the

answers of the President, which are more thrasonic than the addresses. Whatever

chance for peace might have been left us after the publication of the

despatches, is completely lost by these answers. Nor is it France alone, but

his own fellowcitizens, against whom his threats are uttered. In Fenno, of

yesterday, you will see one, wherein he says to the address from Newark, "the

delusions and misrepresentations which have misled so many citizens, must be

discountenanced by authority as well as by the citizens at large;" evidently

alluding to those letters from the Representatives to their constituents, which

they have been in the habit of seeking after and publishing; while those sent

by the Tory part of the House to their constituents, are ten times more

numerous, and replete with the most atrocious falsehoods and calumnies. What

new law they will propose on this subject, has not yet leaked out. The citizen

bill sleeps. The alien bill, proposed by the Senate, has not yet been brought

in. That proposed by the House of Representatives has been so moderated, that

it will not answer the passionate purposes of the war gentlemen. Whether,

therefore, the Senate will push their bolder plan, I know not. The provisional

army does not go down so smoothly in the House as it did in the Senate. They

are whittling away 













            Correspondence           35







some of its choice ingredients; particularly that of transferring their own

constitutional discretion over the raising of armies to the President. A

committee of the Representatives have struck out his discretion, and hang the

raising of the men on the contingencies of invasion, insurrection, or

declaration of war. Were all our members here, the bill would not pass. But it

will, probably, as the House now is. Its expense is differently estimated, from

five to eight millions of dollars a year. Their purposes before voted, require

two millions above all the other taxes, which, therefore, are voted to be

raised on lands, houses and slaves. The provisional army will be additional to

this. The threatening appearances from the alien bills have so alarmed the

French who are among us, that they are going off. A ship, chartered by

themselves for this purpose, will sail within about a fortnight for France,

with as many as she can carry. Among these I believe will be Volney, who has in

truth been the principal object aimed at by the law.







Notwithstanding the unfavorableness of the late impressions, it is believed the

New York elections, which are over, will give us two or three republicans more

than we now have. But it is supposed Jay is re-elected. It is said Hamilton

declines coming to the Senate. We very soon stopped his Marcels. It was rather

the sequel which was feared than what actually appeared. He comes out on a

different plan in his Titus Manlius, if that be really his. The 













36          Jefferson's Works







appointments to the Mississippi were so abominable







                            . that the Senate could not swallow them. They

referred them to a committee to inquire into characters, and the President

withdrew the nomination.







  * * * * * * * *







As there is nothing material now to be proposed, we generally expect to rise in

about three weeks. However, I do not venture to order my horses.







  My respectful salutations to Mrs. Madison. To yourself affectionate

friendship, and adieu.







 P. S. Perhaps the President's expression before quoted, may look to the

sedition bill which has been spoken of, and which may be meant to put the

printing presses under the imprimatur of the executive. Bache is thought a main

object of it. Cabot, of Massachusetts, is appointed Secretary of the Navy.















          TO JAMES LEWIS, JUNIOR.







               PHILADELPHIA, May 9, 1798.







  DEAR SIR,-I am much obliged by your friendly letter of the 4th instant. As

soon as I saw the first of Mr. Martin's letters, I turned to the newspapers of

the day, and found Logan's speech, as translated by a common Indian

interpreter. The version I had used, had been made by General Gibson. Finding

from Mr. Martin's style, that his object was not merely truth, but to gratify

party passions, I never 













             Correspondence           37







read another of his letters. I determined to do my duty by searching into the

truth, and publishing it to the world, whatever it should be. This I shall do

at a proper season. I am much indebted to many persons, who, without any

acquaintance with me, have voluntarily sent me information on the subject.

Party passions are indeed high. Nobody has more reason to know it than myself.

I receive daily bitter proofs of it from people who never saw me, nor know

anything of me but through Porcupine and Fenno. At this moment all the passions

are boiling over, and one who keeps himself cool and clear of the contagion, is

so far below the point of ordinary conversation, that he finds himself

insulated in every society. However, the fever will not last. War, land tax and

stamp tax, are sedatives which must cool its ardor. They will bring on

reflection, and that, with information, is all which our countrymen need, to

bring themselves and their affairs to rights. They are essentially republicans.

They retain unadulterated the principles of ' 75, and those who are conscious

of no change in themselves have nothing to fear in the long run. It is our duty

still to endeavor to avoid war; but if it shall actually take place, no matter

by whom brought on, we must defend ourselves. If our house be on fire, without

inquiring whether it was fired from within or without, we must try to

extinguish it. In that, I have no doubt, we shall act as one man. But if we can

ward off actual war till the crisis of England is over, I shall hope we may

escape it altogether. 













38         Jefferson's Works







  I am, with much esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant.















         TO COLONEL JAMES MONROE.







              PHILADELPHIA, May 21, 1798.







Yours of April 8th and 14th, and May 4th and 14th, have been received in due

time. I have not written to you since the 19th ult. , because I knew you would

be out on a circuit, and would receive the letters only when they would be as

old almanacs. The bill for the provisional army has got through the lower

House, the regulars reduced to 10,000, and the volunteers unlimited. It was

carried by a majority of 14. The land tax is now on the carpet to raise two

millions of dollars; yet I think they must at least double it, as the expenses

of the provisional army were not provided for in it, and will require of itself

four millions a year. I presume                                      

therefore, the tax on lands, houses, and negroes, will be a dollar a head on

the population of each State. There are alien bills, sedition bills, etc., also

before both Houses. The severity of their aspect determines a great number of

French to go off. A ship-load sails on Monday next; among them Volney. If no

new business is brought on, I think they may get through the tax bill in three

weeks. You will have seen, among numerous addresses and answers, one from

Lancaster in this State, and its answer. The latter  travelling out of 













             Correspondence         39







the topics of the address altogether, to mention you in a most injurious

manner. Your feelings have no doubt been much implicated by it, as in truth it

had all the characters necessary to produce irritation. What notice you should

take of it is difficult to say. But there is one step in which two or three

with whom I have spoken concur with me, that feeble as the hand is from which

this shaft is thrown, yet with a great mass of our citizens, strangers to the

leading traits of the character from which it came, it will have considerable

effect ; and that in order to replace yourself on the high ground you are

entitled to, it is absolutely necessary that you should re-appear on the public

theatre, and take an independent stand, from which you can be seen and known to

your fellow-citizens. The House of Representatives appears the only place which

can answer this end, as the proceedings of the other House are too obscure.

Cabell has said he would give way to you, should you choose to come in, and I

really think it would be expedient for yourself as well as the public, that you

should not wait until another election, but come to the next session. No

interval should be admitted between this last attack of enmity and your

re-appearance with the approving voice of your constituents, and your taking a

commanding attitude. I have not before been anxious for your return to public

life, lest it should interfere with a proper pursuit of your private interests,

but the next session will not at all interfere with your 













            Jefferson's Works







courts, because it must end March 4th, and I verily believe the next election

will give us such a majority in the House of Representatives as to enable the

republican party to shorten the alternate unlimited session, as it is evident

that to shorten the sessions is to lessen the evils and burthens of the

government on our country. The present session has already cost 200,000

dollars, besides the wounds it has inflicted on the prosperity of the Union. I

have no doubt Cabell can be induced to retire immediately, and that a writ may

be issued at once. The very idea of this will strike the public mind, and raise

its confidence in you. If this be done, I should think it best you should take

no notice at all of the answer to Lancaster. Because, were you to show a

personal hostility against the answer, it would deaden the effect of everything

you should say or do in your public place hereafter. All would be ascribed to

an enmity to Mr. A., and you know with what facility such insinuations enter

the minds of men. I have not seen Dawson since this answer has appeared, and

therefore have not yet learnt his sentiments on it. My respectful salutations

to Mrs. Monroe; and to yourself, affectionately adieu.















             TO JAMES MADISON.







               PHILADELPHIA, May 31, 1798.







DEAR SIR,-I wrote to you last on the 24th, since which yours of the 20th has

been received. I must 













             Correspondence







begin by correcting two errors in my last. It was false arithmetic to say, that

two measures therein mentioned to have been carried by majorities of eleven,

would have failed if the fourteen absentees (wherein a majority of six is ours)

had been present. Six coming over from the other side would have turned the

scale, and this was the idea floating in my mind, which produced the mistake.

The second error was in the version of Mr. Adams' expression which I stated to

you. His real expression was " that he would not unbrace a single nerve for any

treaty France could offer; such was their entire want of faith, morality, etc.

''







The bill from the Senate for capturing French armed vessels found hovering on

our coast was passed in two days by the lower House, without a single

alteration; and the Ganges, a twenty-gun sloop, fell down the river instantly

to go on a cruise. She has since been ordered to New York, to convoy a vessel

from that to this port. The alien bill will be ready to-day, probably, for its

third reading in the Senate. It has been considerably mollified, particularly

by a proviso saving the rights of treaties. Still, it is a most detestable

thing. I was glad, in yesterday's discussion, to hear it admitted on all hands,

that laws of the United States, subsequent to a treaty, control its operation,

and that the Legislature is the only power which can control a treaty. Both

points are sound beyond doubt. This bill will unquestionably pass the House of

Repre













            Jefferson's Works







sentatives, the majority there being very decisive, consolidated, and bold

enough to do anything: I have no doubt from the hints dropped, they will pass a

bill to declare the French treaty void. I question if they will think a

declaration of war prudent, as it might alarm, and all its effects are answered

by the act authorizing captures. A bill is brought in for suspending all

communication with the dominions of France, which will no doubt pass. It is

suspected that they mean to borrow money of individuals in London, on the

credit of our land tax, and perhaps the guarantee of Great Britain. The land

tax was yesterday debated, and a majority of six struck out the thirteenth

section of the classification of houses, and taxed them by a different scale

from the lands. Instead of this, is to be proposed a valuation of the houses

and lands together. Macon yesterday laid a motion on the table for adjourning

on the 14th. Some think they do not mean to adjourn; others, that they wait

first the return of the Envoys, for whom it is now avowed the brig Sophia was

sent. It is expected she would bring them off about the middle of this month.

They may, therefore, be expected here about the second week of July. Whatever

be their decision as to adjournment, I think it probable my next letter will

convey orders for my horses, and that I shall leave this place from the 20th to

the 25th of June; for I have no expectation they will actually adjourn sooner.

Volney and a ship-load of others







           Correspondence







sail on Sunday next. Another ship-load will go off in about three weeks. It is

natural to expect they go under irritations calculated to fan the flame. Not so

Volney. He is most thoroughly impressed with the importance of preventing war,

whether considered with reference to the interests of the two countries, of the

cause of republicanism, or of man on the broad scale. But an eagerness to

render this prevention impossible, leaves me without any hope. Some of those

who have insisted that it was long since war on the part of France, are candid

enough to admit that it is now begun on our part also. I enclose for your

perusal a poem on the alien bill, written by Mr. Marshall. I do this, as well

for your amusement, as to get you to take care of this copy for me till I

return ; for it will be lost in lending it, if I retain it here, as the

publication was suppressed after the sale of a few copies, of which I was

fortunate enough to get one. Your locks, hinges, etc., shall be immediately

attended to.







  My respectful salutations and friendship to Mrs. Madison, to the family, and

to yourself. Adieu.







  P. S. The President, it is said, has refused ar exequatur to the consul

general of France, Dupont 













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        TO JOHN TAYLOR.







               PHILADELPHIA, June 1, 1798.







   *   * * *       *   *   *    *   *







Mr. New showed me your letter on the subject of the patent, which gave me an

opportunity of observing what you said as to the effect, with you, of public

proceedings, and that it was not unwise now to estimate the separate mass of

Virginia and North Carolina, with a view to their separate existence. It is

true that we are completely under the saddle of Massachusetts and Connecticut,

and that they ride us very hard, cruelly insulting our feelings, as well as

exhausting our strength and subsistence. Their natural friends, the three other

Eastern States join them from a sort of family pride, and they have the art to

divide certain other parts of the Union, so as to make use of them to govern

the whole. This is not new, it is the old practice of despots; to use a part of

the people to keep the rest in order. And those who have once got an

ascendancy"and possessed themselves of all the resources of the nation, their

revenues and offices, have immense means for retaining their advantage. But our

present situation is not a natural one. The republicans, through every part of

the Union, say, that it was the irresistible influence and popularity of

General Washington played off by the cunning of Hamilton, which turned the

government over to anti-republican hands, or turned the republicans chosen by 













           Correspondence            45







the people into anti-republicans. He delivered it over to his successor in this

state, and very untoward events since, improved with great artifice, have

produced on the public mind the impressions we see. But still I repeat it, this

is not the natural state. Time alone would bring round an order of things more

correspondent to the sentiments of our constituents. But are there no events

impending, which will do it within a few months? The crisis with England, the

public and authentic avowal of sentiments hostile to the leading principles of

our Constitution, the prospect of a war, in which we shall stand alone, land

tax, stamp tax, increase of public debt, etc. Be this as it may, in every free

and deliberating society, there must, from the nature of man, be opposite

parties, and violent dissensions and discords; and one of these, for the most

part, must prevail over the other for a longer ox shorter time. Perhaps this

party division is necessary to induce each to watch and delate to the people

the proceedings of the other. But if on a temporary superiority of the one

party, the other is to resort to a scission of the Union, no federal government

can ever exist. If to rid ourselves of the present rule of Massachusetts and

Connecticut, we break the Union, will the evil stop there? Suppose the New

England States alone cut off, will our nature be changed ? Ar e we not men

still to the south of that, and with all the passions of men? Immediately, we

shall see a Pennsylvania and a 













46          Jefferson's Works







Virginia party arise in the residuary confederacy, and the public mind will be

distracted with the same party spirit. What a game too will the one party have

in their hands, by eternally threatening the other that unless they do so and

so, they will join their northern neighbors. If we reduce our Union to Virginia

and North Carolina, immediately the conflict will be established between the

representatives of these two States, and they will end by breaking into their

simple units. Seeing, therefore, that an association of men who will not

quarrel with one another is a thing which never yet existed, from the greatest

confederacy of nations down to a town meeting or a vestry ; seeing that we must

have somebody to quarrel with, I had rather keep our New England associates for

that purpose, than to see our bickerings transferred to others. They are

circumscribed within such narrow limits, and their population so full, that

their numbers will ever be the minority, and they are marked, like the Jews,

with such a perversity of character, as to constitute, from that circumstance,

the natural division of our parties. A little patience, and we shall see the

reign of witches pass over, their spells dissolved, and the people recovering

their true sight, restoring their government to its true principles. It is

true, that in the meantime, we are suffering deeply in spirit, and incurring

the horrors of a war, and long oppressions of enormous public debt. But who can

say what would be the evils of a scission, and when 













            Correspondence           47







and where they would end? Better keep together as we are, haul off from Europe

as soon as we can, and from all attachments to any portions of it; and if they

show their power just sufficiently to hoop us together, it will be the happiest

situation in which we can exist. If the game runs sometimes against us at home,

we must have patience till luck turns, and then we shall have an opportunity of

winning back the principles we have lost. For this is a game where principles

are the stake. Better luck, therefore, to us all, and health, happiness and

friendly salutations to yourself. Adieu.















P. S. It is hardly necessary to caution you to let nothing of mine get before

the public; a single sentence got hold of by the Porcupines, will suffice to

abuse and persecute me in their papers for months.























 TO GENERAL THADDEUS KOSCIUSKO.







              PHILADELPHIA, June 1, 1798.







DEAR SIR,-Mr. Volney's departure for France gives me an opportunity of writing

to you. I was happy in observing, for many days after your departure, that our

winds were favorable for you. I hope, therefore, you quickly passed the

cruising grounds on our coast, and have safely arrived at the term of your

journey. Your departure is not yet known, 













            Jefferson's Works







or even suspected. (1) Niemsevioz was much affected. He is now at the federal

city. He desired me to have some things taken care of for you. There were some

kitchen furniture, backgammon table and chess men, and a pelise of fine fur.

The latter I have taken to my own apartment and had packed in hops, and sewed

up; the former are put into a warehouse of Mr. Barnes; all subject to your

future orders. Some letters came for you soon after your departure : the person

who delivered them said there were enclosed in them some for your friend whom

you left here, and desired I would open them. I did so in his presence, found

only one letter for your friend, took it out and sealed the letters again in

the presence of the same person, without reading a word or looking who they

were from. I now forward them to you, as I do this to my friend Jacob Van

Staphorst, at Paris. Our alien bill struggles hard for a passage. It has been

considerably molli-















1 Shortly before, Mr. Jefferson had obtained passports for General Kosciusko,

under an assumed name, from the foreign ministers ' this country. The annexed

is the note addressed to Mr. Liston, soliciting one from him.







  "Thomas Jefferson presents his respects to Mr. Liston, and asks the favor of

the passport for his friend Thomas Kanberg, of whom he spoke to him yesterday.

He is a native of the north of Europe, (perhaps of Germany,) has been known to

Thomas Jefferson these twenty years in America, is of a most excellent

character, stands in no relation whatever to any of the belligerent powers, as

to whom Thomas Jefferson is not afraid to be responsible for his political

innocence, as he goes merely for his private affairs. He will sail from

Baltimore, if he finds there a good opportunity for France ; and if not, he

will come on here. March 27, 1798" 













             Correspondence







fied. It is not yet through the Senate. We are proceeding further and further

in war measures. I consider that event as almost inevitable. I am extremely

anxious to hear from you, to know what sort of a passage you had, how you find

yourself, and the state and prospect of things in Europe. I hope I shall not be

long without hearing from you. The first dividend which will be drawn for you

and remitted, will be in January, and as the winter passages are dangerous, it

will not be forwarded till April; after that, regularly, from six months to six

months. This will be done by Mr. Barnes. I shall leave this place in three

weeks. The times do not permit an indulgence in political disquisitions. But

they forbid not the effusion of friendship, and not my warmest toward you,

which no time will alter. Your principles and dispositions were made to be

honored, revered and loved. True to a single object, the freedom and happiness

of man, they have not veered about with the changelings and apostates of our

acquaintance. May health and happiness ever attend you. Accept sincere

assurances of my affectionate esteem and respect. Adieu.















            TO JAMES MADISON.







              PHILADELPHIA, June 21, 1795.







DEAR SIR,-Yours of the 10th instant is received. I expected mine of the 14th

would have been my last from hence, as I had proposed to set out on the







VOL. X-4 













             Jefferson's Works







20th; but on the morning of the 19th, we heard of the arrival of Marshall at

New York, and I concluded to stay and see whether that circumstance would

produce any new projects. No doubt he there received more than hints from

Hamilton as to the tone required to be assumed. Yet I apprehend he is not hot

enough for his friends. Livingston came with him from New York. Marshall told

him they had no idea in France of a war with us. That Talleyrand sent passports

to him and Pinckney, but none to Gerry. Upon this, Gerry staid, without

explaining to them the reason. He wrote, however, to the President by Marshall,

who knew nothing of the contents of the letter. So that there must have been a

previous understanding between Talleyrand and Gerry. Marshall was received here

with the utmost eclat. The Secretary of State and many carriages, with all the

city cavalry, went to Frankford to meet him, and on his arrival here in the

evening, the bells rung till late in the night, and immense crowds were

collected to see and make part of the show, which was circuitously paraded

through the streets before he was set down at the City tavern. All this was to

secure him to their views, that he might say nothing which would oppose the

game they have been playing. Since his arrival I can hear of nothing directly

from him, while they are disseminating through the town things, as from .him,

diametrically opposite to what he said to Livingston. Doctor Logan, about a

fortnight ago, 













             Correspondence          51







sailed for Hamburg. Though for a twelvemonth past he had been intending to go

to Europe as soon as he could get money enough to carry him there, yet when he

had accomplished this, and fixed a time for going, he very unwisely made a

mystery of it: so that his disappearance without notice excited conversation.

This was seized by the war hawks; and given out as a secret mission from the

Jacobins here to solicit an army from France, instruct them as to their

landing, etc. This extravagance produced a real panic among the citizens ; and

happening just when Bache published Talleyrand's letter, Harper, on the 18th,

gravely announced to the House of Representatives, that there existed a

traitorous correspondence between the Jacobins here and the French Directory;

that he had got hold of some threads and clues of it, and would soon be able to

develop the whole. This increased the alarm; their libelists immediately set to

work, directly and indirectly to implicate whom they pleased. Porcupine gave me

a principal share in it, as I am told, for I never read his papers. This state

of things added to my reasons for not departing at the time I intended. These

follies seem to have died away in some degree already. Perhaps I may renew my

purpose by the 25th. Their system is, professedly, to keep up an alarm. Tracy,

at the meeting of the joint committee for adjournment, declared it necessary

for Congress to stay together to keep up the inflammation of the public mind;

and Otis has 













52         Jefferson's Works







expressed a similar sentiment since. However, they will adjourn. The opposers

of an adjournment in Senate, yesterday agreed to adjourn on the 10th of July.

But I think the 1st of July will be carried. That is one of the objects which

detain myself, as well as one or two more of the Senate, who had got leave of

absence. I imagine it will be decided tomorrow or next day. To separate

Congress now, will be withdrawing the fire from under a boiling pot.







  My respectful salutations to Mrs. Madison, and cordial friendship to

yourself.







 P. M. A message to both Houses this day from the President, with the following

communications.







  March 23. Pickering's letter to the Envoys, directing them, if they are not

actually engaged in negotiation with authorized persons, or if it is not

conducted bona fide, and not merely for procrastination, to break up and come

home, and at any rate to consent to no loan.







  April 3. Talleyrand to Gerry. He supposes the other two gentlemen, perceiving

that their known principles are an obstacle to negotiation, will leave there

public, and proposes to renew the negotiations with Gerry immediately.







  April 4. Gerry to Talleyrand. Disclaims a power to conclude anything

separately, can only confer informally and as an unaccredited person or

individual, reserving to lay everything before the government of the United

States for approbation. 













            Correspondence           53







  April 14. Gerry to the President. He communicates the preceding, and hopes

the President will send other persons instead of his colleagues and himself, if

it shall appear that anything can be done.







  The President's message says, that as the instructions were not to consent to

any loan, he considers the negotiations as at an end, and that he will never

send another minister to France, until he shall be assured that he will be

received and treated with the respect due to a great, powerful, free and

independent nation.







  A bill was brought in the Senate this day, to declare the treaties with

France void, prefaced by a list of grievances in the style of a manifesto. It

passed to the second reading by fourteen to five.







  A bill for punishing forgeries of bank paper, passed to the third reading by

fourteen to six. Three of the fourteen (Laurence, Bingham and Read) bank

directors.















             TO PHILIP NOLAN







              PHILADELPHIA,  June 24, 1798.







  SIR,-It is sometime since I have understood that there are large herds of

horses in a wild state, in the country west of the Mississippi, and have been

desirous of obtaining details of their history in that State. Mr. Brown,

Senator from Kentucky, informs me it would be in your power to give interesting

information on this subject, and encourages me to 













            Jefferson's Works







ask it. The circumstances of the old world have, beyond the records of history,

been such as admitted not that animal to exist in a state of nature. The

condition of America is rapidly advancing to the same. The present then is

probably the only moment in the age of the world, and the herds above mentioned

the only subjects, of which we can avail ourselves to obtain what has never yet

been recorded, and never can be again in all probability. I will add that your

information is the sole reliance, as far as I can at present see, for obtaining

this desideratum. You will render to natural history a very acceptable service,

therefore, if you will enable our Philosophical Society to add so interesting a

chapter to the history of this animal. I need not specify to you the particular

facts asked for ; as your knowledge of the animal in his domesticated, as well

as his wild state, will naturally have led your attention to those particulars

in the manners, habits, and laws of his existence, which are peculiar to his

wild state. I wish you not to be anxious about the form of your information,

the exactness of the substance alone is material ; and if, after giving in a

first letter all the facts you at present possess, you would be good, on

subsequent occasions, as to furnish such others in addition, as you may acquire

from time to time, your communications will always be thankfully received, if

addressed to me at Monticello ; and put into any post office in Kentucky or

Tennessee, they will reach me speedily and safely, and will be 













             Correspondence           55







considered as obligations on, Sir, your most obedient, humble servant.















             TO SAMUEL SMITH:







              MONTICELLO, August 22, 1798.







  DEAR SIR,-Your favor of August the 4th came to hand by our last post,

together with the " extract of a letter from a gentleman of Philadelphia, dated

July the 10th, '' cut from a newspaper stating some facts which respect me. I

shall notice these facts. The writer says that "the day after the last

despatches were communicated to Congress, Bache, Leib, etc., and a Dr.

Reynolds, were closeted with me." If the receipt of visits in my public room,

the door continuing free to every one who should call at the same time, may be

called closeting, then it is true that I was closeted with every person who

visited me; in no other sense is it true as to any person. I sometimes received

visits from Mr. Bache and Dr. Leib. I received them always with pleasure,

because they are men of abilities, and of principles the most friendly to

liberty and our present form of government. Mr. Bache has another claim on my

respect; as being the grandson of Dr. Franklin, the greatest man and ornament

of the age and country in which he lived. Whether I was visited by Mr. Bache or

Dr. Leib the day after the communication referred to, I do not remember. I know

that all my motions in Philadelphia, here, and 













56         Jefferson's Works







everywhere, are watched and recorded. Some of these spies, therefore, may

remember better than I do, the dates of these visits. If they say that these

two gentlemen visited me on the day after the communication, as their trade

proves their accuracy, I shall not contradict them, though I affirm that I do

not recollect it. However, as to Dr. Reynolds I can be more particular, because

I never saw him but once, which was on an introductory visit he was so kind as

to pay me. This, I well remember, was before the communication alluded to, and

that during the short conversation I had with him, not one word was said on the

subject of any of the communications. Not that I should not have spoken freely

on their subject to Dr. Reynolds, as I should also have done to the letter

writer, or to any other person who should have introduced the subject. I know

my own principles to be pure, and therefore am not ashamed of them. On the

contrary, I wish them known, and therefore willingly express them to every one.

They are the same I have acted on from the year 1775 to this day, and are the

same, I am sure, with those of the great body of the American people. I only

wish the real principles of those who censure mine were also known. But warring

against those of the people, the delusion of the people is necessary to the

dominant party. I see the extent to which that delusion has been already

carried, and I see there is no length to which it may not be pushed by a party

in







            Correspondence           57







possession of the revenues and the legal authorities of the United States, for

a short time indeed, but yet long enough to admit much particular mischief.

There is no event, therefore, however atrocious, which may not be expected. I

have contemplated every event which the Maratists of the day can perpetrate,

and am prepared to meet every one in such a way, as shall not be derogatory

either to the public liberty or my own personal honor. The letter writer says,

I am " for peace ; but it is only with France. '' He has told half the truth.

He would have told the whole, if he had added England. I am for peace with both

countries. I know that both of them have given, and are daily giving,

sufficient cause of war; that in defiance of the laws of nations, they are

every day trampling on the rights of the neutral powers, whenever they can

thereby do the least injury, either to the other. But, as I view a peace

between France and England the ensuing winter to be certain, I have thought it

would have been better for us to continue to bear from France through the

present summer, what we have been bearing both from her and England these four

years, and still continue to bear from England, and to have required

indemnification in the hour of peace, when I verily believe it would have been

yielded by both. This seems to have been the plan of the other neutral nations;

and whether this, or the commencing war on one of them, as we have done, would

have been wisest, time and events must 













             Jefferson's Works







decide. But I am quite at a loss on what ground the letter writer can question

the opinion, that France had no intention of making war on us, and was willing

to treat with Mr. Gerry, when we have this from Talleyrand's letter, and from

the written and verbal information of our Envoys. It is true then, that, as

with England, we might of right have chosen either war or peace, and have

chosen peace, and prudently in my opinion, so with France, we might also of

right have chosen either peace or war, and we have chosen war. Whether the

choice may be a popular one in the other States, I know not. Here it certainly

is not; and I have no doubt the whole American people will rally ere long to

the same sentiment, and rejudge those who, at present, think they have all

judgment in their own hands.







These observations will show you how far the imputations in the paragraph sent

me approach the truth. Yet they are not intended for a newspaper. At a very

early period of my life I determined never to put a sentence into any

newspaper. I have religiously adhered to the resolution through my life, and

have great reason to be contented with it. Were I to undertake to answer the

calumnies of the newspapers, it would be more than all my own time, and that of

twenty aids could effect. For while I should be answering one, twenty new ones

would be invented. I have thought it better to trust to the justice of my

countrymen, that they would judge me by what they see of my conduct 













             Correspondence        59







on the stage where they have placed me, and what they knew of me before the

epoch since which a particular party has supposed it might answer some view of

theirs to vilify me in the public eye. Some, I know, will not reflect how

apocryphal is the testimony of enemies so palpably betraying the views with

which they give it. But this is an injury to which duty requires every one to

submit whom the public think proper to call into its councils. I thank you, my

dear Sir, for the interest you have for me on this occasion. Though I have made

up my mind not to suffer calumny to disturb my tranquillity, yet I retain all

my sensibilities for the approbation of the good and just. That is, indeed, the

chief consolation for the hatred of so many, who, without the least personal

knowledge, and on the sacred evidence of Porcupine and Fenno alone, cover me

with their implacable hatred. The only return I will ever make them, will be to

do them all the good I can, in spite of their teeth.







  I have the pleasure to inform you that all your friends in this quarter are

well, and to assure you of the sentiments of sincere esteem and respect with

which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.















             TO A. H. ROWAN.







           MONTICELLO, September 26, 1798.







SIR,-To avoid the suspicions and curiosity of the post office, which would have

been excited by 













            Jefferson's Works







seeing your name and mine on the back of a letter, I have delayed acknowledging

the receipt of your favor of July last, till an occasion to write to an

inhabitant of Wilmington gives me an opportunity of putting my letter under

cover to him. The system of alarm and jealousy which has been so powerfully

played off in England, has been mimicked here, not entirely without success.

The most longsighted politician could not, seven years ago, have imagined that

the people of this wide-extended country could have been enveloped in such

delusion, and made so much afraid of themselves and their own power, as to

surrender it spontaneously to those who are manoeuvring them into a form of

government, the principal branches .of which may be beyond their control. The

commerce of England, however, has spread its roots over the whole face of our

country. This is the real source of all the obliquities of the public mind; and

I should have had doubts of the ultimate term they might attain; but happily,

the game, to be worth the playing of those engaged in it, must flush them with

money. The authorized expenses of this year are beyond those of any year in the

late war for independence, and they are of a nature to beget great and constant

expenses. The purse of the people is the real seat of sensibility. It is to be

drawn upon largely, and they will then listen to truths which could not excite

them through any other organ. In this State, however, €he delusion has not

prevailed. They are 













            Correspondence           61







sufficiently on their guard to have justified the assurance, that should you

choose it for your asylum, the laws of the land, administered by upright

judges, would protect you from any exercise of power unauthorized by the

Constitution of the United States. The Habeas Corpus secures every man here,

alien or citizen, against everything which is not law, whatever shape it may

assume. Should this, or any other circumstance, draw your footsteps this way, I

shall be happy to be among those who may have an opportunity of testifying, by

every attention in our power, the sentiments of esteem and respect which the

circumstances of your history have inspired, and which are peculiarly felt by,

Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.















       TO STEPHENS THOMPSON MASON.







             MONTICELLO, October 1, 1798.







  DEAR SIR,-I have to thank you for your favor of July the 6th, from

Philadelphia. I did not immediately acknowledge it, because I knew you would

have come away. The X. Y. Z. fever has considerably abated through the country,

as I am informed, and the alien and sedition laws are working hard. I fancy

that some of the State legislatures will take strong ground on this occasion.

For my own part, I consider those laws as merely an experiment on the American

mind, to see how 













62         Jefferson's Works







far it will bear an avowed violation of the Constitution. If this goes down, we

shall immediately see attempted another act of Congress, declaring that the

President shall continue in office during life, reserving to another occasion

the transfer of the succession to his heirs, and the establishment of the

Senate for life. At least, this may be the aim of the Oliverians, while Monk

and the Cavaliers (who are perhaps the strongest) may be playing their game for

the restoration of his most gracious Majesty George the Third. That these

things are in contemplation, I have no doubt; nor can I be confident of their

failure, after the dupery of which our countrymen have shown themselves

susceptible.







You promised to endeavor to send me some tenants. I am waiting for them, having

broken up two excellent farms with twelve fields in them of forty acres each,

some of which I have sowed with small grain. Tenants of any size may be

accommodated with the number of fields suited to their force. Only send me good

people, and write me what they are. Adieu. Yours affectionately.















            TO JAMES MADISON.







           MONTICELLO, November 17, 1798.







I enclose you a copy of the draught of the Kentucky resolutions. I think we

should distinctly affirm all the important principles they contain, so as to

hold to that ground in future; and leave the 













             Correspondence          63







matter in such a train as that we may not be committed absolutely to push the

matter to extremities, and yet may be free to push as far as events will render

prudent. I think to set out so as to arrive at Philadelphia the Saturday before

Christmas. My friendly respects to Mrs. Madison, to your father and family ;

health, happiness and adieu to yourself.















             TO JOHN TAYLOR.







           MONTICELLO, November 26, 1798.







  DEAR SIR,-We formerly had a debtor and creditor account of letters on

farming; but the high price of tobacco, which is likely to continue for some

short time, has tempted me to go entirely into that culture, and in the

meantime, my farming schemes are in abeyance, and my farming fields at nurse

against the time of my resuming them. But I owe you a political letter. Yet the

infidelities of the post office and the circumstances of the times are against

my writing fully and freely, whilst my own dispositions are as much against

mysteries, innuendoes and halfconfidences. I know not which mortifies me most,

that I should fear to write what I think, or my country bear such a state of

things. Yet Lyon's judges, and a jury of all nations, are objects of national

fear. We agree in all the essential ideas of your letter. We agree particularly

in the necessity of some reform, and of some better security for civil liberty.

But perhaps we do not see the existing 













            Jefferson's Works







circumstances in the same point of view. There are many consideration dehors of

the State, which will occur to you without enumeration. I should not apprehend

them, if all was sound within. But there is a most respectable part of our

State who have been enveloped in the X. Y. Z. delusion, .and who destroy our

unanimity for the present moment. This disease of the imagination will pass

over, because the patients are essentially republicans. Indeed, the Doctor is

now on his way to cure it, in the guise of a tax gatherer. But give time for

the medicine to work, and for the repetition of stronger doses, which must be

administered. The principle of the present majority is excessive expense       

                               money enough to fill all their maws, or it will

not be worth the risk of their supporting. They cannot borrow a dollar in

Europe, or above two or three millions in America. This is not the fourth of

the expenses of this year, unprovided for. Paper money would be perilous even

to the paper men. Nothing then but excessive taxation can get us along; and

this will carry reason and reflection to every man's door, and particularly in

the hour of election.







  I wish it were possible to obtain a single amendment to our Constitution. I

would be willing to depend on that alone for the reduction of the

administration of our government to the genuine principles of its Constitution;

I mean an additional article, taking from the federal government the power of 













            Correspondence           65







borrowing. I now deny their power of making paper money or anything else a

legal tender. I know that to pay all proper expenses within the year, would, in

case of war, be hard on us. But not so hard as ten wars instead of one. For

wars would be reduced in that proportion; besides that the State governments

would be free to lend their  credit in borrowing quotas. For the present, I

should be for resolving the alien and sedition laws to be against the

Constitution and merely void, and for addressing the other States to obtain

similar declarations; and I would not do anything at this moment which should

commit us further, but reserve ourselves to shape our future measures or no

measures, by the events which may happen. It is a singular phenomenon, that

while our State governments are the very best in the world, without exception

or comparison, our General Government has, in the rapid course of nine or ten

years, become more arbitrary, and has swallowed more of the public liberty than

even that of England. I enclose you a column, cut out of a London paper, to

show you that the English, though charmed with. our making their enemies our

enemies, yet blush and weep over our sedition law. But I enclose you something

more important. It is a petition for a reformation in the manner of appointing

our juries, and a remedy against the jury of all nations, which is handing

about here for signature, and will be presented to your House. I know it will.

require but little







VOL. X-5 













            Jefferson's Works







ingenuity to make objections to the details of its execution; but do not be

discouraged by small difficulties; make it as perfect as you can at a first

essay, and depend on amending its defects as they develop themselves in

practice. I hope it will meet with your approbation and patronage. It is the

only thing which can yield us a little present protection against the dominion

of a faction, while circumstances are maturing for bringing and keeping the

government in real unison with the spirit of their constituents. I am aware

that the act of Congress has directed that juries shall be appointed by lot or

otherwise, as the laws now (at the date of the act) in force in the several

States provide. The New England States have always had them elected by their

select men, who are elected by the people. Several or most of the other States

have a large number appointed (I do not know how) to attend, out of whom twelve

for each cause are taken by lot. This provision of Congress will render it

necessary for our Senators or Delegates to apply for an amendatory law,

accommodated to that prayed for in the petition, In the meantime, I would pass

the law as if the amendatory one existed, in reliance, that our select jurors

attending, the federal judge will, under a sense of right, direct the juries to

be taken from among them. If he does not, or if Congress refuses to pass the

amendatory law, it will serve as eye-water for their constituents. Health,

happiness, safety and esteem to yourself and my 













            Correspondence







ever-honored and ancient friend, Mr. Pendleton. Adieu.















            TO JAMES MADISON.







            PHILADELPHIA, January 3, 1799.







  DEAR SIR,-I have suffered the post hour to come so nearly on me, that I must

huddle over what I have more than appears in the public papers. I arrived here

on Christmas day, not a single bill or other article of business having yet

been brought into Senate. The President's speech, so unlike himself in point of

moderation, is supposed to have been written by the military conclave, and

particularly Hamilton. When the Senate gratuitously hint Logan to him; you see

him in his reply come out in his genuine colors. The debates on that subject

and Logan's declaration you will see in the papers. The republican spirit is

supposed to be gaining ground in this State and Massachusetts. The tax gatherer

has already excited discontent. Gerry's correspondence with Talleyrand,

promised by the President at the opening of the session, is still kept back. It

is known to show France in a very conciliatory attitude, and to contradict some

executive assertions. Therefore, it is supposed they will get their war

measures well taken before they will produce this damper. Vans Murray writes

them, that the French government is sincere in their overtures for

reconciliation, and have agreed, if 













68          Jefferson's Works







these fail, to admit the mediation offered by the Dutch government.







  * * * * * * * * *







General Knox has become bankrupt for four hundred thousand dollars, and has

resigned his military commission. He took in General Lincoln for one hundred

and fifty thousand dollars, which breaks him. Colonel Jackson also sunk with

him. It seems generally admitted, that several cases of the yellow fever still

exist in the city., and the apprehension is, that it will re-appear early in

the spring. You promised me a copy of McGee's bill of prices. Be so good as to

send it on to me here. Tell Mrs. Madison her friend Madame d'Yrujo, is as well

as one can be so near to a formidable crisis. Present my friendly respects to

her, and accept yourself my sincere and affectionate salutations. Adieu.















P. S. I omitted to mention that a petition has been presented to the President,

signed by several thousand persons in Vermont, praying a remitment of Lyon's

fine. He asked the bearer of the petition. if Lyon himself had petitioned, and

being answered in the negative, said, "penitence must precede pardon. '' 













            Correspondence















        TO JAMES MADISON.







            PHILADELPHIA, January 16, 1799.







  DEAR SIR,-The forgery lately attempted to be played off by Mr. H. on the

House of Representatives, of a pretended memorial presented by Logan to the

French government, has been so palpably exposed, as to have thrown ridicule on

the whole of the clamors +hey endeavored to raise as to that transaction.

Still, however, their majority will pass the bill. The real views in the

importance they have given to Logan's enterprise are mistaken by nobody. Mr.

Gerry's communications relative to his transactions after the departure of his

colleagues, though he has now been returned five months, and they have been

promised to the House six or seven weeks, are still kept back. In the meantime,

the paper of this morning promises them from the Paris papers. It is said, they

leave not a possibility to doubt the sincerity and the anxiety of the French

government to avoid the spectacle of a war with us. Notwithstanding, this is

well understood, the army and a great addition to our navy, are steadily

intended. A loan of five millions is opened at eight per cent. interest!







  * * * * * * * * *







In a society of members, between whom and myself are great mutual esteem and

respect, a most anxious desire is expressed that you would publish your debates

of the convention. That these meas













             Jefferson's Works







ures of the army, navy and direct tax will bring about a revolution of public

sentiment is thought certain, and that the Constitution will then receive a

different explanation. Could those debates be ready to appear critically, their

effect would be decisive. I beg of you to turn this subject in your mind. The

arguments against it will be personal; those in favor of it moral ; and

something is required from you as a set-off against the sin of your retirement.

Your favor of December the 29th came to hand January the 5th; seal sound. I

pray you always to examine the seals of mine to you, and the strength of the

impression. The suspicions against the government on this subject are strong. I

wrote you January the 5th. Accept for yourself and Mrs. Madison my affectionate

salutations. Adieu.















         TO COLONEL JAMES MONROE.







                        January 23, 1799.







  DEAR SIR,-The newspapers furnish you with the articles of common news as well

as the Congressional. You observe the addition proposed to be made to our navy,

and the loan of five millions, opened at eight per cent., to equip it. The

papers say that our agents abroad are purchasing vessels for this purpose. The

following is as accurate a statement of our income and expense annual, as I can

form, after divesting the Treasury reports of such articles as are incidental,

and properly annual.







1798-Imposts.....................................$7,405,420 76







    Excise auctions, Libraries,                  Carriages.................... 

    585,879 67                  Postage......................        57,000 00 

                Patents.......................          1,050 00               

  Coinage......................        10,242 00                 Dividends of

Bank Stock    79,920 00                  Fines...........................      

         8 00                                           ___________            

                             $8,139,520 43 1799-Direct Tax,  Clear of ex-







    Stamp Tax,         pense..........      2,000,000 00







                                               ___________                     

                     $10,139,520 43







Interest and reimbursement of domestic







        debt.....................................     2,987,145 48 Interest on

domestic loans...............        238,637 50 Dutch

debt.....................................         586,829 58                   

                       __________                                              

          $3,812,612 56 Civil

list...................................................................     

524,206 83 Loan

office..............................................................       

13,000 00

Mint........................................................................   

    13,300 00

Light-houses...........................................................       

44,281 58 Annuities and Grants...............................................  

      1,603 33 Military

Pensions....................................................        93,400 00

Miscellaneous expenses..........................................        19,000

00 Contingent expenses of Government.......................       20,000 00

Amount of Civil Government property....$728,191 24

Indians....................................................................    

110,000 00 Foreign intercourse.................................$  93,000 00

Treaties with Great Britian, Spain and Medi-        

terranean..................................... 187,500 00                      

                        _________   280,500 00 Annual expense of existing

Navy..........$2,424,261 10 Annual expense of Army (2,038 officers         and

privates).............................  1,461,173 00 Annual expense of Officers

of additional Army (actually commissioned)...............    271,372 00        

                                      __________ 4,112,811 10                  

                                         ___________                           

                             $ 9,044,714 90























72          Jefferson's Works







Annual expense of privates of do.







  (about-) ..........            ... . .                $2,523,458 00 Annual

expense of privates of Navy. . . .  2,949,278 96







                                                        ____________







                                                                              

$5,472,733 96 Eight per cent interest on five millions







new loan ..... ........... . . ..        ......                              

400,000 00







                                                                          

____________







                                                                         

$14,917,448 86







  By this you will perceive that our income for 1799, being ten millions, and

expenses nine millions, we have a surplus of one million, which, with the five

millions to be borrowed, it is expected, will build the navy and raise the

army. When they are complete, we shall have to raise by new taxes about five

millions more, making in the whole fifteen millions, which if our population be

five millions, will be three dollars a head. -But these additional taxes will

not be wanting, till the session after the next. The majority in Congress being

as in the last session, matters will go on now as then. I shall send you

Gerry's correspondence and Pickering's report on it, by which you will perceive

the willingness of France to treat with us, and our determination not to

believe it, and therefore to go to war with them. For in this light must be

viewed our surrounding their islands with our armed vessels, instead of their

cruising on our coasts as the law directs.



  According to information, there is real reason to believe that the X. Y. Z.

delusion is wearing off, and the public mind beginning to take the same

direction it was getting into before that measure. Gerry's 













            Correspondence           73







despatches will tend stongly to open the eyes of the people: Besides this

several other impressive circumstances will all be bearing on the public mind.

The alien and sedition laws as before, the direct tax, the additional army and

navy, an usurious loan to set these follies on foot, a prospect of heavy

additional taxes as soon as they are completed, still heavier taxes if the

government forces on the war, recruiting officers lounging at every court-house

and decoying the laborer from his plough. A clause in a bill now under debate

for opening commerce with Toussaint and his black subjects now in open

rebellion with France, will be a circumstance of high aggravation to that

country, and in addition to our cruising around their islands will put their

patience to a great proof. One fortunate circumstance is that, annihilated as

they are on the ocean, they cannot get at us for some time, and this will give

room for the popular sentiment to correct the imprudence. Nothing is believed

of the stories about Bonaparte. Those about Ireland have a more serious aspect.

I delivered the letter from you of which I was the bearer. No use was made of

the paper, because that poor creature had already fallen too low even for

contempt. It seems that the representative of our district is attached to his

seat. Mr. Bachley tells me you have the collection of a sum of money for him,

which is destined for me. What is the prospect of getting it, and how much? I

do not know whether I have before informed you 













            Jefferson's Works







that Mr. Madison paid to Mr. Barnes $240 or $250 in your name to be placed to

your credit with Mr. Short, I consequently squared that account and debited you

to myself for the balance. This with another article or two of account between

us, stands therefore against the books for which I am indebted to you, and for

which I know not the cost. A very important measure is under contemplation

here, which, if adopted, will require a considerable sum of money on loan. The

thing being beyond the abilities of those present, they will possibly be

obliged to assess their friends also. I may perhaps be forced to score you for

fifty or one hundred dollars, to be paid at convenience, but as yet it is only

talked of. I shall rest my justification on the importance of the measure, and

the sentiments I know you to entertain on such subjects. We consider the

elections on the whole as rather in our favor, and particularly believe those

of North Carolina will immediately come right. J. Nicholas and Brent, both

offer again. My friendly respects to Mrs. Monroe, and to yourself affectionate

salutations and adieu.















            TO ELBRIDGE GERRY.







            PHILADELPHIA, January 26, 1799







Mv DEAR SIR,-Your favor of November the 12th was safely delivered to me by Mr. 

Binney ; but not till December the 28th, as I arrived here only 













            Correspondence           7 5







three days before that date. It was received with great satisfaction. Our very

long intimacy as fellow-laborers in the same cause, the recent expressions of

mutual confidence which had preceded your mission, the interesting course which

that had taken, and particularly and personally as it regarded yourself, made

me anxious to hear from you on your return. I was the more so too, as I had

myself, during the whole of your absence, as well as since your return, been a

constant butt for every shaft of calumny which malice and falsehood could form,

and the presses, public speakers, or private letters disseminate. One of these,

too, was of a nature to touch yourself; as if, wanting confidence in your

efforts, I had been capable of usurping powers committed to you, and

authorizing negotiations private and collateral to yours. The real truth is,

that though Doctor Logan, the pretended missionary, about four or five days

before he sailed for Hamburgh, told me he was going there, and thence to Paris,

and asked and received from me a certificate of his citizenship, character, and

circumstances of life, merely as a protection, should he be molested on his

journey, in the present turbulent and suspicious state of Europe, yet I had

been led to con-' sider his object as relative to his private affairs; and

though, from an intimacy of some standing, he knew well my wishes for peace and

my political sentiments in general, he nevertheless received then no particular

declaration of them, no authority to 













             Jefferson's Works







communicate them to any mortal, nor to speak to any one in my name, or in

anybody's name, on that, or on any other subject whatever; nor did I write by

him a scrip of a pen to any person whatever. This he has himself honestly and

publicly declared since his return; and from his well-known character and every

other circumstance, every candid man must perceive that his enterprise was

dictated by his own enthusiasm, without consultation or communication with any

one; that he acted in Paris on his own ground, and made his own way. Yet to

give some color to his proceedings, which might implicate the republicans in

general, and myself particularly, they have not been ashamed to bring forward a

suppositious paper, drawn by one of their own party in the name of Logan, and

falsely pretended to have been presented by him to the government of France;

counting that the bare mention of my name therein, would connect that in the

eye of the public with this transaction. In confutation of these and all future

ca umnies, by way of anticipation, I shall make to you a profession of my

political faith; in confidence that you will consider every future imputation

on me of a contrary complexion, as bearing on its front the mark of falsehood

and calumny.







I do then, with sincere zeal, wish an inviolable preservation of our present

federal Constitution, according to the true sense in which it was adopted by

the States, that in which it was advocated by 













           Correspondence          77







its friends, and not that which its enemies apprehended, who therefore became

its enemies ; and I am opposed to the monarchising its features by the forms of

its administration, with a view to conciliate a first transition to a President

and Senate for life, and from that to an hereditary tenure of these offices,

and thus to worm out the elective principle. I am for preserving to the States

the powers not yielded by them to the Union, and to the legislature of the

Union its constitutional share in the division of powers; and I am not for

transferring all the powers of the States to the General Government, and all

those of that government to the executive branch. I am for a government

rigorously frugal and simple, applying all the possible savings of the public

revenue 'to the discharge of the national debt ; and not for a multiplication

of officers and salaries merely to make partisans, and for increasing, by every

device, the public debt, on the principle of its being a public blessing. I am

for relying, for internal defence, on our militia solely, till actual invasion,

and for such a naval force only as may protect our coasts and harbors from such

depredations as we have experienced ; and not for a standing army in time of

peace, which may overawe the public sentiment ; nor for a navy, which, by its

own expenses and the eternal wars in which it will implicate us, will grind us

with public burthens, and sink us under them. I am for free commerce with all

nations ; political connection with none ; and little 













           Jefferson's Works







or no diplomatic establishment. And I am not for linking ourselves by new

treaties with the quarrels of Europe; entering that field of slaughter to

preserve their balance, or joining in the confederacy of kings to war against

the principles of liberty. I am for freedom of religion, and against all

manoeuvres to bring about a legal ascendancy of one sect over another: for

freedom of the press, and against all violations of the Constitution to silence

by force and not by reason the complaints or criticisms, just or unjust, of our

citizens against the conduct of their agents. And. I am for encouraging the

progress of science in. all its branches ; and not for raising a hue and cry

against the sacred name of philosophy ; for awing the human mind by stories of

raw-head and bloody bones to a distrust of its own vision; and to repose

implicitly on that of others; to go backwards instead of forwards, to look for

improvement ; to believe that government, religion, morality, and every other

science were in the highest perfection in ages of the darkest ignorance, and

that nothing can ever be devised more perfect than what was established by our

forefathers. To these I will add, that I was a sincere well-wisher to the

success of the French revolution, and still wish it may end in the

establishment of a free and well-ordered republic ; but I have not been

insensible under the atrocious depredations they have committed on our

commerce. The first object of my heart is my own country. In that is embarked

my family, my fortune, and my 













            Correspondence           79







own existence. I have not one farthing of interest, nor one fibre of attachment

out of it, nor a single motive of preference of any one nation to another, but

in proportion as they are more or less friendly to us. But though deeply

feeling the injuries of France, I did not think war the surest means of

redressing them. I did believe, that a mission sincerely disposed to preserve

peace, would obtain for us a peaceable and honorable settlement and

retribution; and I appeal to you to say, whether this might not have been

obtained, if either of your colleagues had been of the same sentiment with

yourself.







  These, my friend, are my principles; they are unquestionably the principles

of the great body of our fellow-citizens, and I know there is not one of them

which is not yours also. In truth, we never differed but on one ground, the

funding system; and as, from the moment of its being adopted by the constituted

authorities, I became religiously principled in the sacred discharge of it to

the uttermost farthing, we are united now even on that single ground of

difference.







  I now turn to your inquiries. The enclosed paper will answer one of them. But

you also ask for such political information as may be possessed by me, and

interesting to yourself in regard to your embassy. As a proof of my entire

confidence in you, I shall give it fully and candidly. When Pinckney, Marshall,

and Dana were nominated to settle our 













            Jefferson's Works







differences with France, it was suspected by many, from what was understood of

their dispositions, that their mission would not result in a settlement of

differences, but would produce circumstances tending to widen the breach, and

to provoke our citizens to consent to a war with that nation, and union with

England. Dana's resignation and your appointment gave the first gleam of hope

of a peaceable issue to the mission. For it was believed that you were

sincerely disposed to accommodation; and it was not lung after your arrival

there, before symptoms were observed of that difference of views which had been

suspected to exist. In the meantime, however, the aspect of our government

towards the French republic had become so ardent, that the people of America

generally took the alarm. To the southward, their apprehensions were early

excited. In the Eastern States also, they at length began to break out.

Meetings were held in many of your towns, and addresses to the government

agreed on in opposition to war. The example was spreading like a wildfire.

Other meetings were called in other places, and a general concurrence of

sentiment against the apparent inclinations of the government was imminent;

when, most critically for the government, the despatches of October 22d,

prepared by your colleague Marshall, with a view to their being made public,

dropped into their laps. It was truly a God-send to them, and they made the

most of it. Many thousands of copies were printed 













            Correspondence           81







and dispersed gratis, at the public expense; and the zealots for war

co-operated so heartily, that there were instances of single individuals who

printed and dispersed ten or twelve thousand copies at their own expense. The

odiousness of the corruption supposed in those papers excited a general and

high indignation among the people, Unexperienced in such manoeuvres, they did

not permit themselves even to suspect that the turpitude of private swindlers

might mingle itself unobserved, and give its own hue to the communications of

the French government, of whose participation there was neither proof nor

probability. It served, however, for a time, the purpose intended. The people,

in many places, gave a loose to the expressions of their warm indignation, and

of their honest preference of war to dishonor. The fever was long and

successfully kept up, and in the meantime, war measures as ardently crowded.

Still, however, as it was known that your colleagues were coming away, and

yourself to stay, though disclaiming a separate power to conclude a treaty, it

was hoped by the lovers of peace, that a project of treaty would have been

prepared, ad referendum, on principles which would have satisfied our citizens,

and overawed any bias of the government towards a different policy. But the

expedition of the Sophia, and, as was supposed, the suggestions of the person

charged with your despatches, and his probable misrepresentations of the real

wishes of the American people, prevented







   VOL. X-6 













82          Jefferson's Works







these hopes. They had then only to look forward to your return for such

information, either through the executive, or from yourself, as might present

to our view the other side of the medal. The despatches of October 22nd, 1797,

had presented one face. That information, to a certain degree, is now received,

and the public will see from your correspondence with Talleyrand, that France,

as you testify, "was sincere and anxious to obtain a reconciliation, not

wishing us to break the British treaty, but only to give her equivalent

stipulations; and in general was disposed to a liberal treaty." And they will

judge whether Mr. Pickering's report shows an inflexible determination to

believe no declarations the French government can make, nor any opinion which

you, judging on the spot and from actual view, can give of their sincerity, and

to meet their designs of peace with operations of war. The alien and sedition

acts have already operated in the south as powerful sedatives of the X. Y. Z.

inflammation. In your quarter, where violations of principle are either less

regarded or more concealed, the direct tax is likely to have the same effect,

and to excite inquiries into the object of the enormous expenses and taxes we

are bringing on. And your information supervening, that we might have a liberal

accommodation if we would, there can be little doubt of the reproduction of

that general movement which had been changed, for a moment, by the despatches

of October 22d. And though 













           Correspondence







small checks and stops, like Logan's pretended embassy, may be thrown in the

way from time to time, and may a little retard its motion, yet the tide is

already turned, and will sweep before it all the feeble obstacles of art. The

unquestionable republicanism of the American mind will break through the mist

under which it has been clouded, and will oblige its agents to reform the

principles and practices of their administration.







You suppose that you have been abused by both parties. As far as has come to my

knowledge, you are misinformed. I have never seen or heard a sentence of blame

uttered against you by the republicans ; unless we were so to construe their

wishes that you had more boldly co-operated in a project of a treaty, and would

more explicitly state, whether there was in your colleagues that flexibility,

which persons earnest after peace would have practised? Whether, on the

contrary, their demeanor was not cold, reserved, and distant, at least, if not

backward? And whether, if they had yielded to those informal conferences which

Talleyrand seems to have courted, the liberal accommodation you suppose might

not have been effected, even with their agency? Your fellow-citizens think they

have a right to full information, in a case of such great concernment to them.

It is their sweat which is to earn all the expenses of the war, and their blood

which is to flow in expiation of the causes of it. It may be in your power to

save them from these miseries by full communications and 













84          Jefferson's Works







unrestrained details, postponing motives of delicacy to those of duty. It rests

with you to come forward independently; to make your stand on the high ground

of your own character ; to disregard calumny, and to be borne above it on the

shoulders of your grateful fellow-citizens; or to sink into the humble

oblivion, to which the federalists (self-called) have secretly condemned you;

and even to be happy if they will indulge you oblivion, while they have beamed

on your colleagues meridian splendor. Par-. don me, my dear Sir, if my

expressions are strong. My feelings are so much more so, that it is with

difficulty I reduce them even to the tone I use. If you doubt the dispositions

towards you, look into the papers, on both sides, for the toasts which were

given throughout the States on the Fourth of July. You will there see whose

hearts were with you, and whose were ulcerated against you. Indeed, as soon as

it was known that you had consented to stay in Paris                           

            there was no measure observed in the execrations of the war party.

They openly wished you might be guillotined, or sent to Cayenne, or anything

else. And these expressions were finally stifled from a principle of policy

only, and to prevent you from being urged to a justification of yourself. From

this principle alone proceed the silence and cold respect they observe towards

you. Still, they cannot prevent at times the flames bursting from under the

embers, as Mr. Pickering's letters, report, and conversations testify, as well

as the indecent expressions















       Correspondence           85







respecting you, indulged by some of them in the debate on these despatches.

These sufficiently show that you are never more to be honored or trusted by

them, and that they wait to crush you for ever only till they can do it without

danger to themselves:







When I sat down to answer your letter, but two courses presented themselves,

either to say nothing or everything; for half confidences are not in my

character. I could not hesitate which was due to you. I have unbosomed myself

fully; and it will certainly be highly gratifying if I receive like confidence

from you. For even if we differ in principle more than I believe we do, you and

I know too well the texture of the human mind; and the slipperiness of human

reason, to consider differences of opinion otherwise than differences of form

or feature. Integrity of views more than their soundness, is the basis of

esteem. I shall follow your direction in conveying this by a private hand;

though I know not as yet when one worthy of confidence will occur. And my trust

in you leaves me without a fear that this letter, meant as a confidential

communication of my impressions, will ever go out of your own hand, or be

suffered in anywise to commit my name. Indeed, besides the accidents which

might happen to it even under your care, considering the accident of death to

which you are liable, I think it safest to pray you, after reading it as often

as you please, to destroy at least the second and third leaves. The first

contains principles only, which I fear not to avow; but the 













           Jefferson's Works







second and third contain facts stated for your information, and which, though

sacredly conformable to my firm belief, yet would be galling to some, and

expose me to illiberal attacks. I therefore repeat my prayer to burn the second

and third leaves. And did we ever expect to see the day, when, breathing

nothing but sentiments of love to our country and its freedom and happiness,

our correspondence must be as secret as if we were hatching its destruction!

Adieu, my friend, and accept my sincere and affectionate salutations. I need

not add my signature.















          TO EDMUND PENDLETON.







           PHILADELPHIA, January 29, 1799.







  DEAR SIR,-Your patriarchal address to your country is running through all the

republican papers, and has a very great effect on the people. It is short,

simple, and presents things in a view they readily comprehend. The character

and circumstances too of the writer leave them without doubts of his motives.

If, like the patriarch of old, you had but one blessing to give us, I should

have wished it directed to a particular object. But I hope you have one for

this also. You know what a wicked use has been made of the French negotiation;

and particularly the X. Y. Z. dish cooked up by * * * * . where the swindlers

are made to appear as the French government. Art and industry combined, have

certainly wrought out of this business a wonderful effect 













            Correspondence           87















              , on the people. Yet they have been astonished more than they

have understood it, and now that Gerry's correspondence comes out, clearing the

French government of that turpitude, and showing them " sincere in their

dispositions for peace, not wishing us to break the British treaty, and willing

to arrange a liberal one with us," the people will be disposed to suspect they

have been duped. But these communications are too voluminous for them, and

beyond their reach. A recapitulation is now wanting of the whole story, stating

everything according to what we may now suppose to have been the truth, short,

simple and levelled to every capacity. Nobody in America can do it so well as

yourself, in the same character of the father of your country, or any form you

like better, and so concise as, omitting nothing material, may yet be printed

in hand bills, of which we could print and disperse ten or twelve thousand

copies under letter covers, through all the United States, by the members of

Congress when they return home. If the understanding of the people could be

rallied to the truth on this subject, by exposing the dupery practised on them,

there are so many other things about to bear on them favorably for the

resurrection of their republican spirit, that a reduction of the administration

to constitutional principles cannot fail to be the effect. These are the alien

and sedition laws, the vexations of the stamp act, the disgusting

particularities of the direct tax, the additional army without an enemy, and

recruiting officers lounging 













            Jefferson's Works







at every court-house to decoy the laborer from his plough,. a navy of fifty

ships, five millions to be raised to build it, on the usurious interest of

eight per cent., the perseverance in war on our part, when the French

government shows such an anxious desire to keep at peace with us, taxes of ten

millions now paid by four millions of people, and yet a necessity, in a year or

two, of raising five millions more for annual expenses. These things will

immediately be bearing on the public mind, and if it remain not still blinded

by a supposed necessity, for the purposes of maintaining our independence and

defending our country, they will set things to rights. I hope you will

undertake this statement. If anybody else had possessed your happy talent for

this kind of recapitulation, I would have been the last to disturb you with the

application; but it will really be rendering our country a service greater than

it is in the power of any other individual to render. To save you the trouble

of hunting the several documents from which this statement is to be taken, I

have collected them here completely, and enclose them to you.







  Logan's bill has passed. On this subject, it is hardly necessary for me to

declare to you, on everything sacred, that the part they ascribed to me was

entirely a calumny. Logan called on me, four or five days before his departure,

and asked and received a certificate (in my private capacity) of his

citizenship and circumstances of life, merely as a protection, should he be

molested in the present turbulent state 













            Correspondence







of Europe. I have given such to an hundred others, and they have been much more

frequently asked and obtained by Tories than Whigs.







  Accept my sincere prayers for long and happy years to you still, and my

affectionate salutations and adieu.















        TO COLONEL NICHOLAS LEWIS.







            PHILADELPHIA, January 30, 1799.







  DEAR SIR,-Believing that the letters of Messrs. Gerry and Talleyrand, will

give you pleasure to peruse, I send you a copy ; you will perceive by them the

anxiety of the government of France for a reconciliation with us, and Mr.

Gerry's belief of their sincerity, and that they were ready to have made a

liberal treaty with us. You will also see by Mr. Pickering's report that we are

determined to believe no declarations they can make, but to meet their

peaceable professions with acts of war. An act has passed the House of

Representatives by a majority of twenty, for continuing the law cutting off

intercourse with France, but allowing the President by proclamation, to except

out of this such parts of their dominions as disavow the depredations committed

on us. This is intended for St. Domingo, where Toussaint has thrown off

dependence on France. He has an agent here on this business. Yesterday, the

House of Representatives voted six ships of 74 guns and six of 18, making 552

guns. These would 













            Jefferson's Works







cost in England $5,000 a gun. They would cost here $ 10,000, so the whole will

cost five and a half millions of dollars. Their annual expense is stated at

1,000 Virginia money a gun, being a little short of two millions of dollars.

And this is only a part of what is proposed; the whole contemplated being

twelve 74's, 12 frigates and about 25 smaller vessels. The state of our income

and expense is (in round numbers) nearly as follows:







Imports, seven and a half millions of dollars ; excise, auctions, licenses,

carriages, half a million; postage, patents, and bank stock, one-eighth of a

million, making eight and one-eighth millions. To these the direct tax and

stamp tax will add two millions clear of expense, making in the whole ten and

one-eighth millions. The expenses on the civil list, threefourths of a million,

foreign intercourse half a million, interest on the public debt four millions,

the present navy two and a half millions, the present army one and a half

millions, making nine and one-quarter millions. The additional army will be two

and a half millions, the additional navy three millions, and interest on the

new loan near one-half a million, in all, fifteen and one-quarter millions ; so

in about a year or two there will be five millions annually to be raised by

taxes in addition to the ten millions we now pay. Suppose our population is now

five millions, this would be three dollars a head. This is exclusive of the

outfit of the navy, for which a loan is opened to borrow five millions at eight

per cent. If we can 













            Correspondence           91







remain at peace, we have this in our favor; that these projects will require

time to execute; that in the meantime, the sentiments of the people in the

Middle States are visibly turning back to their former direction, the X. Y. Z.

delusion being abated, and their minds become sensible to the circumstances

surrounding them, to wit: the alien and sedition acts, the vexations of the

stamp act, the direct tax, the follies of the additional army and navy, money

borrowed for these at the usurious interest of eight per cent. , and Mr. Gerry

's communications showing that peace is ours unless we throw it away. But if

the joining the revolted subjects (negroes) of France, and surrounding their

islands with our armed vessels, instead of their merely cruising on our own

coasts to protect our own commerce, should provoke France to a declaration of

war, these measures will become irremediable.







  The English and German papers are killing and eating Bonaparte every day. He

is, however, safe; has effected a peaceable establishment of government in

Egypt, the inhabitants of which have preferred him to their Mameluke Governors,

and the expectation is renewed of his march to India. In that country great

preparations are made for the overthrow of the English power. The insurrection

of Ireland seems to be reduced low. The peace between France and the Empire

seems also to be doubtful. Very little is apprehended for them from anything

which the Turks and Russians can do against them. I wish 













92         Jefferson's Works







I could have presented you with a more comfortable view of our affairs.

However, that will come if the friends of reform, while they remain firm, avoid

every act and threat against the peace of the Union, that would check the

favorable sentiments of the Middle States, and rally them again around the

measures which are ruining us. Reason, not rashness, is the only means of

bringing our fellow-citizens to their true minds. Present my best compliments

to Mrs. Lewis, and accept yourself assurances of the sincere and affectionate

esteem with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.























        TO JAMES MADISON.







            PHILADELPHIA, January 30, 1799.







  My last to you was of the 16th, since which yours of the 12th is received,

and its contents disposed of properly. These met such approbation as to have

occasioned an extraordinary impression of that day's paper. Logan's bill is

passed. The lower House







                                  , by a majority of twenty, passed yesterday a

bill continuing the suspension of intercourse with France, with a new clause

enabling the President to admit intercourse with the rebellious negroes under

Toussaint, who has an agent here, and has thrown off dependence on France. The

House of Representatives have also voted six 74's and six 18's, in part of the

additional navy, say 552 guns, which in England 













             Correspondence         93







would cost $5,000, and here $10,000, consequently more than the whole five

millions for which a loan is now opened at eight per cent. The maintenance is

estimated at 1,000 (lawful) a gun annually. A bill has been this day brought

into the Senate for authorizing the President in case of a declaration of war

or danger of invasion by any European power, to raise an eventual army of

thirty regiments, infantry, cavalry, and artillery in addition to the

additional army, the provisional army, and the corps of volunteers, which last

he is authorized to brigade, officer, exercise, and pay during the time of

exercise. And all this notwithstanding Gerry's correspondence received, and

demonstrating the aversion of France to consider us as enemies. All depends on

her patiently standing the measures of the present session, and the surrounding

her islands with our cruisers, and capturing their armed vessels on her own

coasts. If this is borne awhile, the public opinion is most manifestly wavering

in the Middle States, and was even before the publication of Gerry's

correspondence. In New York, Jersey, and Pennsylvania, every one attests them,

and General Sumpter, just arrived, assures me the republicans of South Carolina

have gained fifty per cent. in numbers since the election, which was in the

moment of the X. Y. Z. fever. I believe there is no doubt the republican

Governor would be elected here now, and still less for next October. The

gentleman of North Carolina seems to be satisfied that their new delegation

will 













94           Jefferson's Works







furnish but three, perhaps only two anti-republicans; if so, we shall be gainer

on the whole. But it is on the progress of public opinion we are to depend for

rectifying the proceedings of the next Congress. The only question is whether

this will not carry things beyond the reach of rectification. Petitions and

remonstrances against the alien and sedition laws are coming from various parts

of New York, Jersey; and Pennsylvania: some of them very well drawn. I am in

hopes Virginia will stand so countenanced by those States as to express the

wishes of the Government to coerce her, which they might venture on if they

supposed she would be left alone. Firmness on our part, but a passive firmness,

is the true course. Anything rash or threatening might check the favorable

dispositions of these Middle States, and rally them again around the measures

which are ruining us. Bonaparte appears to have settled Egypt peacefully, and

with the consent of those inhabitants, and seems to be looking towards the East

Indies, where a most formidable co-operation has been prepared for demolishing

the British power. I wish the affairs of Ireland were as hopeful, and the peace

with the north of Europe. Nothing new here as to the price of tobacco, the

river not having yet admitted the bringing any to this market. Spain being

entirely open for ours, and depending on it for her supplies during the cutting

off of her intercourse with her own colonies by the superiority of the British

at sea, is much in our favor. I forgot to add that the 













             Correspondence         95







bill for the eventual army, authorizes the President to borrow two millions

more. Present my best respects to Mrs. Madison, health and affectionate

salutations to yourself. Adieu.















            TO JAMES MADISON.







            PHILADELPHIA, February 5, 1799.







  DEAR SIR,-I wrote you last on the 30th of January ; since which yours of the

25th has been received.







  *    *   *    *   *   *   * *    *







The bill for continuing the suspension of intercourse with France and her

dependencies, is still before the Senate, but will pass by a very great vote.

An attack is made on what is called the Toussaint's clause, the object of

which, as is charged by the one party and admitted by the other, is to

facilitate the separation of the island from France. The clause will pass,

however, by about nineteen to eight, or perhaps eighteen to nine. Rigaud, at

the head of the people of color, maintains his allegiance. But they are only

twenty-five thousand souls, against five hundred thousand, the number of the

blacks. The treaty made with them by Maitland is (if they are to be separated

from France) the best thing for us. They must get their provisions from us. It

will indeed be in English bottoms, so that we shall lose the carriage. But the

English will probably forbid them the ocean, confine them to their island, 













96          Jefferson's Works







and thus prevent their becoming an American Algiers. It must be admitted too,

that they may play them off on us when they please. Against this there is no

remedy but timely measures on our part, to clear ourselves, by degrees, of the

matter on which that lever can work.







  *   *   *    *   *   *   *   *    *







A piece published in Bache's paper on foreign influence, has the greatest

currency and effect. To an extraordinary first impression, they have been

obliged to make a second, and of an extraordinary number. It is such things as

these the public want. They say so from all quarters, and that they wish to

hear reason instead of disgusting blackguardism. The public sentiment being now

on the creen, and many heavy circumstances about to fall into the republican

scale, we are sensible that this summer is the season for systematic energies

and sacrifices. The engine is the press. Every man must lay his purse and his

pen under contribution. As to the former, it is possible I may be obliged to

assume something for you. As to the latter, let me pray and beseech you to set

apart a certain portion of every post day to write what may be proper for the

public. Send it to me while here, and when I go away I will let you know to

whom you may send, so that your name shall be sacredly secret. You can render

such incalculable services in this way, as to lessen the effect of our loss of

your presence here. I shall see you on the 5th or 6th of March. 













            Correspondence           97







 Affectionate salutations to Mrs. Madison and yourself. Adieu.















   TO COLONEL JAMES MONROE.







          PHILADELPHIA, February 1, 1799.







I wrote you last on the 22d of January, since which yours of January 26th is

received. A bill will pass the Senate to-day for enabling the President to

retaliate rigorously on any French citizens who now are or hereafter may be in

our power, should they put to death any sailors of ours forced on board British

vessels and taken by the French. This is founded expressly on their Arret of

October 29th                                      , 1798, communicated by the

President by message. It is known (from the Secretary of State himself) that he

received, immediately after, a letter from Rufus King informing him the Arret

was suspended, and it has been known a week that we were passing a retaliating

act founded expressly on that Arret, yet the President has not communicated it,

and the supporters of the bill, who themselves told the secret of the

suspension in debate, (for it was otherwise unknown,) will yet pass the bill.

We have already an existing army of 5,000 men, and the additional army of 9,000

now going into execution. We have a bill on its progress through the Senate for

authorizing the President to raise thirty regiments (30,000 men) called an

eventual army, in case of war with any European power, or of imminent danger of

invasion







   VOL. x-7 













            Jefferson's Works







from them in his opinion. And also to call out and exercise at times the

volunteer army, the number of which we know not. Six 74's and six 18's, making

up 500 guns (in part of the fleet of twelve 74's, twelve frigates, and 20 or 30

smaller vessels proposed to be built or bought as soon as we can), are now to

be begun. One million of dollars is voted. The Government estimate of their

cost is about 4,500 dollars (1,000 sterling) a gun. But there cannot be a doubt

they will cost 10,000 dollars a gun, and consequently the 550 guns will be 5

1/2 millions. A loan is now opened for five millions at eight per cent., and

the eventual army bill authorizes another of two millions. King is appointed to

negotiate a treaty of commerce with Russia, in London. Phocion Smith is

proposed to go to Constantinople to make a treaty with the Turks. Under two

other 'covers you will receive a copy of the French originals of Gerry's

communications for yourself, and a dozen of G. N's pamphlets on the laws of the

last session. I wish you to give these to the most influential characters among

our countrymen, who are only misled, are candid enough to be open to

conviction, and who may have most effect on their neighbors. It would be

useless to give them to persons already sound. Do not let my name be connected

in the business. It is agreed on all hands that the British depredations have

greatly exceeded the French during the last six months. The insurance companies

at Boston, this place and Baltimore, prove this from their books. I have not 













             Correspondence







 heard how it is at New York. The Senate struck out







of the bill continuing the suspension of intercourse







with France, the clauses which authorized the Presi-







dent to do it with certain other countries (say Span-







ish and Dutch), which clauses had passed the House







of Representatives by a majority of, I believe,







twenty. They agreed, however, to the amendment







of the Senate. But Toussaint's clause was retained







by both Houses. Adieu affectionately.







   Feb. 12th. The vessel called the Retaliation,







formerly French property taken by us, armed and







sent to cruise on them, retaken by them and carried







into Guadaloupe, arrived here this morning with her







own captain and crew, etc. They say that new com-







missioners from France arrived at Guadaloupe, sent







Victor Hughes home in irons, liberated the crew,.said







to the captain that they found him to be an officer







bearing a regular commission from the United States,







possessed of a vessel called the Retaliation, then in







their port ; that they should inquire into no preceding







fact, and that he .was free with his vessel and crew to







depart ; that as to differences with the United States,







commissioners were coming out from France to settle







them; in the meantime, no injury should be done to







us or our citizens. This was known to every Senator







when we met. The Retaliation bill came on, on its







passage, and was passed with only two dissenting







voices, two or three who would have dissented hap-







pening to be absent. 













100        Jefferson's Works















     TO ARCHIBALD STUART







          PHILADELPHIA, February 13, 1799.







DEAR SIR,-I avoid writing to my friends because the fidelity of the post office

is very much doubted. I will give you briefly a statement of what we have done

and are doing. The following is a view of our finances in round numbers. The

import brings in the last year seven and a half millions of dollars, the

excise, carriages, auctions, and licenses, half a million, the residuary small

articles one-eighth of a million. It is expected that the stamp act may pay the

expense of the direct tax, so that the two may be counted at two millions,

making in the whole ten and one-eighth millions. Our expenses for the civil

list three-quarters of a million, foreign intercourse half a million (this

includes Indian and Algerine expenses, the Spanish and British treaties),

interest of the public debt four millions, the existing navy two and a half

millions, the existing army, 5,000 men, one and a half millions, making nine

and a quarter millions, so that we have a surplus of near a million. But the

additional army, 9,000 men, now raising, will add two and a half millions

annually, the additional navy proposed three millions, and the interest of the

new loans half a million, making six millions more, so that as soon as the army

and navy shall be ready, our whole expenses will be fifteen millions ;

consequently, there will be five millions annually more to be raised by taxes.

Our present taxes of ten millions are two







             Correspondence







dollars a head on our present population, and the future five millions will

make it three dollars. Our whole exports (native) this year are 28, 192, so

that our taxes are now a third and will soon be half of our whole exports; and

when you add the expenses of the State governments we shall be found to have

got to the plenum of taxation in ten short years of peace. Great Britain, after

centuries of wars and revolutions, had at the commencement of the present war

taxed only to the amount of two-thirds of her exports. We have opened a loan

for five millions, at eight per cent. interest, and another is proposed of two

millions. These are to build six seventy-fours and six eighteens, in part of

additional navy, for which a bill passed the House of Representatives two days

ago, by fifty-four against forty-two. Besides the existing army of 5,000 and

additional army of 9,000, an eventual army of 30,000 is proposed to be raised

by the President, in case of invasion by any European power, or danger of

invasion, in his opinion, and the volunteer army, the amount of which we know

not, is to be immediately called out and exercised at the public expense. For

these purposes a bill has been twice read and committed in the Senate. You have

seen by Gerry 's communications that France is sincerely anxious for

reconciliation, willing to give us a liberal treaty, and does not wish us to

break the British treaty, but only to put her on an equal footing. A further

proof of her sincerity turned up yesterday. We had taken an armed vessel from

her, 













102          Jefferson's Works







had refitted and sent her to cruise against them, under the name of the

Retaliation, and they re-captured and sent her into Guadaloupe. The new

commissioners arriving there from France, sent Victor Hughes off in irons, and

said to our captain, that as they found him bearing a regular commission as an

officer of the United States, with his vessel in their port, and his crew, they

would inquire into no fact respecting the vessel preceding their arrival, but

that he, his vessel and crew, were free to depart. They arrived here yesterday.

The federal papers call her a cartel. It is whispered that the executive means

to return an equal number of the French prisoners, and this may give a color to

call her a cartel, but she was liberated freely and without condition. The

commissioners further said to the captain that, as to the differences with the

United States, new commissioners were coming out from France to settle them,

and in the meantime they should do us no injury. The President has appointed

Rufus King to make a commercial treaty with the Russians in London, and William

Smith, of South Carolina, to go to Constantinople to make one with the Turks.

Both appointments are confirmed by the Senate. A little dissatisfaction was

expressed by some that we should never have treated with them till the moment

when they had formed a coalition with the English against the French. You have

seen that the Directory had published an arret declaring they would treat as

pirates any neutrals they should take in the ships 













             Correspondence        =







of their enemies. The President communicated this to Congress as soon as he

received it. A bill was brought into Senate reciting that arret, and

authorizing retaliation. The President received information almost in the same

instant that the Directory had suspended the arret (which fact was privately

declared by the Secretary of State to two of the Senate), and, though it was

known we were passing an act founded on that arret, yet the President has never

communicated the suspension. However, the Senate, informed indirectly of the

fact, still passed the act yesterday, an hour after we had heard of the return

of our vessel and crew before mentioned. It is acknowledged on all hands, and

declared by the insurance companies that the British depredations during the

last six months have greatly exceeded the French, yet not a word is said about

it officially. However, all these things are working on the public mind. They

are getting back to the point where they were when the X. Y. Z. story was

passed off on them. A wonderful and rapid change is taking place in

Pennsylvania, Jersey, and New York. Congress is daily plied with petitions

against the alien and sedition laws and standing armies. Several parts of this

State are so violent that we fear an insurrection. This will be brought about

by some if they can. It is the only thing we have to fear. The appearance of an

attack of force against the government would check the present current of the

middle States, and rally them around the government ; whereas, if suf













104         Jefferson's Works







fered to go on, it will pass on to a reformation of abuses. The materials now

bearing on the public mind will infallibly restore it to its republican

soundness in the course of the present summer, if the knowledge of facts can

only be disseminated among the people. Under separate cover you will receive

some pamphlets written by George Nicholas on the acts of the last session.

These I would wish you to distribute, not to sound men who have no occasion for

them, but to such as have been misled, are candid and will be open to the

conviction of truth, and are of influence among their neighbors. It is the sick

who need medicine, and not the well. Do not let my name appear in the matter.

Perhaps I shall forward you some other things to be distributed in the same

way. Present me respectfully to Mrs. Stuart, and accept assurances of the

sincere esteem of, dear Sir, your affectionate friend and servant.























     TO EDMUND PENDLETON.







           PHILADELPHIA, February 14, 1799.







  DEAR SIR,-I wrote you a petition on the 29th of January. I know the extent of

this trespass on your tranquillity, and how indiscreet it would have been under

any other circumstances. But the fate of this country, whether it shall be

irretrievably plunged into a form of government rejected by the makers of the

Constitution. or shall get back to the 













             Correspondence







true principles of that instrument, depends on the turn which things may take

within a short period of time ensuing the present moment. The violations of the

Constitution, propensities to war, to expense, and to a particular foreign

connection, which we have lately seen, are becoming evident to the people, and

are dispelling that mist which X. Y. Z. had spread before their eyes. This

State is coming forward with a boldness not yet seen. Even the German counties

of York and Lancaster, hitherto the most devoted, have come about, and by

petitions with four thousand signers remonstrate against the alien and sedition

laws, standing armies, and discretionary powers in the President. New York and

Jersey are also getting into great agitation. In this State, we fear that the

ill-designing may produce insurrection. Nothing could be so fatal. Anything

like force would check the progress of the public opinion and rally them round

the government. This is not the kind of opposition the American people will

permit. But keep away all show of force, and they will bear down the evil

propensities of the government, by the constitutional means of election and

petition. If we can keep quiet, therefore, the tide now turning will take a

steady and proper direction. Even in New Hampshire there are strong symptoms of

a rising inquietude. In this state of things, my dear Sir, it is more in your

power than any other man's in the United States, to give the coup de grace to

the ruinous principles and practices we have seen. In hopes you 













106            Jefferson's Works







have consented to it, I shall furnish to you some additional matter which has

arisen since my last.







  I enclose you a part of a speech of Mr. Gallatin on the naval bill. The views

he takes of our finances, and of the policy of our undertaking to establish a

great navy, may furnish some hints. I am told something on the same subject

from Mr. J. Nicholas will appear in the Richmond and Fredericksburg papers. I

mention the real author, that you may respect it duly, for I presume it will be

anonymous. The resi.due of Gallatin's speech shall follow when published. A

recent fact, proving the anxiety of France for a reconciliation with us, is the

following: You know that one of the armed vessels which we took from her was

refitted by us, sent to cruise against her, recaptured, and carried into

Guadaloupe under the name of the Retaliation. On the arrival there of

Desfourneaux, the new commissioner, he sent Victor Hughes home in irons ;

called up our captain ; told him that he found he had a regular commission as

an officer of the United States ; that his vessel was then lying in the harbor;

that he should inquire into no fact preceding his own arrival (by this he

avoided noticing that the vessel was really French property) and that,

therefore, himself and crew were free to depart with their vessel; that as to

the differences between France and the United States, commissioners were coming

out to settle them, and in the meantime, no injury should be done on their

part: The captain insisted on being a prisoner ; the other disclaimed ;. 













             Correspondence          107







and so he arrived here with vessel and crew the day before yesterday. Within an

hour after this was known to the Senate, they passed a retaliation bill, of

which I enclose you a copy. This was the more remarkable, as the bill was

founded expressly on the Arret of October the 29th, which had been communicated

by the President as soon as received, and he remarked, "that it could not be

too soon communicated to the two Houses and the public. '' Yet he almost in the

same instant received, through the same channel, Mr. King 's information that

that Arret was suspended, and though he knew we were making it the foundation

of a retaliation bill, he has never yet communicated it. But the Senate knew

the fact informally from the Secretary of State, and knowing it, passed the

bill.







  The President has appointed, and the Senate approved Rufus King, to enter

into a treaty of commerce with the Russians, at London, and William Smith,

(Phocion) Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, to go to

Constantinople to make one with the Turks. So that as soon as there is a

coalition of Turks, Russians and English, against France, we seize that moment

to countenance it as openly as we dare, by treaties, which we never had with

them before. All this helps to fill up the measure of provocation towards

France, and to get from them a declaration of war, which we are afraid to be

the first in making. It is certain the French have behaved atrociously towards

neutral nations, 













108        Jefferson's Works







and us particularly; and though we might be disposed not to charge them with

all the enormities committed in their name in the West Indies, yet they are to

be blamed for not doing more to prevent them. A just and rational censure ought

to be expressed on them, while we disapprove the constant billingsgate poured

on them officially. It is at the same time true, that their enemies set the

first example of violating neutral rights, and continue it to this day;

insomuch, that it is declared on all hands, and particularly by the insurance

companies and denied by none, that the British spoliations have considerably

exceeded the French during the last six months. Yet not a word of these things

is said officially to the Legislature.







  Still further, to give the devil his due, (the French) it should be observed

that it has been said without contradiction, and the people made to believe,

that their refusal to receive our Envoys was contrary to the. law of nations,

and a sufficient cause of war; whereas, every one who ever read a book on the

law of nations knows, that it is an unquestionable right in every power to

refuse to receive any minister who is personally disagreeable. Martens, the

latest and a very respected writer, has laid this down so clearly and shortly

in his ` ` summary of the law of nations '' B. 7. ch. 2. sec. 9, that I will

transcribe the passage verbatim. " Section 9. Of choice in the person of the

minister. The choice of the person to be sent as minister depends of right on

the sovereign who sends 













            Correspondence          109







him, leaving the right, however, of .him to whom he is sent, of refusing to

acknowledge any one, to whom he has a personal dislike, or who is inadmissible

by the laws and usages of the country. '' And he adds notes proving by

instances, etc. This is the whole section.







  Notwithstanding all these appearances of peace from France, we are, besides

our existing army of five thousand men, and an additional army of nine thousand

(now officered and levying), passing a bill for an eventual army of thirty

regiments (thirty thousand) and for regimenting, brigading, officering and

exercising at the public expense our volunteer army, the amount of which we

know not. I enclose you a copy of the bill, which has been twice read and

committed in Senate. To meet this expense, and that of the six seventy-four's

and six eighteen's, part of the proposed fleet, we have opened a loan of five

millions at eight per cent., and authorize another of two millions; and at the

same time, every man voting for these measures acknowledges there is no

probability of an invasion by France. While speaking of the restoration of our

vessel, i omitted to add, that it is said that our government contemplate

restoring the Frenchmen taken originally in the same vessel, and kept at

Lancaster as prisoners. This has furnished the idea of calling her a cartel

vessel, and pretending that she came as such for an exchange of prisoners,

which is false. She was delivered free and without condition, but it does not

suit 













 110        Jefferson's Works







 to let any new evidence appear of the desire of con-







ciliation in France.







  I believe it is now certain that the commissioners







on the British debts can proceed together no longer.







I am told that our two have prepared a long report,







which will perhaps be made public. The result will







be, that we must recur again to negotiation, to settle







the principles of the British claims. You know that







Congress rises on the 3d of March, and that if you







have acceded to my prayers, I should hear from you







at least a week before our rising. Accept my affec-







tionate salutations, and assurances of the sincere







esteem with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and







servant.















             TO JAMES MADISON.







           PHILADELPHIA, February 19, 1799.







  DEAR SIR,-I wrote you last on the 11th ; yester-







day the bill for the eventual army of thirty regiments







(thirty thousand) and seventy-five thousand volun-







teers, passed the Senate. By an amendment, the       President was authorized

to use the volunteers for







every purpose for which he can use militia, so that







the militia are rendered completely useless. The







friends of the bill acknowledged that the volunteers







are a militia, and agreed that they might properly



be called the " Presidential militia." They are not







to go out of their State without their own consent.







Consequently, all service out of the State is thrown 













             Correspondence          111







on the constitutional militia, the Presidential militia being exempted from

doing duty with them. Leblane, an agent from Desfourneaux of Guadaloupe, came

in the Retaliation. You will see in the papers Desfourneaux's letter to the

President, which will correct some immaterial circumstances of the statement in

my last. You will see the truth of the main fact, that the vessel and crew were

liberated without condition. Notwithstanding this, they have obliged Leblane to

receive the French prisoners, and to admit, in the papers, the terms, "in

exchange for prisoners taken from us, '' he denying at the same time that they

consider them as prisoners, or had any idea of exchange. The object of his

mission was not at all relative to that ; but they choose to keep up the idea

of a cartel, to prevent the transaction from being used as evidence of the

sincerity of the French government towards a reconciliation. He came to assure

us of a discontinuance of all irregularities in French privateers from

Guadaloupe. He has been received very cavalierly. In the meantime, a consul

general is named to St. Domingo; who may be considered as our Minister to

Toussaint.







  But the event of events was announced to the Senate yesterday. It is this: it

seems that soon after Gerry's departure, overtures must have been made by

Pichon, French charge d'affaires at the Hague, to Murray. They were so soon

matured, that on the 28th ' of September, 1798, Talleyrand writes to Pichon,

approving what had been done, and 













112         Jefferson's Works







particularly of his having assured Murray that whatever Plenipotentiary the

government of the United States should send to France to end our differences

would undoubtedly be received with the respect due to the representative of a

free, independent and powerful nation; declaring that the President's

instructions to his Envoys at Paris, if they contain the whole of the American

government's intentions, announce dispositions which have been always

entertained by the Directory; and desiring him to communicate these expressions

to Murray, in order to convince him of the sincerity of the French government,

and to prevail on him to transmit them to his government. This is dated

September the 28th" and may have been received by Pichon October the 1st; and

nearly five months elapse before it is communicated. Yesterday, the President

nominated to the Senate William Vans Murray Minister Plenipotentiary to the

French Republic, and added, that he shall be instructed not to go to France,

without direct and unequivocal assurances from the French government that he

shall be received in character, enjoy the due privileges, and a minister of

equal rank, title and power, be appointed to discuss and conclude our

controversy by a new treaty. This had evidently been kept secret from the

federalists of both Houses, as appeared by their dismay. The Senate have passed

over this day without taking it up. It is said they are graveled and divided;

some are for opposing, others do not know what to do. But in the meantime, they















           Correspondence           113







have been permitted to go on with all the measures of war and patronage, and

when the close of the session is at hand it is made known. However, it silences

all arguments against the sincerity of France, and renders desperate every

further effort towards war. I enclose you a paper with more particulars. Be so

good as to keep it till you see me, and then return it, as it is the copy of

one I sent to another person, and is the only copy I have. Since I began my

letter I have received yours of February the 7th and 8th, with its enclosures ;

that referred to my discretion is precious, and shall be used accordingly.







  Affectionate salutations to Mrs. Madison and yourself, and adieu.















          TO EDMUND PENDLETON.







           PHILADELPHIA, February 19, 1799.







  DEAR SIR,-Since my last, which was of the 14th, a Monsieur Leblane, agent

from Desfourneaux, has come to town. He came in the Retaliation, and a letter

of Desfourneaux, of which he was the bearer, now enclosed, will correct some

circumstances in my statement relative to that vessel which were not very

material. It shows, at the same time, that she was liberated without condition

; still it is said (but I have no particular authority for it) that he has been

obliged to receive French prisoners here, and to admit in the paper that the

terms in exchange for prisoners taken from us, should be used, he declaring, at

the







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114        Jefferson's Works







same time, that they had never considered ours as prisoners, nor had an idea of

exchange. The object of his mission was to assure the government against any

future irregularities by privateers from Guadaloupe, and to open a friendly

intercourse. He has been treated very cavalierly. I enclose you the President's

message to the House of Representatives relative to the suspension of the

Arret, on which our retaliation bill is founded.







  A great event was presented yesterday. The President communicated a letter

from Talleyrand to Pichon, French charge des affaires at the Hague, approving

of some overtures which had passed between him and Mr. Murray, and particularly

of his having undertaken to assure Murray that whatever Plenipotentiary we

might send to France to negotiate differences, should be received with the

respect due to the representative of a free, independent and powerful nation,

and directing him to prevail on Murray to transmit these assurances to his

government. In consequence of this, a. nomination of Mr. Murray, Minister

Plenipotentiary to the French Republic, was yesterday sent to the Senate. This

renders their efforts for war desperate, and silences all further denials of

the sincerity of the French government. I send you extracts from these

proceedings for your more special information. I shall leave this the 2d day of

March. Accept my affectionate salutations. Adieu.







            Correspondence         115







 P. S. I should have mentioned that a nomination is before the Senate of a

consul general to St. Domingo. It is understood that he will present himself to

Toussaint, and is, in fact, our minister to him.







 The following paragraph is upon the margin of this letter:







The face they will put on this business is, that they have frightened France

into a respectful treatment. Whereas, in truth, France has been sensible that

her measures to prevent the scandalous spectacle of war between the two

republics, from the known impossibility of our injuring her, would not be

imputed to her as a humiliation.















 TO GENERAL THADDEUS KOSCIUSKO.







          PHILADELPHIA, February 21, 1799.







  DEAR FRIEND -  *    *   *   *   *   *







       , On politics I must write sparingly, lest it should fall into the hands

of persons who do not love either you or me. The wonderful irritation produced

in the minds of our citizens by the X. Y. Z. story, has in a great measure

subsided. They begin to suspect and to see it coolly in its true light: Mr.

Gerry's communications, with other information, prove to them that France is

sincere in her wishes for reconciliation ; and a recent proposition from that

country, through Mr. Murray, puts the matter out of doubt. What course the

government will pursue, I know not. But if we are left in peace, I have no

doubt the wonderful 













116        Jefferson's Works







turn in the public opinion now manifestly taking place and rapidly increasing,

will, in the course of this' summer, become so universal and so weighty, that

friendship abroad and freedom at home will be firmly established by the

influence and constitutional powers of the people at large. If we are forced

into war, we must give up political differences of opinion, and unite as one

man to defend our country. But whether at the close of such a war, we should be

as free as we are now, God knows. In fine, if war takes place, republicanism

has everything to fear; if peace, be assured that your forebodings and my

alarms will prove vain; and that the spirit of our citizens now rising as

rapidly as it was then running crazy, and rising with a strength and majesty

which show the loveliness of freedom, will make this government in practice,

what it is in principle, a model for the protection of man in a state of

freedom and order. May heaven have in store for your country a restoration of

these blessings, and you be destined as the instrument it will use for that

purpose. But if this be forbidden by fate, I hope we shall be able to preserve

here an asylum where your love of liberty and disinterested patriotism will be

forever protected and honored, and where you will find, in the hearts of the

American people, a good portion of that esteem and affection which glow in the

bosom of the friend who writes this ; and who, with sincere prayers for your

health, happiness and success, and cordial salutations, bids you, for this

time, adieu. 













             Correspondence         117















TO CHANCELLOR ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.







           PHILADELPHIA, February 28, 1799.







  DEAR SIR,-I have received with great pleasure your favor on the subject of

the steam engine. Though deterred by the complexity of that hitherto known,

from making myself minutely acquainted with it, yet I am sufficiently

acquainted with it to be sensible of the superior simplicity of yours, and its

superior economy. I particularly thank you for the permission to communicate it

to the Philosophical Society; and though there will not be another session

before I leave town, yet I have taken care, by putting it into the hands of one

of the Vice-Presidents to-day, to have it presented at the next meeting. I

lament the not receiving it a fortnight sooner, that it might have been

inserted in a volume now closed, and to be published in a few days, before it

would be possible for this engraving to be ready. There is one object to which

I have often wished a steam engine could be adapted. You know how desirable it

is both in town and country to be able to have large reservoirs of water on the

top of our houses, not only for use (by pipes) in the apartments, but as a

resource against fire. This last is most especially a desid- eratum in the

country. We might indeed have water carried from time to time in buckets to

cisterns on the top of the house, but this is troublesome, and therefore we

never do it,--consequently are without resource when a fire happens. Could any

agent be 













            Jefferson's Works







employed which would be little or no additional expense or trouble except the

first purchase, it would be done. Every family has such an agent, its kitchen

fire. It is small indeed, but if its small but constant action could be

accumulated so as to give a stroke from time to time which might throw ever so

small a quantity of water from the bottom of a well to the top of the house

(say one hundred feet), it would furnish more than would waste by evaporation,

or be used by the family. I know nobody who must better know the value of such

a machine than yourself, nor more equal to the invention of it, and especially

with your familiarity with the subject. I have imagined that the iron back of

the chimney might be a cistern for holding the water, which should supply steam

and would be constantly kept in a boiling state by the ordinary fire. I wish

the subject may appear as interesting to you as it does to me, it would then

engage your attention, and we might hope this desideratum would be supplied.







  A want of confidence in the post office deters me from writing to my friends

on subjects of politics, Indeed I am tired of writing Jeremiades on that

subject. What person, who remembers the times and tempers we have seen, would

have believed that within so short a period, not only the jealous spirit of

liberty which shaped every operation of our revolution, but even the common

principles of English whigism would be scouted, and the tory principle of

passive obedience under the new-fangled names 













            Correspondence          118







of confidence and responsibility, become entirely triumphant? That the tories,

whom in mercy we did not crumble to dust and ashes, could so have entwined us

in their scorpion tails, that we cannot now move hand or foot. But the spell is

dissolving. The public mind is recovering from the delirium into which it had

been thrown, and we may still believe with security that the great body of the

American people must for ages yet be substantially republican. You have heard

of the nomination of Mr. Murray. Not being in the secret of this juggle, I am

not yet able to say how it is to be played off. Respectful and affectionate

salutations from, dear Sir, your sincere friend and servant:















            TO JAMES MADISON.







           PHILADELPHIA, February 26, 1799.







  DEAR SIR,-My last to you was of the 19th ; it acknowledged yours of the 8th.

In mine, I informed you of the nomination of Murray. There is evidence that the

letter of Talleyrand was known to one of the Secretaries, therefore probably to

all; the nomination, however, is declared by one of them to have been kept

secret from them all. He added, that he was. glad of it, as, had they been

consulted, the advice would have been against making the nomination. To the

rest of the party, however, the whole was a secret till the nomination was

announced. Never did a party show a stronger mortification, and 













             Jefferson's Works







consequently, that war had been their object. Dana declared in debate (as I

have from those who were present) that we had done everything which might

provoke France to war ; that we had given her insults which no nation ought to

have borne; and yet she would not declare war. The conjecture as to the

executive is, that they received Talleyrand's letter before or about the

meeting of Congress; that not meaning to meet the overture effectually, they

kept it secret, and let all the war measures go on ; but that just before the

separation of the Senate, the President, not thinking he could justify the

concealing such an overture, nor indeed that it could be concealed, made a

nomination, hoping that his friends in the Senate would take on their own

shoulders the odium of rejecting it ; but they did not choose it. The

Hamiltonians would not, and the others could not, alone. The whole artillery of

the phalanx, therefore, was played secretly on the President, and he was

obliged himself to take a step which should parry the overture while it wears

the face of acceding to it. (Mark that I state this as conjecture ; but founded

on workings and indications which have been under our eyes.) Yesterday,

therefore, he sent in a nomination of Oliver Ellsworth, Patrick Henry and

William Vans Murray, Envoys Extraordinary and Ministers Plenipotentiary to the

French Republic, but declaring the two former should not leave this country

till they should receive from the French Directory assurances that they should

be received with the respect due by 













            Correspondence          121







the law of nations to their character, etc. This, if not impossible, must at

least keep off the day so hateful and so fatal to them, of reconciliation, and

leave more time for new projects of provocation. Yesterday witnessed a

scandalous scene in the House of Representatives. It was the day for taking up

the report of their committee against the alien and sedition laws, etc. They

held a caucus and determined that not a word should be spoken on their side, in

answer to anything which should be said on the other. Gallatin took up the

alien, and Nicholas the sedition law ; but after a little while of common

silence, they began to enter into loud conversations, laugh, cough, etc., so

that for the last hour of these gentlemen's speaking, they must have had the

lungs of a vendue master to have been heard. Livingston, however, attempted to

speak. But after a few sentences, the Speaker called him to order, and told him

what he was saying was not to the question. It was impossible to proceed. The

question was taken and carried in favor of the report, fifty-two to forty-eight

; the real strength of the two parties is fifty-six to fifty. But two of the

latter have not attended this session. I send you the report of their

committee. I still expect to leave this on the 1st, and be with you on the 7th

of March. But it 'is possible I may not set out till the 4th, and then shall

not be with you till the 10th. Affectionately adieu. 













  122         Jefferson's Works















       TO BISHOP JAMES MADISON.







             PHILADELPHIA, February 27, 1799.







    DEAR SIR,-Your favor of February 10th came







safely to hand. We were for a moment flattered







with the hope of a friendly accommodation of our







differences with France, by the President's nomina-







tion of Mr. Murray our Minister at the Hague to pro-







ceed to Paris for that purpose. But our hopes have







been entirely dashed by his revoking that and naming Mr. Ellsworth, Mr. Patrick

Henry and Murray; the two former not to embark from America till they shall

receive assurances from the French Government, that they will be received with

the respect due to their character by the law of nations ; and this too after

the French Government had already given assurances that whatever Minister the

President should send should be received with the respect due to the

representative of a great, free and independent nation. The effect of the new

nomination is completely to parry the advances made by France towards a

reconciliation. A great change is taking place in the public mind in these

Middle States, and they are rapidly resuming the Republican ground which they

had for a moment relinquished. The tables of Congress are loaded with petitions

proving this. Thirteen of the twenty-two counties of this State have already

petitioned against the proceedings of the late Congress. Many also from New

York and New Jersey, and before the summer is over, these 













            Correspondence          123







three States will be in unison with the Southern and Western. I take the

liberty of putting under your cover a letter for a young gentleman known to

you, and to whom I know not how otherwise to direct it. I am, with great

esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant.















            TO THOMAS LOMAX.







              MONTICELLO, March 12, 1799.







DEAR SIR,-Your welcome favor of last month came to my hands in Philadelphia. So

long a time has elapsed since we have been separated by events, that it was

like a letter from the dead, and recalled to my memory very dear recollections.

My subsequent journey through life has offered nothing which, in comparison

with those, is not cheerless and dreary. It is a rich comfort sometimes to look

back on them.







  I take the liberty of enclosing a letter to Mr. Baylor, open, because I

solicit your perusal of it. It will, at the same time, furnish the apology for

my not answering you from Philadelphia. You ask for any communication I may be

able to make, which may administer comfort to you. I can give that which is

solid. The spirit of 1776 is not dead. It has only been slumbering. The body of

the American people is substantially republican. But their virtuous feelings

have been played on by some fact with more fiction; they have been the dupes of

artful manoeuvres, and made for a moment to be willing instru













            Jefferson's Works







ments in forging chains for themselves. But time and truth have dissipated the

delusion, and opened their eyes. They see now that France has sincerely wished

peace, and their seducers have wished war, as well for the loaves and fishes

which arise out of war expenses, as for the chance of changing the

Constitution, while the people should have time to contemplate nothing but the

levies of men and money. Pennsylvania, Jersey and New York are coming

majestically round to the true principles. In Pennsylvania, thirteen out of

twenty-two counties had already petitioned on the alien and sedition laws.

Jersey and New York had begun the same movement, and though the rising of

Congress stops that channel for the expression of their sentiment, the

sentiment is going on rapidly, and before their next meeting those three States

will be solidly embodied in sentiment with the six southern and western ones.

The atrocious proceedings of France towards this country, had well nigh

destroyed its liberties. The Anglomen and monocrats had so artfully confounded

the cause of France with that of Freedom, that both went down in the same

scale. I sincerely join you in abjuring all political connection with every

foreign power ; and though I cordially wish well to the progress of liberty in

all nations, and would forever give it the weight of our countenance, yet they

are not to be touched without contamination from their other bad principles.

Commerce with all nations, alliance with none, should be our motto. 













            Correspondence          125







 Accept assurances of the constant and unaltered affection of, dear Sir, your

sincere friend and servant.























      TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.







              MONTICELLO, August 18, 1799.







  DEAR SIR,-I received only two days ago your favor of the 12th, and as it was

on the eve of the return of our post, it was not possible to make so prompt a

despatch of the answer. Of all the doctrines which have ever been broached by

the federal government, the novel one, of the common law being in force and

cognizable as an existing law in their courts, is to me the most formidable.

All their other assumptions of un-given powers have been in the detail. The

bank law, the treaty doctrine, the sedition act, alien act, the undertaking to

change the State laws of evidence in the State courts by certain parts of the

stamp act, etc., etc., have been solitary, unconsequential, timid things, in

comparison with the audacious, barefaced and sweeping pretension to a system of

law for the United States, without the adoption of their Legislature, and so

infinitively beyond their power to adopt. If this assumption be yielded to, the

State courts may be shut up, as there will then be nothing to hinder citizens

of the same State suing each other in the federal courts in every case, as on a

bond for instance, because the common law obliges payment of it, and the common















126         Jefferson's Works







law they say is their law. I am happy you have taken up the subject; and I have

carefully perused and considered the notes you enclosed, and find but a single

paragraph which I do not approve. It is that wherein (page two) you say, that

laws being emanations from the legislative department, and, when once enacted,

continuing in force from a presumption that their will so continues, that that

presumption fails and the laws of course fall, on the destruction of that

legislative department. I do not think this is the true bottom on which laws

and the administering them rest. The whole body of the nation is the sovereign

legislative, judiciary and executive power for itself. The inconvenience of

meeting to exercise these powers in person, and their inaptitude to exercise

them, induce them to appoint special organs to declare their legislative will,

to judge and to execute it. It is the will of the nation which makes the law

obligatory ; it is their will which creates or annihilates the organ which is

to declare and announce it. They may do it by a single person, as an Emperor of

Russia, (constituting his declarations evidence of their will,) or by a few

persons, as the aristocracy of Venice, or by a complication of councils, as in

our former regal government, or our present republican one. The law being law

because it is the will of the nation, is not changed by their changing the

organ through which they choose to announce their future will; no more than the

acts I have done by one attorney lose their obligation by 













            Correspondence          127







my changing or discontinuing that attorney. This doctrine has been, in a

certain degree, sanctioned by the federal executive. For it is precisely that

on which the continuance of obligation from our treaty with France was

established, and the doctrine was particularly developed in a letter to

Gouverneur Morris, written with the approbation of President Washington and his

cabinet. Mercer once prevailed on the Virginia Assembly to declare a different

doctrine in some resolutions. These met universal disapprobation in this, as

well as the other States, arid if I mistake not, a subsequent Assembly did

something to do away the authority of their former unguarded resolutions. In

this case, as in all others, the true principle will be quite as effectual to

establish the just deductions. Before the revolution, the nation of Virginia

had, by the organs they then thought proper to constitute, established a system

of laws, which they divided into three denominations of 1, common law ; 2,

statute law ; 3, chancery : or if you please, into two only, of 1, common law ;

2, chancery. When, by the Declaration of Independence, they chose to abolish

their former organs of declaring their will, the acts of will already formally

and constitutionally declared, remained untouched. For the nation was not

dissolved, was not annihilated ; its will, therefore, remained in full vigor ;

and on the establishing the new organs, first of a convention, and afterwards a

more complicated legislature, the old acts of national will continued in force,

until the 













128         Jefferson's Works







nation should, by its new organs, declare its will changed. The common law,

therefore, which was not in force when we landed here, nor till we had formed

ourselves into a nation, and had manifested by the organs we constituted that

the common law was to be our law, continued to be our law, because the nation

continued in being, and because though it changed the organs for the future

declarations of its will, yet it did not change its former declarations that

the common law was its law. Apply these principles to the present case. Before

the revolution there existed no such nation as the United States; they then

first associated as a nation, but for special purposes only. They had all their

laws to make, as Virginia had on her first establishment as a nation. But they

did not, as Virginia had done, proceed to adopt a whole system of laws ready

made to their hand. As their association as a nation was only for special

purposes, to wit, for the management of their concerns with one another and

with foreign nations, and the States composing the association chose to give it

powers for those purposes and no others, they could not adopt any general

system, because it would have embraced objects on which this association had no

right to form or declare a will. It was not the organ for declaring a national

will in these cases. In the cases confided to them, they were free to declare

the will of the nation, the law ;. but till it was declared there. could be no

law. So that the common law did not become, ipso facto, law on the new

association;







             Correspondence         129







it could only become so by a positive adoption, and so far only as they were

authorized to adopt.







  I think it will be of great importance, when you come to the proper part, to

portray at full length the consequences of this new doctrine, that the common

law is the law of the United States, and that their courts have, of course,

jurisdiction co-extensive with that law, that is to say, general over all cases

and persons. But, great heavens ! Who could have conceived in 1789, that within

ten years we should have to combat such windmills! Adieu. Yours affectionately.















          TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS.







              MONTICELLO, August 26, 1799.







  DEAR SIR,-I am deeply impressed with the importance of Virginia and Kentucky

pursuing the same tract at the ensuing sessions of their Legislatures. Your

going thither furnishes a valuable opportunity of effecting it, and as Mr.

Madison will be at our Assembly as well as yourself, I thought it important to

procure a meeting between you. I therefore wrote to propose to him to ride to

this place on Saturday or Sunday next; supposing that both he and yourself

might perhaps have some matter of business at our court, which might render it

less inconvenient for you to be here together on Sunday. I took for granted

that you would not set off to Kentucky pointedly at the time you first

proposed, and







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130         Jefferson's Works







hope and strongly urge your favoring us with a visit at the time proposed. Mrs.

Madison, who was the bearer of my letter, assured me I might count on Mr. M.'s

being here. Not that I mentioned to her the object of my request, or that I

should propose the same to you, because, I presume, the less said of such a

meeting the better. I shall take care that Mrs. Monroe shall dine with us. In

hopes of seeing you, I bid you affectionately adieu.















          TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS.







            MONTICELLO, September 5, 1799.







  DEAR SIR,-Yours of August 30th came duly to hand. It was with great regret we

gave up the hope of seeing you here, but could not but consider the obstacle as

legitimate. I had written to Mr. Madison, as I had before informed you, and had

stated to him some general ideas for consideration and consultation when we

should meet. I thought something essentially necessary to be said, in order to

avoid the inference of acquiescence; that a resolution or declaration should be

passed, I, answering the reasonings of such of the States as have ventured into

the field of reason, and that of the committee of Congress, taking some notice

too of those States who have either not answered at all, or answered without

reasoning. 2. Making firm protestation against the precedent and principle, and

reserving the right to make this palpable violation of the federal compact 













            Correspondence          131







the ground of doing in future whatever we might now rightfully do, should

repetitions of these and other violations of the compact render it expedient.

3. Expressing in affectionate and conciliatory language our warm attachment to

union with our sister States, and to the instrument and principles by which we

are united; that we are willing to sacrifice to this everything but the rights

of self-government in those important points which we have never yielded, and

in which alone we see liberty, safety, and happiness ; that not at all disposed

to make every measure of error or of wrong, a cause of scission, we are willing

to look on with indulgence, and to wait with patience till those passions and

delusions shall have passed over, which the federal government have artfully

excited to cover its own abuses and conceal its designs, fully confident that

the good sense of the American people, and their attachment to those very

rights which we are now vindicating, will, before it shall be too late, rally

with us round the true principles of our federal compact. This was only meant

to give a general idea of the complexion and topics of such an instrument. Mr.

M. who came, as had been proposed, does not concur in the reservation proposed

above; and from this I recede readily, not only in deference to his judgment,

but because, as we should never think of separation but for repeated and

enormous violations, so these, when they occur, will be cause enough of

themselves.







  To these topics, however, should be added ani













           Jefferson's Works







madversions on the new pretensions to a common law of the United States. I

proposed to Mr. M. to write to you, but he observed that you knew his

sentiments so perfectly from a former conference, that it was unnecessary. As

to the preparing anything, I must decline it, to avoid suspicions (which were

pretty strong in some quarters on the late occasion), and because there remains

still (after their late loss) a mass of talents in Kentucky sufficient for

every purpose. The only object of the present communication is to procure a

concert in the general plan of action, as it is extremely desirable that

Virginia and Kentucky should pursue the same track on this occasion, Besides,

how could you better while away the road from hence to Kentucky, than in

meditating this very subject, and preparing something yourself, than whom

nobody will do it better. The loss of your brother, and the visit of the

apostle * * * to Kentucky, excite anxiety. (1)  However, we doubt not that his

poisons will be effectually counterworked. Wishing you a pleasant journey and

happy return, I am with great and sincere esteem, dear Sir, your affectionate

friend and servant.















            TO JAMES MADISON.







           MONTICELLO, November 22, 1799.







DEAR SIR,-I have never answered your letter by Mr. Polk, because I expected to

have paid you a visit.







  Here, and in almost every other case where the name is omitted, it is omitted

in the original, 













            Correspondence          133







This has been prevented by various causes, till yesterday. That being the day

fixed for the departure of my daughter Eppes, my horses were ready for me to

have set out to see you: an accident postponed her departure to this day, and

my visit also. But Colonel Monroe dined with me yesterday, and on my asking his

commands for you, he entered into the subject of the visit and dissuaded it

entirely, founding the motives on the espionage of the little * * * in * * * *

who would make it a subject of some political slander, and perhaps of some

political injury. I have yielded to his representations, and therefore shall

not have the pleasure of seeing you till my return from Philadelphia. I regret

it sincerely, not only on motives of attention, but of affairs. Some late

circumstances changing considerably the aspect of our situation, must affect

the line of conduct to be observed. I regret it the more too, because from the

commencement of the ensuing session, I shall trust the post offices with

nothing confidential, persuaded that during the ensuing twelve months they will

lend their inquisitorial aid to furnish matter for newspapers. I shall send you

as usual printed communications, without saying anything confidential on them.

You will of course understand the cause.







  In your new station (1) let me recommend to you the jury system: as also the

restoration of juries in the court of chancery, which a law not long since

repealed, because " the trial by jury is troublesome and expen-







1 The Legislature of Virginia. 













             Jefferson's Works







sive. '' If the reason be good, they should abolish it at common law also. If

Peter Carr is elected in the room of * * * he will undertake the proposing this

business, and only need your support. If he is not elected, I hope you will get

it done otherwise. My best respects to Mrs. Madison, and affectionate

salutations to yourself.















         TO COLONEL JAMES MONROE.







            PHILADELPHIA, January 12, 1800.







DEAR SIR,-Yours of January the 4th was received last night. I had then no

opportunity of communicating to you confidentially information of the state of

opinions here; but I learn to-night that two Mr. Randolphs will set out

to-morrow morning for Richmond. If I can get this into their hands I shall send

it, otherwise it may wait longer. On the subject of an election by a general

ticket, or by districts, most persons here seem to have made up their minds.

All agree that an election by districts would be best, if it could be general ;

but while ten States choose either by their legislatures or by a general

ticket, it is folly and worse than folly for the other six not to do it. In

these ten States the minority is certainly unrepresented ; and their majorities

not only have the weight of their whole State in their scale, but have the

benefit of so much of our minorities as can succeed at a district election.

This is, in fact, ensuring to our minorities the appointment of the government.















             Correspondence          135







To state it in another form; it is merely a question whether we will divide the

United States into sixteen or one hundred and thirty-seven districts. The

latter being more chequered, and representing the people in smaller sections,

would be more likely to be an exact representation of their diversified

sentiments. But a representation of a part by great, and part by small

sections; would give a result very different from what would be the sentiment

of the whole people of the United States, were they assembled together. I have

to-day had a conversation with * * * * who has taken a flying trip here from

New York. He says, they have now really a majority in the House of

Representatives, but for want of some skilful person to rally round, they are

disjointed, and will lose every question. In the Senate there is a majority of

eight or nine against us. But in the new election which is to come on in April,

three or four in the Senate will be changed in our favor; and in the House of

Representatives the county elections will still be better than the last; but

still all will depend on the city election, which is of twelve members. At

present there would be no doubt of our carrying our ticket there; nor does

there seem to be time for any events arising to change that disposition. There

is, therefore, the best prospect possible of a great and decided majority on a

joint vote of the two Houses. They are so confident of this, that the

republican party there will not consent to elect either by districts or a

general ticket. 













136       Jefferson's Works







They choose to do it by their legislature. I am told the republicans of New

Jersey are equally confident, and equally anxious against an election either by

districts or a general ticket. The contest in this State will end in a

separation of the present legislature without passing any election law, (and

their former one has expired,) and in depending on the new one, which will be

elected October the 14th, in which the republican majority will be more decided

in the Representatives, and instead of a majority of five against us in the

Senate, will be of one for us. They will, from the necessity of the case,

choose the electors themselves. Perhaps it will be thought I ought in delicacy

to be silent on this subject. But you, who know me, know that my private

gratifications would be most indulged by that issue, which should leave me most

at home. If anything supersedes this propensity, it is merely the desire to see

this government brought back to its republican principles. Consider this as

written to Mr. Madison as much as yourself ; and communicate it, if you think

it will do any good; to those possessing our joint confidence, or any others

where it may be useful and safe. Health and affectionate salutations.















              TO J. PARKER.







        SENATE CHAMBER, January 13, 1800.







  SIR,-In answer to the several inquiries in your letter of this day, I have

the honor to inform you that 













             Correspondence         137







the marble statue of General Washington in the Capitol in Richmond, with its

pedestal, cost in Paris                        24,000 livres, or 1,000 Louis

d'ors. It is of the size of life, and made by Houdon, reckoned one of the first

statuaries in Europe. Besides this, we paid Houdon's expenses coming to and

returning from Virginia to take the General's likeness, which as well as I

recollect were about 50 guineas, and the transportation of the statue to

Virginia with a workman to put it up, the amount of which I never heard.







  The price of an equestrian statue of the usual size, which is considerably

above that of life, whether in marble or bronze, costs in Paris 40,000 Louis

d'ors from the best hand. Houdon asked that price for one that had been thought

of for General Washington ; but I do not recollect whether this included the

pedestal of marble, which is a considerable piece of work. These were the

prices in 1785 in Paris. I believe that in Rome or Florence, the same thing may

be had from the best artists for about two-thirds of the above prices, executed

in the marble of Carrara, the best now known. But unless Carracci's busts of

General Washington are, any of them, there, it would be necessary to send there

one of Houdon's figures in plaster, which, packed properly for safe

transportation, would probably cost 20 or 30 guineas. I do not know that any of

Carracci's busts of the General are to be had anywhere. I am, with great

consideration, Sir, your very humble servant. 













138       Jefferson's Works







       TO MR. MORGAN BROWN, PALMYRA.







          PHILADELPHIA, January 16, 1800.







SIR,-Your letter of October 1, has been duly received, and I have to make you

my acknowledgments for the offer of the two Indian busts found on the

Cumberland, and in your possession. Such monuments of the state of the arts

among the Indians, are too singular not to be highly esteemed, and I shall

preserve them as such with great care. They will furnish new and strong proofs

how far the patience and perseverance of the Indian artist supplied the very

limited means of execution which he possessed. Accept, therefore, I pray you,

my sincere thanks for your kind offer, and assurances of the gratification

these curiosities will yield here. As such objects cannot be conveyed without

injury but by water, I will ask the favor of you to forward them by some vessel

going down the river to Orleans, to the address of Mr. Daniel Clarke, junior,

of that place, to whom I wrote to have them forwarded round by sea, and to

answer for me the expenses of transportation, package, etc. I am, with many

acknowledgments for this mark of your attention, Sir, your most obedient humble

servant.















     TO DR. JOSEPH PRIESTLY.







            PHILADELPHIA, January 18, 1800.







  DEAR SIR,-I have to thank you for the pamphlets you were so kind as to send

me. You will know what 













            Correspondence







I thought of them by my having before sent a dozen. sets to Virginia to

distribute among my friends. Yet I thank you not the less for these, which I

value the more as they came from yourself. The stock of them which Campbell had

was, I believe, exhausted the first or second day of advertising them. The

papers of political arithmetic, both in yours and Mr. Cooper's pamphlets, are

the most precious gifts that can be made to us; for we are running navigation

mad, and commerce mad, and navy mad, which is worst of all. How desirable is it

that you could pursue that subject for us! From the Porcupines of our country

you will receive no thanks; but the great mass of our nation will edify and

thank you. How deeply have I been chagrined and mortified at the persecutions

which fanatism and monarchy have excited against you, even here! At first I

believed it was merely a continuance of the English persecution. But I observe

that on the demise of Porcupine and division of his inheritance between Fenno

and Brown, the latter (though succeeding only to the federal portion of

Porcupinism, not the Anglican, which is Fenno's part) serves up for the palate

of his sect, dishes of abuse against you as high seasoned as Porcupine's were.

You have sinned against church and king, and can therefore never be forgiven.

How sincerely have I regretted that your friend, before he fixed his choice of

a position, did not visit the valleys on each side of the ridge in Virginia, as

Mr. Madison and myself so much wished ! You would 













            Jefferson's Works







have found there equal soil, the finest climate and most healthy one on the

earth, the homage of universal reverence and love, and the power of the country

spread over you as a shield. But since you would not make it your country by

adoption, you must now do it by your good offices. I have one to propose to you

which will produce their good, and gratitude to you for ages, and in the way to

which you have devoted a long life, that of spreading light among men.







  We have in that State a College (William and Mary) just well enough endowed

to draw out the miserable existence to which a miserable constitution has

doomed it. It is moreover eccentric in its position, exposed to all bilious

diseases as all the lower country is, and therefore abandoned by the public

care, as that part of the country itself is in a considerable degree by its

inhabitants. We wish to establish in the upper country, and more centrally for

the State, an University on a plan so broad and liberal and modern, as to be

worth patronizing with the public support, and be a temptation to the youth of

other States to come and drink of the cup of knowledge and fraternize with us.

The first step is to obtain a good plan ; that is, a judicious selection of the

sciences, and a practicable grouping of some of them together, and ramifying of

others, so as to adopt the professorships to our uses and our means. In an

institution meant chiefly for use, some branches of science, formerly esteemed,

may be now omitted; 













            Correspondence







so may others now valued in Europe, but useless to us for ages to come. As an

example of the former, the Oriental learning, and of the latter, almost the

whole of the institution proposed to Congress by the Secretary of War's report

of the 5th instant. Now there is no one to whom this subject is so familiar as

yourself. There is no one in the world who, equally with yourself, unites this

full possession of the subject with such a knowledge of the state of our

existence, as enables you to fit the garment to him who is to pay for it and to

wear it. To you therefore we address our solicitations, and to lessen to you as

much as possible the ambiguities of our object, I will venture even to sketch

the sciences which seem useful and practicable for us, as they occur to me

while holding my pen. Botany, chemistry, zoology, anatomy, surgery, medicine,

natural philosophy, agriculture, mathematics, astronomy, geography, politics,

commerce, history, ethics, law, arts, fine arts. This list is imperfect because

I make it hastily, and because I am unequal to the subject. It is evident that

some of these articles are too much for one professor and must therefore be

ramified ; others may be ascribed in groups to a single professor. This is the

difficult part of the work, and requires a head perfectly knowing the extent of

each branch, and the limits within which it may be circumscribed, so as to

bring the, whole within the powers of the fewest professors possible, and

consequently within the degree of expense practicable for us. We should propose

that 













            Jefferson's Works







the professors follow no other calling, so that their whole time may be given

to their academical functions; and we should propose to draw from Europe the

first characters in science, by considerable temptations, which would not need

to be repeated after the first set should have prepared fit successors and

given reputation to the institution. From some splendid characters I have

received offers most perfectly reasonable and practicable.







  I do not propose to give you all this trouble merely of my own head, that

would be arrogance. It has been the subject of consultation among the ablest

and highest characters of our State, who only wait for a plan to make a joint

and I hope a successful effort to get the thing carried into effect: They will

receive your ideas with the greatest deference and thankfulness. We shall be

here certainly for two months to come; but should you not have leisure to think

of it before Congress adjourns, it will come safely to me afterwards by post,

the nearest post office being Milton.







  Will not the arrival of Dupont tempt you to make a visit to this quarter ? I

have no doubt the alarmists are already whetting their shafts for him also, but

their gas is nearly run out, and the day I believe is approaching when we shall

be as free to pursue what is true wisdom as the effects of their follies will

permit ; for some of them we shall be forced to wade through because we are

submerged in them.







  Wishing you that pure happiness which your pur-







            Correspondence          143







suits and circumstances offer, and which I am sure you are too wise to suffer a

diminution of by the pigmy assaults made on you, and with every sentiment of

affectionate esteem and respect, I am, dear Sir, your most humble, and most

obedient servant.















           TO HENRY INNIS, ESQ.







           PHILADELPHIA, January 23, 1800.







  DEAR SIR,-Your favor of December 6th I received here on the 30th of same

month, and have to thank you for the papers it contained. They serve to prove

that if Cresap was not of the party of Logan's murderers, ,yet no injury was

done his character by believing it. I shall, while here this winter, publish

such material testimony on the subject as I have received; which by the

kindness of my friends will be amply sufficient. It will appear that the deed

was generally imputed to Cresap by both whites and Indians, that his character

was justly stained with their blood, perhaps that he ordered this transaction,

but that he was not himself present at the time. I shall consequently make a

proper change in the text of the Notes on Virginia,, to be adopted, if any

future edition of that work should be printed.







  With respect to the judiciary district to be established for the Western

States, nothing can be wilder than to annex to them any State on the Eastern

waters. I do not know what may be the dispositions 













144         Jefferson's Works







of the House of Representatives on that subject, but I should hope from what I

recollect of those manifested by the Senate on the same subject at the former.

session, that they may be induced to set off the Western country in a district.

And I expect that the reason of, the thing must bring both Houses into the

measure.







  The Mississippi Territory has petitioned to be placed at once in what is

called the second stage of government. Surely, such a government as the first

form prescribed for the Territories is a despotic oligarchy without one

rational object.







  I had addressed the enclosed letters to the 'care of the postmaster at

Louisville; but not knowing him, I have concluded it better to ask the favor of

you to avail them of any passage which may offer down the river. I presume the

boats stop of course at those places.







  We have wonderful rumors here at this time. One that the King of England is

dead. As this would ensure a general peace, I do not know that it would be any

misfortune to humanity. The other is that Bonaparte, Sieyes and Ducos have

usurped the French government. This is West India news, and shows that after

killing Bonaparte a thousand times, they have still a variety of parts to be

acted by him: Were it really true-. While I was writing the last word a

gentleman enters my room and brings a confirmation that something has happened

at Paris. This is arrived at New York by a ship from Cork. 













            Correspondence        145







The particulars differ from the West India account. We are therefore only to

believe that a revolution of some kind has taken place, and that Bonaparte is

at the head of it, but what 'are the particulars and what the object, we must

wait with patience to learn. In the meantime we may speak hypothetically. If

Bonaparte declares for Royalty, either in his own person, or of Louis XVIII.,

he has but a few days to live. In a nation of so much enthusiasm, there must be

a million of Brutuses who will devote themselves to death to destroy him. But,

without much faith in Bonaparte's heart, I have so much in his head, as to

indulge another train of reflection. The republican world has been long looking

with anxiety on the two experiments going on of a single elective Executive

here, and a plurality there. Opinions have been considerably divided on the

event in both countries. The greater opinion there has seemed to be heretofore

in favor of a plurality, here it has been very generally, though not

universally, in favor of a single elective Executive. After eight or nine years

' experience ' of perpetual broils and factions in their Directory, a standing

division (under all changes) of three against two, which results in a

government by a single opinion, it is possible they may think the experiment

decided in favor of our form, and that Bonaparte may be for a single executive,

limited in time and power, arid flatter himself with the election to that

office ; and that to this change the nation may rally itself;







   VOL. x-10























 146         Jefferson's Works







perhaps it is the only one to which all parties could be rallied. In every case

it is to be feared and deplored that, that nation has yet to wade through half

a century of disorder and convulsions. These, however, are conjectures only,

which you will take as such, and accept assurances of the great esteem and

attachment of, dear Sir, your friend and servant.















          TO DR. JOSEPH PRIESTLY.







           PHILADELPHIA, January 27, 1800.







DEAR SIR,-In my last letter of the 18th, I omitted to say any thing of the

languages as part of our proposed University. It was not that I think, as some

do, that they are useless. I am of a very different opinion. I do not think

them very essential to the obtaining eminent degrees of science ; but I think

them very useful towards it. I suppose there is a portion of life during which

our faculties are ripe enough for this, and for nothing more useful. I think

the Greeks and Romans have left us the present models which exist of fine

composition, whether we examine them as works of reason, or of style and fancy

; and to them we probably owe these characteristics of modern composition. I

know of no composition of any other ancient people, which merits the least

regard as a model for its matter or style. To all this I add, that to read the

Latin and Greek authors in their original, is a sublime 













            Correspondence          147







 luxury ; and I deem luxury in science to be at least







as justifiable as in architecture, painting, gardening,







or the other arts. I enjoy Homer in his own







language infinitely beyond Pope's translation of







him, and both beyond the dull narrative of the same







events by Dares Phrygius; and it is an innocent







enjoyment. I thank on my knees, Him who







directed my early education, for having put into my







possession this rich source of delight; and I would







not exchange it for anything which I could then







have acquired, and have not since acquired. With







this regard for those languages, you will acquit me







of meaning to omit them. About twenty years ago,







I drew a bill for our legislature, which proposed to







lay off every county into hundreds or townships of







five or six miles square, in the centre of each of them







was to be a free English school ; the whole State was







further laid off into ten districts, in each of which







was to be a college for teaching the languages,







geography, surveying, and other useful things of







that grade; and then a single University for the







sciences. It was received with enthusiasm; but as







I had proposed that William and Mary, under an







improved form, should be the University, and that







was at that time pretty highly Episcopal, the







dissenters after awhile began to apprehend some







secret design of a preference to that sect. About







three years ago they enacted that part of my bill







which related to English schools, except that instead







of obliging, they left it optional in the court of every























148         Jefferson's Works







county to carry it into execution or not. I think it probable the part of the

plan for the middle grade of education, may also be brought forward in due

time. In the meanwhile, we are not without a sufficient number of good country

schools, where the languages, geography, and the first elements of mathematics,

are taught. Having omitted this information in my former letter, I thought it

necessary now to supply it, that you might know on what base your

superstructure was to be reared. I have a letter from Mr. Dupont, since his

arrival at New York, dated the 20th, in which he says he will he in

Philadelphia within about a fortnight from that time ; but only on a visit. How

much would it delight me if a visit from you at the same time, were to show us

two such illustrious foreigners embracing each other in my country, as the

asylum for whatever is great and good. Pardon, I pray you, the temporary

delirium which has been excited here, but which is fast passing away. The

Gothic idea that we are to look backwards instead of forwards for the

improvement of the human mind, and to recur to the annals of our ancestors for

what is most perfect in government, in religion and in learning, is. worthy of

those bigots in religion and government, by whom it has been recommended, and

whose purposes it would answer. But it is not an idea which this country will

endure ; and the moment of their showing it is fast ripening; and the signs of

it will be their respect for you, and growing 













            Correspondence          149







detestation of those who have dishonored our country by endeavors to disturb

our tranquillity in it. No one has felt this with more sensibility than, my

dear Sir, your respectful and affectionate friend and servant.















          TO JOHN BRECKENRIDGE.







            PHILADELPHIA, January 29, 1800.







  DEAR SIR,-Your favor of the 13th has been duly received, as had been that

containing the resolutions of your legislature on the subject of the former

resolutions. I was glad to see the subject taken up, and done with so much

temper, firmness and propriety. From the reason of the thing I cannot but hope

that the western country will be laid off into a separate judiciary district.

From what I recollect of the dispositions on the same subject at the last

session, I should expect that the partiality to a general and uniform system

would yield to geographical and physical impracticabilities. I was once a great

advocate for introducing into chancery viva voce testimony, and trial by jury.

I am still so as to the latter, but have retired from the former opinion on the

information received from both your State and ours,. that it worked

inconveniently. I introduced it into the Virginia law, but did not return to

the bar, so as to see how it answered. But I do not understand how the viva

voce examination comes to be practiced in the 













           Jefferson's Works







Federal court with you, and not in your own courts ; the Federal courts being

decided by law to proceed and decide by the laws of the States.















           TO T. M. RANDOLPH.







           PHILADELPHIA, February 2, 1800.







My letters to yourself and my dear Martha have been of January 13th, 21st, and

28th. I now enclose a letter lately received for her. You will see in the

newspapers all the details we have of the proceedings of Paris. I observe that

Lafayette is gone there. When we see him, Volney, Sieyes, Talleyrand, gathering

round the new powers, we may conjecture from thence their views and principles.

Should it be really true that Bonaparte has usurped the government with an

intention of making it a free one, whatever his talents may be for war, we have

no proofs that he is skilled in forming governments friendly to the people.

Wherever he has meddled we have seen nothing but fragments of the old Roman

government stuck into materials with which they can form no cohesion : we see

the bigotry of an Italian to the ancient splendor of his country, but nothing

which bespeaks a luminous view of the organization of rational government.

Perhaps, however, this may end better than we augur; and it certainly will if

his head is equal to true and solid calculations of glory. It is generally

hoped here that peace may take place. There was before no 













            Correspondence          151







union of views. between Austria and the members of the triple coalition; and

the defeats of Suwarrow appear to have completely destroyed the confidence of

Russia in that power, and the failure of the Dutch expedition to have weaned

him from the plans of England. The withdrawing his armies we hope is the signal

for the entire dissolution of the coalition, and for every one seeking his

separate peace. We have great need of this event, that foreign affairs may no

longer bear so heavily on ours. We have great need for the ensuing twelve

months to be left to ourselves. The enemies of our Constitution are preparing a

fearful operation; and the dissensions in this State are too likely to bring

things to the situation they wish, when our Bonaparte, surrounded by his

comrades in arms, may step in to give us political salvation in his way. It

behooves our citizens to be on their guard, to be firm in their principles, and

full of confidence in themselves. We are able to preserve our self-government

if we will but think so. I think the return of Lafayette to Paris ensures a

reconciliation between them and us. He will so entwist himself with the Envoys

that they will not be able to draw off. Mr. C. Pinckney has brought into the

Senate a bill for the uniform appointment of juries. A tax on public stock,

bank stock, etc., is to be proposed. This would bring one hundred and fifty

millions into contribution with the lands, and levy a sensible proportion of

the expenses of a war on those who are so anxious 













152         Jefferson's Works







to engage us in. it. Robbins ' affair is perhaps to be inquired into. However,

the majority against these things leave no hope of success. It is most

unfortunate that while Virginia and North Carolina were steady, the Middle

States drew back; now that these are laying their shoulders to the draught,

Virginia and North Carolina balk; so that never drawing together, the Eastern

States, steady and unbroken, draw all to themselves. I was mistaken last week

in saying no more failures had happened. New ones have been declaring every day

in Baltimore, others here and at New York. The last here have been Nottnagil,

Montmollin and Co., and Peter Blight. These sums are enormous. I do not know

the firms of the bankrupt houses in Baltimore, but the crush will be

incalculable. In the present stagnation of commerce, and particularly that in

tobacco, it is difficult to transfer money from hence to Richmond. Government

bills on their custom house at Bermuda can from time to time be had. I think it

would be best for Mr. Barnes always to keep them bespoke,. and to remit in that

way your instalments as fast as they are either due or within the discountable

period. The first is due the middle of March, and so from two months to two

months in five equal instalments. I am looking out to see whether such a

difference of price here may be had as will warrant our bringing our tobacco

from New York here, rather than take eight dollars there. We have been very

unfortunate in this whole business. 













                Correspondence        153







First in our own miscalculations of the effect of the







non-intercourse law; and where we had corrected







our opinions, that our instructions were from good,







but mistaken views, not executed. My constant







love to my dear Martha, kisses to her young ones,







and  affectionate esteem to yourself.















          TO SAMUEL ADAMS.







              PHILADELPHIA, February 26, 1800.







     DEAR SIR, Mr. Erving delivered me your favor







of January 31st, and I thank you for making me







acquainted with him. You will always do me a







favor in giving me an opportunity of knowing







gentlemen as estimable in their principles and talents







as I find Mr. Erving to be. I have not yet seen







Mr. Winthrop. A letter from you, my respectable







friend, after three and twenty years of separation,







has given me a pleasure I cannot express. It recalls







to my mind the anxious days we then passed in







struggling for the cause of mankind. Your prin-







ciples have been tested in the crucible of time, and







have come out pure. You have proved that it







was monarchy, and not merely British monarchy,







you opposed. A government by representatives,







elected by the people at short periods, was our object ;







and our maxim at that day was, "where annual







election ends, tyranny begins ;" nor have our depar-







tures from it been sanctioned by the happiness of their







effects. A debt of an hundred millions growing























~ 













154         Jefferson's Works







by usurious interest, and an artificial paper phalanx overruling the

agricultural mass of our country, with other et ceteras, have a portentous

aspect.







  I fear our friends on the other side of the water, laboring in the same

cause, have yet a great deal of crime and misery to wade through. My confidence

has been placed in the head, not in the heart of Bonaparte. I hoped he would

calculate truly the difference between the fame of a Washington and a Cromwell.

Whatever his views may be, he has at least transferred the destinies of the

republic from the civil to the military arm. Some will use this as a lesson

against the practicability of republican government. I read it as a lesson

against the danger of standing armies.







Adieu, my ever respected and venerable friend. May that kind overruling

providence which has so long spared you to our country, still foster your

remaining years with whatever may make them comfortable to yourself and

soothing to your friends. Accept the cordial salutations of your affectionate

friend.















            TO JAMES MADISON.







             PHILADELPHIA, March 4, 1800.







DEAR SIR,-I have never Written to you since my arrival here, for reasons which

were explained. Yours of December 29th, January the 4th, 9th, 12th, 18th, and

February the 14th, have therefore re













           Correspondence          155







mained unacknowledged. I have at different times enclosed to you such papers as

seemed interesting. To-day I forward Bingham's amendment to the election bill

formerly enclosed to you, Mr. Pinckney's proposed amendment to the

Constitution, and the report of the Ways and Means. Bingham's amendment was

lost by the usual majority of two to one. A very different one will be

proposed, containing the true sense of the minority, viz., that the two Houses,

voting by heads, shall decide such questions as the Constitution authorizes to

be raised. This may probably be taken up in the other House under better

auspices, for though the federalists have a great majority there, yet they are

of a more moderate temper than for some time past. The Senate, however, seem

determined to yield to nothing which shall give the other House greater weight

in the decision on elections than they have.







  Mr. Pinckney's motion has been supported, and is likely to have some votes

which were not expected. I rather believe he will withdraw it, and propose the

same thing in the form of a bill; it being the opinion of some that such a

regulation is not against the present Constitution. In this form it will stand

a better chance to pass, as a majority only in both Houses will be necessary.

By putting off the building of the seventy-fours and stopping enlistments, the

loan will be reduced to three and a half millions. But I think it cannot be

obtained. For 













156        Jefferson's Works







though no new bankruptcies have happened here for some weeks, or in New York,

yet they continue to happen in Baltimore, and the whole commercial race are

lying on their oars, and gathering in their affairs, not knowing what new

failures may put their resources to the proof. In this state of things they

cannot lend money. Some foreigners have taken asylum among us, with a good deal

of money, who may perhaps choose that deposit. Robbins' affair has been under

agitation for some days. Livingston made an able speech of two and a half hours

yesterday. The advocates of the measure feel its pressure heavily; and though

they may be able to repel Livingston's motion of censure, I do not believe they

can carry Bayard's of approbation. The landing of our Envoys at Lisbon will

risk a very dangerous consequence, insomuch as the news of Truxton's aggression

will perhaps arrive at Paris before our commissioners. will. Had they gone

directly there, they might have been two months ahead of that news. We are

entirely without further information from Paris. By letters from Bordeaux, of

December the 7th, tobacco was then from twentyfive to twenty-seven dollars per

hundred. Yet did Marshall maintain on the non-intercourse bill, that its price

at other markets had never been affected by that law. While the navigating and

provision States, who are the majority, can keep open all the markets, or at

least sufficient ones for their objects, the cries of the tobacco makers, who

are the minor-







           Correspondence          157







ity, and not at all in favor, will hardly be listened to. It is truly the fable

of the monkey pulling the nuts out of the fire with the cat's paw; and it shows

that G. Mason's proposition in the Convention was wise, that on laws regulating

commerce, two-thirds of the votes should be requisite to pass them. However, it

would have been trampled under foot by a triumphant majority.







March 8. My letter has lain by me till now, waiting Mr. Trist's departure. The

question has been decided to-day on Livingston's motion respecting Robbins;

thirty-five for it, about sixty against it. Livingston, Nicholas, and Gallatin

distinguished themselves on one side, and J. Marshall greatly on the other.

Still it is believed they will not push Bayard's motion of approbation. We have

this day also decided in Senate on the motion for overhauling the editor of the

Aurora. It was carried, as usual, by about two to one; H. Marshal voting of

course with them, as did, and frequently does * * * of * * * *, who is

perfectly at market. It happens that the other party are so strong, that they

do not think either him or * * * worth buying. As the conveyance is

confidential, I can say something on a subject which, to those who do not know

my real dispositions respecting it, might seem indelicate. The federalists

begin to be very seriously alarmed about their election next fall. Their

speeches in private, as well as their public and private demeanor to me,

indicate it strongly, 













            Jefferson's Works







This seems to be the prospect. Keep out Pennsyl. vania, Jersey, and New York,

and the rest of the States are about equally divided; and in this estimate it

is supposed that North Carolina and Maryland added together are equally

divided. Then the event depends on the three Middle States before mentioned. As

to them, Pennsylvania passes no law for an election at the present session.

They confide that the next election gives a decided majority in the two Houses,

when joined together. M'Kean, therefore, intends to call the legislature to

meet immediately after the new election, to appoint electors themselves. Still

you may be sensible there may arise a difficulty between the two Houses about

voting by heads or by Houses. The republican members here from Jersey are

entirely confident that their two Houses, joined together, have a majority of

republicans; their Council being republican by six or eight votes, and the

lower House federal by only one or two ; and they have no doubt the approaching

election will be in favor of the republicans. They appoint electors by the two

Houses voting together. In New York all depends on the success of the city

election, which is of twelve members, and of course makes a difference of

twentyfour, which is sufficient to make the two Houses joined together,

republican in their vote. Governor Clinton, General Gates, and some other old

revolutionary characters, have been put on the republican ticket. Burr,

Livingston, etc,, entertain no doubt 













            Correspondence







on the event of that election. Still these are the ideas of the republicans

only in these three States, and we must make great allowance for their sanguine

views. Upon the whole, I consider it as rather more doubtful than the last

election, in which I was not deceived in more than a vote or two. If

Pennsylvania votes, then either Jersey or New York giving a republican vote,

decides the election. If Pennsylvania does not vote, then New York determines

the election. In any event, we may say that if the city election of New York is

in favor of the republican ticket, the issue will be republican; if the federal

ticket for the city of New York prevails, the probabilities will be in favor of

a federal issue, because it would then require a republican vote both from

Jersey and Pennsylvania to preponderate against New York, on which we could not

count with any confidence. The election of New York being in April, it becomes

an early and interesting object. It is probable the landing of our Envoys in

Lisbon will add a month to our session; because all that the eastern men are

anxious about, is to get away before the possibility of a treaty's coming in

upon us.







  Present my respectful salutations to Mrs. Madison, and be assured of my

constant and affectionate esteem. 













160           Jefferson's Works















 TO COLONEL BENJAMIN HAWKINS.







             PHILADELPHIA, March 14, 1800.







DEAR SIR,-I had twice before attempted to open a correspondence by writing unto

you, but receiving no answer, I took it for granted my letters did not reach

you, and consequently that no communication could be found. Yesterday, however,

your nephew put into my hands your favor of January 23d, and informs me that a

letter sent by post by way of Fort Wilkinson, will be certain of getting safely

to you. Still, I expect your long absence from this part of the States, has

rendered occurrences here but little interesting to you. Indeed, things have so

much changed their aspect, it is like a new world. Those who know us only from

1775 to 1793 can form no better idea of us now than of the inhabitants of the

moon; I mean as to political matters. Of these, therefore, I shall not say one

word, because nothing I could say, would be any more intelligible to you, if

said in English, than if said in Hebrew. On your part, however, you have

interesting details to give us. I particularly take great interest in whatever

respects the Indians, and the present state of the Creeks, mentioned in your

letter is very interesting. But you must not suppose that your official

communications will ever be seen or known out of the offices. Reserve as to all

their proceedings is the fundamental maxim of the Executive department. I must,

therefore, ask from you 













             Correspondence







one communication to be made to me separately, and I am encouraged to it by

that part of your letter which promises me something on the Creek language. I

have long believed we can never get any information of the ancient history of

the Indians, of their descent and filiation, but from a knowledge and

comparative view of their languages. I have, therefore, never failed to avail

myself of any opportunity which offered of getting their vocabularies. I have

now made up a large collection, and afraid to risk it any longer, lest by some

accident it might be lost, I am about to print it. But I still want the great

southern languages, Cherokee, Creeks, Choctaw, Chickasaw. For the Cherokee, I

have written to another, but for the three others, I have no chance but through

yourself. I have indeed an imperfect vocabulary of the Choctaw, but it wants

all the words marked in the enclosed vocabulary (1) with either this mark (*)

or this ( +). I therefore throw myself on you to procure me the Creek, Choctaw,

and Chickasaw; and I enclose you a vocabulary of the particular words I want.

You need not take the trouble of having any others taken, because. all my other

vocabularies are confined to these words, and my object is only a comparative

view. The Creek column I expect you will be able to fill up at once, and when

done I should wish it to come on without waiting for the others. As to the

Choctaw and Chickasaw, I know your relations are not







   1 This vocabulary is missing,







   VOL. X-II 













            Jefferson's Works







very direct, but as I possess no means at all of getting at them, I am induced

to pray your aid. All the despatch which can be conveniently used is desirable

to me, because this summer I propose to arrange all my vocabularies for the

press, and I wish to place every tongue in the column adjacent to its kindred

tongues. Your letters, addressed by post to me at Monticello, near

Charlottesville, will come safely, and more safely than if put under cover to

any of the offices, where they may be mislaid or lost.







  Your old friend, Mrs. Trist, is now settled at Charlottesville, within two

and a half miles of me. She lives with her son, who married here, and removed

there. She preserves her health and spirits fully, and is much beloved with us,

as she deserves to be. As I know she is a favorite correspondent of yours, I

shall observe that the same channel will be a good one to her as I have

mentioned for myself. Indeed, if you find our correspondence worth having, it

can now be as direct as if you were in one of these States. Mr. Madison is

well. I presume you have long known of his marriage. He is not yet a father.

Mr. Giles is happily and wealthily married to a Miss Tabb. This I presume is

enough for a first dose; after hearing from you, and knowing how it agrees with

you, it may be repeated. With sentiments of constant and sincere esteem, I am,

dear Sir, your affectionate friend and servant. 













            Correspondence          163















            TO P. N. NICHOLAS.







              PHILADELPHIA, April 7, 1800.







  DEAR SIR,-It is too early to think of a declaratory act as yet, but the time

is approaching and not distant. Two elections more will give us a solid

majority in the House of Representatives, and a sufficient one in the Senate.

As soon as it can be depended on, we must have " a Declaration of the

principles of the Constitution '' in nature of a Declaration of rights, in all

the points in which it has been violated. The people in the Middle States are

almost rallied to Virginia already; and the Eastern States are commencing the

vibration which has been checked by X. Y. Z. North Carolina is at present in

the most dangerous state. The lawyers all tories, the people substantially

republican, but uninformed and deceived by the lawyers, who are elected of

necessity because few other candidates. The medicine for that State must be

very mild and secretly administered. But nothing should be spared to give them

true information. I am, dear Sir, yours affectionately.















       TO EDWARD LIVINGSTON, ESQ.







             PHILADELPHIA, April 30, 1800.







  DEAR SIR,-I received with great pleasure your favor of the 11th instant. By

this time I presume the result of your labors is known with you, though 













            Jefferson's Works not here. Whatever it may be, and my experience

of the art, industry, and resources of the other party has not permitted me to

be prematurely confident, yet I am entirely confident that ultimately the great

body of the people are passing over from them. This may require one or two

elections more; but it will assuredly take place. The madness and extravagance

of their career is what ensures it. The people through all the States are for

republican forms, republican principles, simplicity, economy, religious and

civil freedom.







  I have nothing to offer you but Congressional news. The Judiciary bill is

postponed to the next session ; so the Militia ; so the Military Academy. . The

bill for the election of the President and VicePresident has undergone much

revolution. Marshall made a dexterous manoeuvre; he declares against the

constitutionality of the Senate 's bill, and proposed that the right of

decision of their grand committee should be controllable by the concurrent

votes of the two houses of Congress; but to stand good if not rejected by a

concurrent vote. You will readily estimate the amount of this sort of control.

The Committee of the House of Representatives, however, took from the Committee

the right of giving any opinion, requiring them to report facts only, and that

the votes returned by the States should be counted, unless reported by a

concurrent vote of both houses. In what form it will pass them or us, cannot be

foreseen. Our Jury 





















       Correspondence        165







bill in Senate will pass so as merely to accommodate New York and Vermont. The

House of Representatives sent us yesterday a bill for incorporating a company

to work Roosewell's copper mines in New Jersey. I do not know whether it is

understood that the Legislature of Jersey was incompetent to this, or merely

that we have concurrent legislation under the sweeping clause. Congress are

authorized to defend the nation. Ships are necessary for defence ; copper is

necessary for ships ; mines necessary for copper; a company necessary to work

mines; and who can doubt this reasoning who has ever played at "This is the

House that Jack built ? '' Under such a process of filiation of necessities the

sweeping clause makes clean work. We shall certainly rise on the 12th. There is

nothing to do now but to pass the Ways and Means, and to settle some

differences of opinion of the two houses on the Georgia bill, the bill for

dividing the NorthWestern Territory, and that for the sale of the Western

lands. Salutations and affectionate esteem. Adieu.















            TO' JAMES MADISON.







              PHILADELPHIA, May 12, 1800.







  DEAR SIR,-Congress will rise to-day or tomorrow. Mr. Nicholas proposing to

call on you, you will get from him the Congressional news. On the whole, the

federalists have not been able to 













166       Jefferson's Works







carry a .single strong measure in the lower House the whole session. When they

met, it was believed they had a majority of twenty; but many of these were new

and moderate men, and soon saw the true character of the party to which they

had been well disposed while at a distance. This tide, too, of public opinion

sets so strongly against the federal proceedings, that this melted off their

majority, and dismayed the heroes of the party. The Senate alone remained

undismayed to the last. Firm to their purpose, regardless of public opinion,

and more disposed to coerce than to court it; not a man of their majority gave

way in the least; and on the election bill they adhered to John Marshall's

amendment, by their whole number; and if there had been a full Senate, there

would have been but eleven votes against it, which include H. Marshall, who has

voted with the republicans this session. * * * *







* * * * * *             * * *







Accept assurances of constant and affectionate esteem to Mrs. Madison and

yourself from, dear Sir, your sincere friend and servant.















           TO GIDEON GRANGER.







             MONTICELLO, August 13, 1800.







  DEAR SIR,-I received with great pleasure your favor of June the 4th, and am

much comforted by the appearance of a change of opinion in your State ; for

though we may obtain, and I believe shall obtain, 













            Correspondence          167







a majority in the Legislature of the United States, attached to the

preservation of the federal Constitution according to its obvious principles,

and those on which it was known to be received; attached equally to the

preservation to the States of those rights unquestionably remaining with them;

friends to the freedom of religion, freedom of the press, trial by jury and to

economical government; opposed to standing armies, paper systems, war, and all

connection, other than commerce, with any foreign nation; in short, a majority

firm in all those principles which we have espoused and the federalists have

opposed uniformly; still, should the whole body of New England continue in

opposition to these principles of government, either knowingly or through

delusion, our government will be a very uneasy one. It can never be harmonious

and solid, while so respectable a portion of its citizens support principles

which go directly to change of the federal Constitution, to sink the State

governments, consolidate them into one, and to monarchize that. Our country is

too large to have all its affairs directed by a single government. Public

servants at such a distance, and from under the eye of their constituents,

must, from the circumstance of distance, be unable to administer and overlook

all the details necessary for the good government of the citizens, and the same

circumstance, by rendering detection impossible to their constituents, will

invite the public agents to corruption, plunder and 













168         Jefferson's Works







waste. And I do verily believe, that if the principle were to prevail, of a

common law being in force in the United States, (which principle possesses the

General Government at once of all the powers of the State governments, and

reduces us to a single consolidated government,) it would become the most

corrupt government on the earth. You have seen the practises by which the

public servants have been able to cover their conduct, or, where that could not

be done, delusions by which they have varnished it for the eye of their

constituents. What an augmentation of the field for jobbing, speculating,

plundering, office-building and office-hunting would be produced by an

assumption of all the State powers into the hands of the General Government!

The true theory of our Constitution is surely the wisest and best, that the

States are independent as to everything within themselves, and united as to

everything respecting foreign nations. Let the General Government be reduced to

foreign concerns only, and let our affairs be disentangled from those of all

other nations, except as to commerce, which the merchants will manage the

better, the more they are left free to manage for themselves, and our General

Government may be reduced to a very simple organization, and a very inexpensive

one; a few plain duties to be performed by a few servants. But I repeat, that

this simple and economical mode of government can never be secured, if the New.

England States continue to support the contrary 













             Correspondence







system. I rejoice, therefore, in every appearance of their returning to those

principles which I had always imagined to be almost innate in them. In this

State, a few persons were deluded by the X. Y. Z. duperies. You saw the effect

of it in our last Congressional representatives, chosen under their influence.

This experiment on their credulity is now seen into, and our next

representation will be as republican as it has heretofore been. On the whole,

we hope, that by a part of the Union having held on to the principles of the

Constitution, time has been given to the States to recover from the temporary

frenzy into which they had been decoyed, to rally round the Constitution, and

to rescue it from the destruction with which it had been threatened even at

their own hands. I see copied from the American Magazine two numbers of a paper

signed Don Quixote, most excellently adapted to introduce the real truth to the

minds even of the most prejudiced.







  I would, with great pleasure, have written the letter you desired in behalf

of your friend, but there are existing circumstances which render a letter from

me to that magistrate as improper as it would be unavailing. I shall be happy,

on some more fortunate occasion, to prove to you my desire of serving your

wishes.







  I sometime ago received a letter from a Mr. M'Gregory of Derby; in your

State; it is written with such a degree of good sense and appearance of candor,















          . Jefferson's Works        







as entitles it to an answer. Yet the writer being entirely unknown to me, and

the stratagems of the times very multifarious, I have thought it best to avail

myself of your friendship, and enclose the answer to you. You will see its

nature. If you find from the character of the person to whom it is addressed,

that no improper use would probably be made of it, be so good as to seal and

send it. Otherwise suppress it.







  How will the vote of your State and Rhode Island be as to A. and P. ?







I am, with great and sincere esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant.















           TO URIAH MCGREGORY.







             MONTICELLO, August 13, 1800.







SIR,-Your favor of July the 19th has been received, and received with the

tribute of respect due to a person, who, unurged by motives of personal

friendship or acquaintance, and unaided by particular information, will so far

exercise his justice as to advert to the proofs of approbation given a public

character by his own State and by the United States, and weigh them in the

scale against the fatherless calumnies he hears uttered against him. These

public acts are known even to those who know nothing of my private life, and

surely are better evidence to a mind disposed to truth, than slanders which no

man will affirm on







            Correspondence         171







his own knowledge, or ever saw one who would. From the moment that a portion of

my fellow citizens looked towards me with a view to one of their highest

offices, the floodgates of calumny have been opened upon me; not where I am

personally known, where their slanders would be instantly judged and

suppressed, from a general sense of their falsehood; but in the remote parts of

the Union, where the means of detection are not at hand, and the trouble of an

inquiry is greater than would suit the hearers to undertake. I know that I

might have filled the courts of the United States with actions for these

slanders, and have ruined perhaps many persons who are not innocent. But this

would be no equivalent to the loss of character. I leave them, therefore, to

the reproof of their own consciences. If these do not condemn them, there will

yet come a day when the false witness will meet a judge who has not slept over

his slanders. If the Reverend Cotton Mather Smith of Shena believed this as

firmly as I do, he would surely never have affirmed that " I had obtained my

property by fraud and robbery; that in one instance, I had defrauded and robbed

a widow and fatherless children of an estate to which I was executor, of ten

thousand pounds sterling, by keeping the property and paying them in money at

the nominal rate, when it was worth no more than forty for one ; and that all

this could be proved. '' Every tittle of it is fable ; there not having existed

a single circumstance of my life 













           Jefferson's Works







to which any part of it can hang. I never was executor but in two instances,

both of which having taken place about the beginning of the revolution, which

withdrew me immediately from all private pursuits, I never meddled in either

executorship. In one of the cases only, were there a widow and children. She

was my sister. She retained and managed the`estate in her own hands, and no

part of it was ever in mine. In the other, I was a copartner, and only received

on a division the equal portion allotted me. To neither of these executorships

therefore, could Mr. Smith refer. Again, my property is all patrimonial, except

about seven or eight hundred pounds' worth of lands, purchased by myself and

paid for, not to widows and orphans; but to the very gentleman from whom I

purchased. If Mr. Smith, therefore, thinks the precepts. of the gospel intended

for those who preach them as well as for others, he will doubtless some day

feel the duties of repentance, and of acknowledgment in such forms as to

correct the wrong he has done. Perhaps he will have to wait till the passions

of the moment have passed away. All this is left to his own conscience.







These, Sir, are facts, well known to every person in this quarter, which I have

committed to paper for your own satisfaction, and that of those to whom you may

choose to mention them. I only pray that my letter may not go out of your own

hands, lest it should get into the newspapers, a bear













            Correspondence          173







garden scene into which I have made it a point to enter on no provocation.







  I am, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.















          TO DR. BENJAMIN RUSH.







           MONTICELLO, September 23, 1800.







  DEAR SIR,-I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of August the 22d,

and to congratulate you on the healthiness of your city. Still Baltimore,

Norfolk and Providence admonish us that we are not clear of our new scourge.

When great evils happen, I am in the habit of looking out for what good may

arise from them as consolations to us, and Providence has in fact so

established the order of things, as that most evils are the means of producing

some good. The yellow fever will discourage the growth of great cities in our

nation, and I view great cities as pestilential to the morals, the health and

the liberties of man. True, they nourish some of the elegant arts, but the

useful ones can thrive elsewhere, and less perfection in the others, with more

health, virtue and freedom, would be my choice.







  I agree with you entirely, in condemning the mania of giving names to objects

of any kind after persons still living. Death alone can seal the title of any

man to this honor, by putting it out of his power to forfeit it. There is one

other mode of'. recording merit, which I have often thought might 













174         Jefferson's Works







be introduced, so as to gratify the living by praising the dead. In giving, for

instance, a commission of Chief Justice to Bushrod Washington, it should be in

consideration of his integrity, and science in the laws, and of the services

rendered to our country by his illustrious relation, etc. A commission to a

descendant of Dr. Franklin, besides being in consideration of the proper

qualifications of the person, should add that of the great services rendered by

his illustrious ancestor, Benjamin Franklin, by the advancement of science, by

inventions useful to man, etc. I am not sure that we ought to change all our

names. And during the regal government, sometimes, indeed, they were given

through adulation; but often also as the reward of the merit of the times,

sometimes for services rendered the colony. Perhaps, too, a name when given,

should be deemed a sacred property.







  I promised you a letter on Christianity, which I have not forgotten. On the

contrary, it is because I have reflected on it, that I find much more time

necessary for it than I can at present dispose of. I have a view of the subject

which ought to displease neither the rational Christian nor Deists, and would

reconcile many to a character they have too hastily rejected. I do not know

that it would reconcile the genus irritabile vatum who are all in arms against

me. Their hostility is on too interesting ground to be softened. The delusion

into which the X. Y. Z. plot showed it possible to push the people; the 













            Correspondence         175







successful experiment made under the prevalence of that delusion on the clause

of the Constitution, which, while it secured the freedom of the press, covered

also the freedom of religion, had given to the clergy a very favorite hope of

obtaining an establishment of a particular form of Christianity through the

United States; and as every sect believes its own form the true one, every one

perhaps hoped for his own, but especially the Episcopalians and

Congregationalists. The returning good sense of our country threatens abortion

to their hopes, and they believe that any portion of power confided to me, will

be exerted in opposition to their schemes. And they believe rightly: for I have

sworn upon the altar of God, eternal hostility against every form of tyranny

over the mind of man. But this is all they have to fear from me: and enough too

in their opinion. And this is the cause of their printing lying pamphlets

against me, forging conversations for me with Mazzei, Bishop Madison, etc.,

which are absolute falsehoods without a circumstance of truth to rest on;

falsehoods, too, of which I acquit Mazzei and Bishop Madison, for they are men

of truth.







  But enough of this : it is more than I have before committed to paper on the

subject of all the lies that has been preached and printed against me. I have

not seen the work of Sonnoni which you mention, but I have seen another work on

Africa, (Parke's,) which I fear will throw cold water on 













176        Jefferson's Works







the hopes of the friends of freedom. You will hear an account of an attempt at

insurrection in this State. I am looking with anxiety to see what will be its

effect on our State. We are truly to be pitied. I fear we have little chance to

see you at the federal city or in Virginia, and as little at Philadelphia. It

would be a great treat to receive you here. But nothing but sickness could

effect that; so I do not wish it. For I wish you health and happiness, and

think of you with affection. Adieu.















         TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.







           WASHINGTON, December 14, 1800.







  DEAR SIR,-Your former communications on the subject of the steam engine, I

took the liberty of laying before the American Philosophical Society, by whom

they will be printed in their .volume of the present year. I have heard of the

discovery of some large bones,  supposed to be of the mammoth, at about thirty

or forty miles distance from you; and among the bones found, are said to be

some of which we have never been able to procure. The first interesting

question is, whether they are the bones of the mammoth? The second, what are

the particular bones, and could I possibly procure them? The bones I am most

anxious to obtain                                       are those of the head

and feet, which are said to be among those found in your State, as also the

ossa innominata, and the scapula. Others would also 













             Correspondence         177







be interesting, though similar ones may be possessed, because they would show

by their similarity that the set belong to the mammoth. Could I so far venture

to trouble you on this subject, as to engage some of your friends near the

place, to procure for me the bones above mentioned?  If they are to be bought I

will gladly pay for them whatever you shall agree to as reasonable; and will

place the money in New York as instantaneously after it is made known to me, as

the .post can carry it, as I will all expenses of package, transportation,

etc., to New York and Philadelphia, where they may be addressed to John Barnes,

whose agent (he not being on the spot) will take care of them for me.







  But I have still a more important subject whereon to address you. Though our

information of the votes of the several States be not official, yet they are

stated on such evidence as to satisfy both parties that the republican vote has

been successful. We may, therefore, venture to hazard propositions on that

hypothesis without being justly subjected to raillery or ridicule. The

Constitution to which we are all attached was meant to be republican, and we

believe to be republican according to every candid interpretation. Yet we have

seen it so interpreted and administered, as to be truly what the French have

called, a monarchie masque. Yet so long has the vessel run on this way and been

trimmed to it; that to put her on her republican tack will require all the

skill, the firmness and the zeal of her ablest







VOL. X-12 













             Jefferson's Works







and best friends. It is a crisis which calls on them, to sacrifice all other

objects, and repair to her aid in this momentous operation. Not only their

skill is wanting, but their names also. It is essential to assemble in the

outset persons to compose our administration, whose talents, integrity and

revolutionary name and principles may inspire the nation at once, with

undoubted confidence, and impose an awful silence on all the maligners of

republicanism; as may suppress in embryo the purpose avowed by one of their

most daring and effective chiefs, of beating down the administration. These

names do not abound at this day. So few are they, that yours, my friend, cannot

be spared among them without leaving a blank which cannot be filled. If I can

obtain for the public the aid of those I have contemplated, I fear nothing. If

this cannot be done, then are we unfortunate indeed! We shall be unable to

realize the prospects which have been held out to the people, and we must fall

back into monarchism, for want of heads, not hands to help us out of it. This

is a common cause, my dear Sir, common to all republicans. Though I have been

too honorably placed in front of those who are to enter the breach so happily

made, yet the energies of every individual are necessary, and in the very place

where his energies can most serve the enterprise. I can assure you that your

colleagues will be most acceptable to you ; one of them, whom you cannot

mistake, peculiarly so. The 













             Correspondence         179







part which circumstances constrain us to propose to you is, the secretaryship

of the navy. These circumstances cannot be explained by letter. Republicanism

is so rare in those parts which possess nautical skill, that I cannot find it

allied there to the other qualifications. Though you are not nautical by

profession, yet your residence and your mechanical science qualify you as well

as a gentleman can possibly be, and sufficiently to enable you to choose

under-agents perfectly qualified, and to superintend their conduct. Come

forward then, my dear Sir, and give us the aid of your talents and the weight

of your character towards the new establishment of republicanism: I say, for

its new establishment ; for hitherto we have only seen its travesty. I have

urged thus far, on the belief that your present office would not be an obstacle

to this proposition. I was informed, and I think it was by your brother" that

you wished to retire from it, and were only restrained by the fear that a

successor of different principles might be appointed. The late change in your

council of appointment will remove this fear. It will not be improper to say a

word on the subject of expense. The gentlemen who composed General Washington's

first administration took up, too universally, a practice of general

entertainment, which was unnecessary, obstructive of business, and so

oppressive to themselves, that it was among the motives for their retirement.

Their successors profited by the experiment, and lived altogether 













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as private individuals, and so have ever continued to do. Here, indeed, it

cannot be otherwise, our situation being so rural, that during the vacations of

the legislature we shall have no society but of the officers of the government,

and in time of sessions the legislature is become and becoming so numerous,

that for the last half dozen years nobody but the President has pretended to

entertain them. I have been led to make the application before official

knowledge of the result of our election, because the return of Mr. Van

Benthuysen, one of your electors and neighbors, offers me a safe conveyance at

a moment when the post offices will be peculiarly suspicious and prying. Your

answer may come by post without danger, if directed in some other handwriting

than your own ; and I will pray you to give me an answer as soon as you can

make up your mind.







Accept assurances of cordial esteem and respect, and my friendly salutations.















          TO COLONEL AARON BURR.







           WASHINGTON, December 15, 1800.







DEAR SIR,-Although we have not official information of the votes for President

and Vice-President, and cannot have until the first week in February, yet the

state of the votes is given on such evidence, as satisfies both parties that

the two republican candidates stand highest. From South Carolina we have not

even heard of the actual vote; but we 













            Correspondence          181







have learned who were appointed electors, and with sufficient certainty how

they would vote. It is said they would withdraw from yourself one vote. It has

also been said that a General Smith, of Tennessee, had declared that he would

give his second vote to Mr. Gallatin, not from any indisposition towards you,

but extreme reverence to the character of Mr. Gallatin. It is also surmised

that the vote of Georgia will not be entire. Yet nobody pretends to know these

things of a certainty, and we know enough to be certain that what it is

surmised will be withheld, will still leave you four or five votes at least

above Mr. Adams. However, it was badly managed not to have arranged with

certainty what seems to have been left to hazard. It was the more material,

because I understand several of the high. flying federalists have expressed

their hope that the two republican tickets may be equal, and their

determination in that case to prevent a choice by the House of Representatives,

(which they are strong enough to do,) and let the government devolve on a

President of the Senate. Decency required that I should be so entirely passive

during the late contest that I never once asked whether arrangements had been

made to prevent so many from dropping votes intentionally, as might frustrate

half the republican wish ; nor did I doubt, till lately that such had been

made.







   While I must congratulate you, my dear Sir, on the issue of this contest,

because it is more honor













182         Jefferson's Works







able, and doubtless more grateful to you than any station within the competence

of the chief magistrate, yet for myself, and for the substantial service of the

public, I feel most sensibly the loss we sustain of your aid in our new

administration. It leaves a charm in my arrangements, which cannot be

adequately filled up. I had endeavored to compose an administration whose

talents, integrity, names, and dispositions, should at once inspire unbounded

confidence in the public mind, and insure a perfect harmony in the conduct of

the public business. I lose you from the list, and am not sure of all the

others. Should the gentlemen who possess the public confidence decline taking a

part in their affairs, and force us to take persons unknown to the people, the

evil genius of this country may realize his avowal that ` ` he will beat down

the administration. , ' The return of Mr. Van Benthuysen, one of your electors,

furnishes me a confidential opportunity of writing this much to you, which I

should not have ventured through the post office at this prying season. We

shall of course see you before the 4th of March. Accept my respectful and

affectionate salutations.















        TO JUDGE JOHN BRECKENRIDGE.







           WASHINGTON, December 18, 1800.







  DEAR SIR,-I received, while at home, the letter you were so kind as to write

me. The employments of the country have such irresistible attractions for 













             Correspondence        183







me, that while I am at home, I am not very punctual in acknowledging the

letters of my friends. Having no refuge here from my room and writing-table, it

is my regular season for fetching up the lee-way of my correspondence.







  Before you receive this, you will have understood that the State of South

Carolina (the only one about which there was uncertainty) has given a

republican vote, and saved us from the consequences of the annihilation of

Pennsylvania. But we are brought into dilemma by the probable equality of the

two republican candidates. The federalists in Congress mean to take advantage

of this, and either to prevent an election altogether, or reverse what has been

understood to have been the wishes of the people, as to the President and

Vice-President; wishes which the Constitution did not permit them specially to

designate. The latter alternative still gives us a republican administration.

The former, a suspension of the federal government, for want of a head. This

opens to us an abyss, at which every sincere patriot must shudder. General

Davie has arrived here with the treaty formed (under the name of a convention)

with France. It is now before the Senate for ratification, and will encounter

objections. He believes firmly that a continental peace in Europe will take

place, and that England also may be comprehended.







  Accept assurances of .the great respect of, dear Sir, your most obedient

servant. 













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        TO JAMES MADISON.







            WASHINGTON, December 19, 1800.







  DEAR SIR,-Mr. Brown's departure for Virginia enables me to 'write

confidentially what I could not have ventured by the post at this prying

,season. The election in South Carolina has in some measure decided the great

contest. Though as yet we do not know the actual votes of Tennessee, Kentucky,

and Vermont, yet we believe the votes to be on the whole, J. seventy-three, B.

seventy-three, A. sixtyfive, P. sixty-four. Rhode Island withdrew one from P.

There is a possibility that Tennessee may withdraw one from B. , and Burr

writes that there may be one vote in Vermont for J. But I hold the latter

impossible, and the former not probable; and that there will be an absolute

parity between the two republican candidates. This has produced great dismay

and gloom on the republican gentlemen here, and exultation in the federalists,

who openly declare they will prevent an election, and will name a President of

the Senate, pro tem. by what they say would only be a stretch of the

Constitution. The prospect of preventing this, is as follows: Georgia, North

Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky, Vermont, Pennsylvania, and New York, can be

counted on for their vote in the House of Representatives, and it is thought by

some that Baer of Maryland, and Linn of New Jersey will come over. Some even

count on Morris of Vermont. But you must know the uncer-







             Correspondence          185







tainty of such a dependence under the operation of caucuses and other federal

engines. The month of February, therefore, will present us storms of a new

character. . Should they have a particular issue, I hope you will be here a day

or two, at least, before the 4th of March. I know that your appearance on the

scene before the departure of Congress, would assuage the minority, and inspire

in the majority confidence and joy unbounded, which they would spread far and

wide on their journey home. Let me beseech you then to come with a view of

staying perhaps a couple of weeks, within which time things might be put into

such a train, as would permit us both to go home for a short time, for removal.

I wrote to R. R. L. by a confidential hand three days ago. The person proposed

for the Treasury has not come yet.







  Davie is here with the Convention, as it is called ; but it is a real treaty,

and without. limitation of time. It has some disagreeable features, and will

endanger the compromising us with Great Britain. I am not at liberty to mention

its contents, but I believe it will meet with opposition from both sides .of

the House. It has been a bungling negotiation. Ellsworth remains in France for

the benefit of his health. He has resigned his office of Chief Justice. Putting

these two things together, we cannot misconstrue his views. He must have had

great confidence in Mr. Adams' continuance to risk such a certainty as he held.

Jay was yesterday nominated 













186        Jefferson's Works







Chief Justice. We were afraid of something worse. A scheme of government for

the territory is cooking by a committee of each House, under separate

authorities, but probably a voluntary harmony. They let out no hints. It is

believed that the judiciary system will not be pushed, as the appointments, if

made by the present administration, could not fall on those who create them.

But I very much fear the .road system will be urged. The mines of Peru would

not supply the moneys which would be wasted on this object, nor the patience of

any people stand the abuses which would be incontrollably committed under it. I

propose, as soon as the state of the election is perfectly ascertained, to aim

at a candid understanding with Mr. Adams. I do not expect that either his

feelings or his views of interest will oppose it. I hope to induce in him

dispositions liberal and accommodating. Accept my affectionate salutations.















            TO JAMES MADISON.







           WASHINGTON, December 26, 1800.







  DEAR SIR,-All the votes have now come in, except of Vermont and Kentucky, and

there is no doubt that the result is a perfect parity between the two

republican characters. The federalists appear determined to prevent an

election, and to pass a bill giving the government to Mr. Jay, appointed Chief

Justice, or to Marshall as Secretary 













             Correspondence







of State. Yet I am rather of opinion that Maryland and Jersey will give the

seven republican majorities. The French treaty will be violently opposed by the

federalists; the giving up the vessels is the article they cannot swallow. They

have got their judiciary bill forwarded to commitment. I dread this above all

the measures meditated, because appointments in the nature of freehold render

it difficult to undo what is done. We expect a report for a territorial

government which is to pay little respect to the rights of man.







  * * * * * * * * *







  Cordial and affectionate salutations. Adieu.















           TO TENCHE COXE, ESQ.







                      December 31, 1800.







  I shall neither frank nor subscribe my letter, because I do not choose to

commit myself to the fidelity of the post-office. For the same reason, I have

avoided putting pen to paper through the whole summer, except on mere business,

because I knew it was a prying season. I received from time to time papers

under your superscription, which showed that our friends were not inattentive

to the great operation which was agitating the nation. You are by this time

apprised of the embarrassment produced by the equality of votes between the two

republican candidates. The contrivance in the Constitution for marking the

votes works 













188         Jefferson's Works







badly, because it does not enounce precisely the true expression of the public

will. We do not see what is to be the issue of the present difficulty. The

federalists, among whom those of the republican section are not the strongest,

propose to prevent an election in Congress, and to transfer the government by

an act to the C. J. (Jay) or Secretary of State, or to let it devolve on the

President pro tem. of the Senate, till next December, which gives them another

year's predominance, and the chances of future events. The republicans propose

to press forward to an election. If they fail in this, a concert between the

two higher candidates may prevent the dissolution of the government and danger

of anarchy, by an operation, bungling indeed and imperfect, but better than

letting the legislature take the nomination of the Executive entirely from the

people. Excuse the infrequency of my acknowledgments of your kind attentions,

The danger of interruption makes it prudent for me not to indulge my personal

wishes in that way. I pray you to accept assurances of my great esteem.















          TO DR. HUGH WILLIAMSON:







             WASHINGTON, January 10, 1801.







  DEAR SIR,-I should sooner have acknowledged your favor of December 8th, but

for a growing and pressing correspondence which I can scarcely manage. I was

particularly happy to receive the diary of 













            Correspondence          189







Quebec, as about the same time I happened to receive one from the Natchez, so

as to be able to make a comparison of them. The result was a wonder that any

human being should remain in a cold country who could find room in a warm one,

-should prefer 32' to 55'. Harry Hill has told me that the temperature of

Madeira is generally from 55' to 65', its extreme about 50' and 70'. If I ever

change my climate for health, it should be for that Island. I do not know that

the coincidence has ever been remarked between the new moon and the greater

degrees of cold, or the full moon and the lesser degrees; or that the reflected

beams of the moon attemper the weather at all. On the contrary, I think I have

understood that the most powerful concave mirror presented to the moon, and

throwing its focus on the bulb of a thermometer, does not in the least affect

it. I suppose the opinion to be universal that the turkey is a native of

America. Nobody, as far as I know, has ever contradicted it but Daines

Barrington; and the arguments he produces are such as none but a head,

entangled and kinked as his is, would ever have urged. Before the discovery of

America, no such bird is mentioned in a single author, all those quoted by

Barrington, by description referring to the crane, hen, pheasant or peacock ;

but the book of ' every traveller, who came to America soon after its

discovery, is full of accounts of the turkey and its abundance ; and

immediately after that discovery we find the turkey 













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served up at the feasts of Europe, as their most extraordinary rarity. Mr.

William Strickland, the eldest son of St. George Strickland, of York, in

England, told me the anecdote. Some ancestor of his commanded a vessel in the

navigations of Cabot. Having occasion to consult the Herald's office concerning

his family, he found a petition from that ancestor to the crown, stating that

Cabot's circumstances being slender, he had been rewarded by the bounties he

needed from the crown; that as to himself, he asked nothing in that way, but

that as a consideration for his services in the same way, he might be permitted

to assume for the crest of his family arms, the turkey, an American bird; and

Mr. Strickland observed that their crest is actually a turkey. You ask whether

we may be quoted. In the first place, I now state the thing from memory, and

may be inexact in some small circumstances. Mr. Strickland too, stated it to me

in a conversation, and not considering it of importance, might be inexact too.

We should both dislike to be questioned before the public for any little

inaccuracy of style or recollection. I think if you were to say that the

Herald's office may be referred to in proof of the fact, it would be authority

sufficient, without naming us. I have at home a note of Mr. Strickland's

information, which I then committed to paper. My situation does not allow me to

refresh my memory from this. I shall be glad to see your book make its

appearance; and I am sure it will be 













            Correspondence         191







well received by the Philosophical part of the world, for I still dare to use

the word philosophy, notwithstanding the war waged against it by bigotry and

despotism. Health, respect and friendly salutations.















         TO WILLIAM DUNBAR, ESQ.







            WASHINGTON, January 12, 1801.







  DEAR SIR,-Your favor of July 14th, with the papers accompanying it, came

safely to hand about the last of October. That containing remarks on the line

of demarcation I perused according to your permission, and with great

satisfaction, and then enclosed to a friend in Philadelphia, to be forwarded to

its address. The papers addressed to me, I took the liberty of communicating to

the Philosophical Society. That on the language by signs is quite new. Soon

after receiving your meteorological diary, I received one of Quebec; and was

struck with the comparison between-32 and 19 3/4 the lowest depression of the

thermometer at Quebec and the Natchez. I have often wondered that any human

being should live in a cold country who can find room in a warm one. I have no

doubt but that cold is the source of more sufferance to all animal nature than

hunger, thirst, sickness, and all the other pains of life and of death itself

put together. I live in a temperate climate, and under circumstances which do

not expose me often to 













192         Jefferson's Works







cold. Yet when I recollect on one hand all the sufferings I have had from cold,

and on the other all my other pains, the former preponderate greatly. What then

must be the sum of that evil if we take in the vast proportion of men who are

obliged to be out in all weather, by land and by sea, all the families of

beasts, birds, reptiles, and even the vegetable kingdom! for that too has life,

and where there is life there may be sensation. I remark a rainbow of a great

portion of the circle observed by you when on the line of demarcation. I live

in a situation which has given me an opportunity of seeing more than the

semicircle often. I am on a hill five hundred feet perpendicularly high. On the

west side it breaks down abruptly to the base, where a river passes through. A

rainbow, therefore, about sunset, plunges one of its legs down to the river,

five hundred feet below the level of the eye on the top of the hill. I have

twice seen bows formed by the moon. 'They were of the color of the common

circle round the moon, and were very near, being within a few paces of me in

both instances: I thank you for the little vocabularies of Bedais, Tankawis and

Teghas. I have it much at heart to make as extensive a collection as possible

of the Indian tongues. I have at present about thirty tolerably full, among

which the number radically different, is truly wonderful. It is curious to

consider how such handfuls of men, came by different languages, and how they

have preserved 













             Correspondence         193







them so distinct. I at first thought of reducing them all to one orthography,

but I soon become sensible that this would occasion two sources of error

instead of one. I therefore think it best to keep them in the form of

orthography in which they were taken, only noting whether that were English,

French, German, or what. I have never been a very ,punctual correspondent. and

it is possible that new duties may make me less so. I hope I shall not on that

account lose the benefit of your communications. Philosophical vedette at the

distance of one thousand miles, and on the verge of the terra incognito of our

continent, is precious to us here. I pray you to accept assurances of my high

consideration and esteem, and friendly salutations.















          TO COLONEL AARON' BURR.







            WASHINGTON, February 1, 1801.







  DEAR SIR,-It was to. be expected that the enemy would endeavor to sow tares

between us, that they might divide us and our friends. Every consideration

satisfies me you will be on your guard against this, as I assure you I am

strongly. I hear of one stratagem so imposing and so base that it is proper I

should notice it to you. Mr. Munford, who is here, says he saw at New York

before he left it, an original letter of mine to Judge Breckenridge, in which

are sentiments highly injurious to you.







   VOL. X-13 













194         Jefferson's Works







He knows my handwriting, and did not doubt that to be genuine. I enclose you a

copy taken from the press copy of the only letter I ever wrote to Judge

Breckenridge in my life: the press copy itself has been shown to several of our

mutual friends here. Of consequence, the letter seen by Mr. Munford must be a

forgery, and if it contains a sentiment unfriendly or disrespectful to you, I

affirm it solemnly to be a forgery ; as also if it varies from the copy

enclosed. With the common trash of slander I should not think of troubling you;

but the forgery of one's handwriting is too imposing to be neglected. A mutual

knowledge of each other furnishes us with the best test of the contrivances

which will be practised by the enemies of both.







  Accept assurances of my high respect and esteem.















       TO GOVERNOR THOMAS MCKEAN.1







            WASHINGTON, February 2, 1801.







  DEAR SIR,-I have long waited for an opportunity to acknowledge the receipt of

your favor of December the 15th, as well as that by Dr. Mendenhall. None

occurring, I shall either deliver the present to General Muhlenburg or put it

under cover to Doctor Wistar, to whom I happen to be writing, to be sent to

your house in Philadelphia, or forwarded confidentially to Lancaster.







The event of the election is still in dubio. A







 1 Governor of Pennsylvania. 













             Correspondence          195







strong portion in the House of Representatives will prevent an election if they

can. I rather believe they will not be able to do it, as there are six

individuals of moderate character, any one of whom coming over to the

republican vote will make a ninth State. Till this is known, it is too soon for

me to say what should be done in such atrocious cases as those you mention of

federal officers obstructing the operation of the State governments. One thing

I will say, that as to the future, interferences with elections, whether of the

State or General Government, by officers of the latter, should be deemed cause

of removal ; because the constitutional remedy by the elective principle

becomes nothing, if it may be smothered by the enormous patronage of the

General Government. How far it may be practicable, prudent or proper, to look

back, is too great a question to be decided but by the united wisdom of the

whole administration when formed. Our situation is so different from yours,

that it may render proper some differences in the practice. Your State is a

single body, the majority clearly one way. Ours is of sixteen integral parts,

some of them all one way, some all the other, some divided. Whatever may be

decided as to the past, they shall give no trouble to the State governments in

future, if it shall depend on me; and be assured, particularly as to yourself,

that I should consider the most perfect harmony and interchange of

accommodations and good 













196       Jefferson's Works







offices with those governments as among the first objects.







Accept assurances of my high consideration, respect and esteem.















           TO DR. CASPAR WISTAR.







            WASHINGTON, February 3, 1801.







  DEAR SIR,-According to your desire I wrote to Chancellor Livingston on the

subject of the bones. The following is an extract from his letter dated January

7th: " I have paid the earliest attention to your request relative to the bones

found at Shawangun, and have this day written to a very intelligent friend in'

that neighborhood. I fear however that till they have finished their search,

there will be some difficulty in procuring any part of the bones, because when

I first heard of the discovery I made some attempts to possess. myself of them,

but found they were a kind of common property, the whole town having joined in

digging for them till they were stopped by the autumnal. rains. They entertain

well-grounded hopes of discovering the whole skeleton, since these bones are

not, like all those they have hitherto found in that county, placed within the

vegetable world, but are covered with a stratum of clay,-that being sheltered

from the air and water they are more perfectly preserved. Among the bones I

have heard mentioned, are the vertebra, part of the jaw, with two 













             Correspondence







of the grinders, the tusks, which some have called the horns, the sternum, the

scapula, the tibia and fibula, the tarsus and metatarsus. Whether any of the

phalanges or innominata are found, I have not heard. A part of the head,

containing the socket of the tusks, is also discovered. From the bones of the

feet, it is evidently a claw-footed animal, and from such parts of the shoulder

bones as have been discovered, it appears that the arm or fore-leg, had a

greater motion than can possibly belong to the elephant or any of the large

quadrupeds with which we are acquainted. Since bogearth has been used by the

farmers of Ulster county for a manure, which is subsequent to the war,

fragments of at least eight or ten have been found, but in a very decayed state

in the same bog. ''







From this extract, and the circumstance that the bones belong to the town, you

will be sensible of the difficulty of obtaining any considerable portion of

them. I refer to yourself to consider whether it would not be better to select

such only of which we have no specimens, and to ask them only. It is not

unlikely they would with common consent yield a particular bone or bones,

provided they may keep the mass for their own town. If you will make the

selection and communicate it to me, I will forward it to the Chancellor, and

the sooner the better.







  Accept assurances of my high consideration and attachment. 













198       Jefferson's Works















      TO TENCHE COXE.







          WASHINGTON, February 11, 1801.







DEAR SIR,-Your favor of January the 25th came to hand some days ago, and

yesterday a gentleman put into my hand, at the door of the Senate chamber, the

volume of the American Museum for 1798. As no letter accompanied it, I took it

for granted it was to bring under my eye some of its contents. I have gone over

it with satisfaction.







This is the morning of the election by the House of Representatives. For some

time past a single individual had declared he would by his vote make up the

ninth State. On Saturday last he changed, and it stands at present eight one

way, six the other, and two divided. Which of the two will be elected, and

whether either, I deem perfectly problematical: and my mind has long been

equally made up for either of the three events. If I can find out the person

who brought me the volume from you, I shall return it by him, because I presume

it makes one of a set. If not by him, I will find some other person who may

convey it to Philadelphia if not to Lancaster. Very possibly it may go by a

different conveyance from this letter. Very probably you will learn before the

receipt of either, the result, or progress at least, of the election. We see

already at the threshold, that if it falls on me, I shall be embarrassed by

finding the offices vacant, which cannot be even temporarily filled but with

advice 













             Correspondence          199







of Senate, and that body is called on the fourth of March, when it is

impossible for the new members of Kentucky, Georgia and South Carolina to

receive notice in time to be here. The summons for Kentucky, dated, as all

were, January the 31st, could not go hence till the 5th, and that for Georgia

did not go till the 6th. If the difficulties of the election, therefore, are

got over, there are more and more behind, until new elections shall have

regenerated the constituted authorities. The defects of our Constitution under

circumstances like the present, appear very great. Accept assurances of the

esteem and respect of, dear Sir, your most obedient servant.















            TO DR. B. S. BARTON.







            WASHINGTON, February 14, 1801.







  DEAR SIR,-Your favor of January 18th is duly received. The subject of it did

not need apology. On the contrary, should I be placed in office, nothing would

be more desirable to me than the recommendations of those in whom I have

confidence, of persons fit for office; for if the good withhold their

testimony, we shall be at the mercy of the bad. If the question relative to Mr.

Zantzinger had been merely that of remaining in office, your letter would have

placed him on very safe ground. Besides that, no man who has conducted himself

according to his duties would have anything to fear from me, as those who have

done ill would have 













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nothing to hope, be their political principles what they might. The obtaining

an appointment presents more difficulties. The republicans have been excluded

from all offices from the first origin of the division into Republican and

Federalist. They have a reasonable claim to vacancies till they occupy their

due share. My hope, however, is that the distinction will be soon lost, or at

most that it will be only of republican and monarchist : that the body of the

nation, even that part which French excesses forced over to the federal side,

will rejoin the republicans, leaving only those who were pure monarchists, and

who will be too few to form a sect. This is the fourth day of the ballot, and

nothing done ; nor do I see any reason to suppose the six and a half States

here will be less firm, as they call it, than your thirteen Senators; if so,

and the government should expire on the 3d of March by the loss of its head,

there is no regular provision for reorganizing it, nor any authority but in the

people themselves. They may authorize a convention to reorganize and even amend

the machine. There are ten individuals in the House of Representatives, any one

of whom changing his vote may save us this troublesome operation. Be pleased to

present my friendly respects to Mrs. Barton, Mrs. Sarjeant, and Mrs. Waters,

and to accept yourself my affectionate salutations.







             Correspondence















            TO JAMES MONROE.







           WASHINGTON, February 15, 1801.







DEAR SIR,-I have received several letters from you which have not been

acknowledged. By the post I dare not, and one or two confidential opportunities

have passed me by surprise. I have regretted it the less, because I know you

could be more safely and fully informed by others. Mr. Tyler, the bearer of

this, will give you a great deal more information personally than can be done

by letter. Four days of balloting have produced not a single change of a vote.

Yet it is confidently believed by most that to-morrow there is to be a

coalition. I know of no foundation for this belief. However, as Mr. Tyler waits

the event of it, he will communicate it to you. If they could have been

permitted to pass a law for putting the government into the hands of an

officer, they would certainly have prevented an election. But we thought it

best to declare openly and firmly, one and all, that the day such an act

passed, the Middle States would arm, and that no such usurpation, even for a

single day, should be submitted to. This first shook them ; and they were

completely alarmed at the resource for which we declared, to wit, a convention

to reorganize the government, and to amend it. The very word convention gives

them the horrors, as in the present democratical spirit of America, they fear

they should lose some of the favorite morsels of the 













202         Jefferson's Works







Constitution, Many attempts have been made to obtain terms and promises from

me. I have declared to them unequivocally, that I would not receive the

government on capitulation, that I would not go into it with my hands tied.

Should they yield the election, I have reason to expect in the outset the

greatest difficulties as to. nominations. The late incumbents running away from

their offices and leaving them vacant, will prevent my filling them without the

previous advice of Senate. How this difficulty is to be got over I know not.

Accept for Mrs. Monroe and yourself my affectionate salutations. Adieu.















            TO JAMES MADISON.







           WASHINGTON, February 18, 1801.







  DEAR SIR,-Notwithstanding the suspected infidelity of the post, I must hazard

this communication. The minority in the House of Representatives, after seeing

the impossibility of electing Burr, the certainty that a legislative usurpation

would be resisted by arms, and a recourse to a convention to reorganize and

amend the government, held a consultation on this dilemma, whether it would be

better for them to come over in a body and go with the tide of the times, or by

a negative conduct suffer the election to be made by a bare majority, keeping

their body entire and unbroken, to act in phalanx on such ground of opposition

as circum













            Correspondence







stances shall offer; and I know their determination on this question only by

their vote of yesterday. Morris of Vermont withdrew, which made Lyon's vote

that of his State. The Maryland federalists put in four blanks, which made the

positive ticket of their colleagues the vote of the State. South Carolina and

Delaware put in six blanks. So there were ten States for one candidate, four

for another, and two blanks. We consider this, therefore, as a declaration of

war, on the part of this band. But their conduct appears to have brought over

to us the whole body of federalists, who, being alarmed with the danger of a

dissolution of the government, had been made most anxiously to wish the very

administration they had opposed, and to view it when obtained, as a child of

their own. Mr. A. embarrasses us. He keeps the offices of State and War vacant,

but has named Bayard Minister Plenipotentiary to France, and has called an

unorganized Senate to meet the fourth of March. As you do not like to be here

on that day, I wish you would come within a day or two after. I think that

between that and the middle of the month we can so far put things under way, as

that we may go home to make arrangements for our final removal. Come to

Conrad's, where I will bespeak lodgings for you. Yesterday Mr. A. nominated

Bayard to be Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States to the French

Republic; to-day, Theophilus Parsons, Attorney General of the United States in

the room 













204      Jefferson's Works







of C. Lee, who, with Keith Taylor cum multis aliis, are appointed judges under

the new system. H. G. Otis is nominated a district attorney. A vessel has been

waiting for some time in readiness to carry the new minister to France. My

affectionate salutations to Mrs. Madison.















      TO LIEUTENANT HENRY DEARBORN.







           WASHINGTON, February 18, 1801.







  DEAR SIR,-The House of Representatives having yesterday concluded their

choice of a person for the chair of the United States and willed me that

office, it now becomes necessary to provide an administration composed of

persons whose qualifications and standing have possessed them of the public

confidence, and whose wisdom may ensure to our fellow-citizens the advantages

they sanguinely expect. On a review of the characters in the different States

proper for the different departments, I have had no hesitation in considering

you as the person to whom it would be most advantageous to the public to

confide the Department of War. May I therefore hope, Sir, that you will give

your country the aid of your talents as Secretary of War ? The delay which has

attended the election has very much abridged our time, and rendered the call

more sudden and pressing than I could have wished: I am in hopes our

administration may be assembled during the first week of March, except

yourself, 













            Correspondence          205







and that you can be with us in a few days after. Indeed it is probable we shall

be but a few days together (perhaps to the middle of the month) to make some

general and pressing arrangements, and then go home, for a short time, to make

our final removal hither. I mention these circumstances that you may see the

urgency of setting out for this place with the shortest delay possible, which

may be the shorter as you can return again to your family, as we shall, to make

your final arrangements for removal. I hope we shall not be disappointed in

counting on your aid, and that you will favor us with an answer by return of

post. Accept assurances of sincere esteem and high respect from, dear Sir, your

most obedient, and most humble servant.















        TO MAJOR WILLIAM JACKSON.







           WASHINGTON, February 18, 1801.







  DEAR SIR,-Your favor of the 3d instant has been duly received. I perceive in

it that frankness Which I ever found in your character, and which honors every

character in which it is found. I feel indebted also for the justice you do me

as to opinions which others, with less candor, have imputed to me. I have

received many letters stating to me in the spirit of prophecy, caricatures

which the writers, it seems, know are to be the principles of my

administration. To these no answer has been 













206        Jefferson's Works







given, because the prejudiced spirit in which they have been written proved the

writers not in a state of mind to yield to truth or reason. To the friendly

style of your letter I would gladly answer in detail were it in my power; but I

have thought that I ought not to permit myself to form opinions in detail,

until I can have the counsel of those, of whose services I wish to avail the

public in the administration of their affairs. Till this can be done, you have

justly resorted to the only proper ground, that of estimating my future by my

past conduct. Upwards of thirty years passed on the stage of public life and

under the public eye, may surely enable them to judge whether my future course

is likely to be marked with those departures from reason and moderation, which

the passions of men have been willing to foresee. One imputation in particular

has been remarked till it seems as if some at least believe it: that I am an

enemy to commerce. They admit me as a friend to agri- culture, and suppose me

an enemy to the only means of disposing of its produce. I might appeal too to

evidences of my attention to the commerce and navigation of our country in

different stations connected with them, but this would lead to details not to

be expected. I have deferred answering your letter till this day lest the

motives for these explanations should be mistaken. You will be so good as to

consider this communication so far confidential as not to put it in the power

of any person 













             Correspondence







committing it to the press. I am with great esteem, dear Sir, your most

obedient servant.















            TO T. M. RANDOLPH.







            WASHINGTON  February 19, 1801.







  After exactly a week's balloting there at length appeared ten States for me,

four for Burr, and two voted blanks. This was done without a single vote coming

over. Morris of Vermont withdrew, so that Lyon's vote became that of the State.

The four Maryland federalists put in blanks, so then the vote of the four

republicans became that of their State. Mr. Hager of South Carolina (who had

constantly voted for me) withdrew by agreement, his colleagues agreeing in that

case to put in blanks. Bayard, the sole member of Delaware, voted blank. They

had before deliberated whether they would come over in a body, when they saw

they could not force Burr on the republicans, or keep their body entire and

unbroken to act in phalanx on such ground of opposition as they shall hereafter

be able to conjure up. Their vote showed what they had decided on, and is

considered as a declaration of perpetual war; but their conduct has completely

left them without support. Our information from all quarters is that the whole

body of federalists concurred with the republicans in the last elections, and

with equal anxiety. They had been made to interest themselves so warmly for tho















208         Jefferson's Works







very choice, which while before the people they opposed, that when obtained it

came as a thing of their own wishes, and they find themselves embodied with the

republicans, and their quondam leaders separated from them, and I verily

believe they will remain embodied with us, so that this conduct of the minority

has done in one week what very probably could hardly have been effected. by

years of mild and impartial administration. A letter from Mr. Eppes informs me

that Maria is in a situation which induces them not to risk a journey to

Monticello, so we shall not have the pleasure of meeting them here. I begin to

hope I may be able to leave this place by the middle of March. My tenderest

love to my ever dear Martha, and kisses to the little ones. Accept yourself

sincere and affectionate salutation. Adieu.















TO THE HON. SAMUEL DEXTER, SECRETARY OF THE







                TREASURY.







            WASHINGTON, February 20, 1801.







  DEAR SIR,-The liberality of the conversation you honored me with yesterday

evening has given me great satisfaction, and demands my sincere thanks. It is

certain that those of the Cabinet Council of the President should be of his

bosom confidence. Our geographical position has been an impediment to that,

while ' I can with candor declare that the imperfect opportunities I have had

of 













            Correspondence







acquaintance with you, have inspired an entire esteem for your character, and

that you will carry with you that esteem and sincere wish to be useful to you.

The accommodation you have been so kind as to offer as to the particular date

of retiring from office, is thankfully accepted, and shall be the subject of a

particular letter to you, as soon as circumstances shall enable me to speak

with certainty. In the meantime accept assurances of my high respect and

consideration.















TO THE HON. BENJAMIN STODDART, SECRETARY OF







               THE NAVY.







           WASHINGTON, February 21, 1801.







  SIR,-Your favor of the 18th did not get to my hand till yesterday. I thank

you for the accommodation in point of time therein offered. Circumstances. may

render it a convenience ;. in which case I will avail myself of it, without too

far encroaching on your wishes. At this instant it is not in my power to say

anything certain on the subject of time. The declarations of support to the

administration of our government are such as were to be expected from your

character and attach= ment to our Constitution. I wish support from no quarter

longer than my object candidly scanned, shall merit it ; and especially, not

longer than I shall rigorously adhere to the Constitution. I am with respect,

Sir, your most obedient humble servant.















VOL. X-14 













210        Jefferson's Works















TO CHANCELLOR ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.







           WASHINGTON, February 24, 1801.







  DEAR SIR,-It has occurred to me that possibly you might be willing to

undertake the mission as Minister Plenipotentiary to France. If so, I shall

most gladly avail the public of your services in that office. Though I am

sensible of the advantages derived from your talent to your particular State,

yet I cannot suppress the desire of adding them to the mass to be employed on

the broader scale of the nation at large. I will ask the favor of an immediate

answer, that I may give in the nomination to the Senate, observing at the same

time, that the period of your departure can't be settled until we get our

administration together, and may perhaps be delayed till we receive the

ratification of the Senate, which would probably be four months ; consequently,

the commission would not be made out before then. This will give you ample time

to make your depar- ture convenient. In hopes of hearing from you as speedily

as you can form your resolution, and hoping it will be favorable, I tender you

my respectful and affectionate salutations.















          TO THOMAS LOMAX, ESQ.







            WASHINGTON, February 25, 1801.







  DEAR SIR,-Your favor of the 5th came to hand on the 20th, and I have but time

to acknowledge 













             Correspondence         211







it under the present pressure of business. I recognize in it those sentiments

of virtue and patriotism which you have ever manifested. The suspension of

public opinion from the 11th to the 17th, the alarm into which it threw all the

patriotic part of the federalists, the danger of the dissolution of our Union,

and unknown consequences of that, brought over the great body of them to wish

with anxiety and solicitation for a choice to which they had before been

strenuously opposed. In this state of mind they separated from their

congressional leaders, and came over to us ; and the manner in which the last

ballot was given, has drawn a fixed line of separation between them and their

leaders. When the election took effect, it was as the most desirable of events

to them. This made it a thing of their choice, and finding themselves

aggregated with us accordingly, they are in a state of mind to be consolidated

with us, if no intemperate measures on our part revolt them again. I am

persuaded that weeks of ill-judged conduct here, has strengthened us more than

years of prudent and conciliatory administration could have done. If we can

once more get social intercourse restored to its pristine harmony, I shall

believe we have not lived in vain; and that it may, by rallying them to true

republican principles, which few of them had thrown off, I sanguinely hope.

Accept assurances of the high esteem and respect of, dear Sir, your friend and

servant. 













           Jefferson's Works







       TO GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE.







            WASHINGTON, February 28, 1801.







To give the usual opportunity of appointing a President pro tempore, I now

propose to retire from the chair of the Senate; and, as the time is near at

hand when the relations will cease which have for some time subsisted between

this honorable house and myself, I beg leave before I withdraw, to return them

my grateful thanks for all the instances of attention and respect with which

.they have been pleased to honor me. In the discharge of my functions here, it

has been my conscientious endeavor to observe impartial. justice, without

regard to persons or subjects, and if I have failed in impressing this on the

mind of the Senate, it will be to me a circumstance of the deepest regret. I

may have erred at times-no doubt I have erred; this is the law of human nature.

For honest errors, however, indulgence may be hoped. I owe to truth and justice

at the same time to declare that the habits of order and decorum, which so

strongly characterize the proceedings of the Senate, have rendered the umpirage

of their President an office of little difficulty, that in times and on

questions which have severely tried the sensibilities of the house, calm and

temperate discussion has rarely been disturbed by departures from order.







  Should the support which I have received from the Senate, in the performance

of my duties here, attend me into the new station to which the public 













             Correspondence         213







will has transferred me, I shall consider it as commencing under the happiest

auspices.







With these expressions of my dutiful regard to the Senate; as a body, I ask

leave to mingle my particular wishes for the health and happiness of the

individuals who compose it; and to tender them my cordial and respectful

adieus.















         TO MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE.







               WASHINGTON, March 1, 1801.







  MY DEAR FRIEND,-I received a letter from you the last year, and it has been

long since I wrote one to you. During the earlier part of the period it would

never have got to your hands, and during the latter, such has been the state of

politics on both sides of the water, that no communications were safe.

Nevertheless, I have never ceased to cherish a sincere friendship for you, and

to take a lively interest in your sufferings and losses. It would make me happy

to learn that they are to have an end. We have passed through an awful scene in

this .country. The convulsion of Europe shook even us to our centre. A few

hardy spirits stood firm to their post, and the ship has breasted the storm.

The details of this cannot be put on paper. For the astonishing particulars I

refer you to the bearer of this, Mr. Dorson, my friend, fully possessed of

everything, as being a Member of Congress, and worthy of confidence. From him

you must learn 













214        Jefferson's Works







what America is now, or was, and what it has been; for now I hope it is getting

back to the state in which you knew it. I will only add that the storm we have

passed through proves our vessel indestructible. I have heard with great

concern of the delicacy of Mrs. de La Fayette's health, and with anxiety to

learn that it is getting better. Having been at Monticello all the time your

son was in America, I had not an opportunity of seeing him and of proving my

friendship to one in whom I have an interest. Present the homage of my respects

and attachment to Mrs. de La Fayette, and accept yourself assurances of my

constant and affectionate friendship.







  P. S. March 18. This moment Mr. Pickon arrived, and delivered me your letter,

of which he was the bearer.















TO THE PRESIDENT PRO TEMPORE OF THE SENATE.







               WASHINGTON, March 2, 1801.







  SIR,-I beg leave through you to inform the Honorable the Senate of the United

States, that I propose to take the oath which the Constitution prescribes to

the President of the United States, before he enters on the execution of his

office, on Wednesday, the 4th inst., at twelve o'clock, in the Senate chamber.







  I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, Sir, your most obedient,

and most humble servant. 













           Correspondence















TO THE HONORABLE JOHN MARSHALL.







              WASHINGTON, March 2, 1801.







I was desired two or three days ago to sign some sea letters, to be dated on or

after the 4th of March, but in the meantime to be forwarded to the different

ports ; and I understood you would countersign them as the person appointed to

perform the duties of Secretary of State, but that you thought a reappointment,

to be dated the 4th of March, would be necessary. I shall with pleasure sign

such a reappointment nunc pro tunc, if you can direct it to be made out, not

being able to do it myself for want of a knowledge of the form.







  I propose to take the oath or oaths of office as President of the United

States, on Wednesday the 4th inst., at twelve o'clock, in the Senate chamber.

May I hope the favor of your attendance to administer the oath? As the two

Houses have notice of the hour, I presume a precise punctuality to it will be

expected from me. I would pray you in the meantime to consider whether the oath

prescribed in the Constitution be not the only one necessary to take? It seems

to comprehend the substance of that prescribed by the Act of Congress to all

officers, and it may be questionable whether the Legislature can require any

new oath from the President. I do not know what has been done in this

heretofore ; but I presume the oaths administered to my predecessors are

recorded in the Secretary of State's office. 













216         Jefferson's Works







  Not being yet provided with a private secretary, and needing some person on

Wednesday to be the bearer of a message or messages to the Senate, I presume

the chief clerk of the department of State might be employed with propriety.

Permit me through you to ask the favor of his attendance on me to my lodgings

on Wednesday, after I shall have been qualified.







  I have the honor to be with great respect, Sir, your most obedient, humble

servant.















      TO THE SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF







       REPRESENTATIVES.







              WASHINGTON, March 3, 1801.







SIR,-I beg leave through you to inform the Honorable the House of

Representatives of the United States, that I shall take the, oath which the

Constitution prescribes to the President of the United States, before he enters

on the execution of his office, on Wednesday, the 4th inst., at twelve o'clock,

in the Senate chamber.







  I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, Sir, your most obedient,

and most humble servant.















           TO JOHN DICKINSON.







              WASHINGTON, March 6, 1801.







DEAR SIR,-No pleasure can exceed that which I received from reading your letter

of the 21st 













             Correspondence  217







ultimo. It was like the joy we expect in the mansions of the blessed, when

received with the embraces of our forefathers, we shall be welcomed with their

blessing as having done our part not unworthily of them. The storm through

which we have passed, has been tremendous indeed. The tough sides of our Argosy

have been thoroughly tried. Her strength has stood the waves into which she was

steered, with a view to sink her. We shall put her on her republican tack, and

she will now show by the beauty of her motion the skill of her builders. Figure

apart, our fellow-citizens have been led hoodwinked from their principles, by a

most extraordinary combination of circumstances. But the band is removed, and

they now see for themselves. I hope to see shortly a perfect consolidation, to

effect which, nothing shall be spared on my part; short of the abandonment of

the principles of our revolution. A just and solid republican government

maintained here, will be a standing monument and example for the aim and

imitation of the people of other countries; and I join with you in the hope and

belief that they will see, from our example, that a free government is of all

others the most energetic ; that the inquiry which has been excited among the

mass of mankind by our revolution and its consequences, will ameliorate the

condition of man over a great portion of the globe. What. a satisfaction have

we in the contemplation of the benevolent effects of our efforts, compared with

those of the leaders on 













218      Jefferson's Works







the other side, who have discountenanced all advances in science as dangerous

innovations, have endeavored to render philosophy and republicanism terms of

reproach, to persuade us that man cannot be governed but by the rod, etc. I

shall have the happiness of living and dying in the contrary hope. Accept

assurances of my constant and sincere respect and attachment, and my

affectionate salutations.















         TO COLONEL JAMES MONROE.







               WASHINGTON, March 7, 1801.







  DEAR SIR,-I had written the enclosed letter to Mrs. Trist, and was just

proceeding to begin one to you, when your favor of the 6th was put into my

hands. I thank you sincerely for it, and consider the views of it so sound,

that I have communicated it to my coadjutors as one of our important evidences

of the public sentiment, according to which we must shape our course. I

suspect, partly from this, but more from a letter of J. Taylor's which has been

put into my hands, that an incorrect idea of my views has got abroad. I am in

hopes my inaugural address will in some measure set this to rights, as it will

present the leading objects to be conciliation and adherence to sound

principle. This I know is impracticable with the leaders of the late faction,

whom I abandon as incurables, and will never turn an inch out of my way to

reconcile them. But with 













             Correspondence '







the main body of the federalists, I believe it very practicable. You know that

the manoeuvres of the year X. Y. Z. carried over from us a great body of the

people, real republicans, and honest men under virtuous motives. The delusion

lasted a while. At length the poor arts of tub plots, etc. were repeated till

the designs of the party became suspected. 'From that moment those who had left

us began to come back. It was by their return to us that we gained the victory

in November, 1800, which we should not have gained in November, 1799. But

during the suspension of the public mind from the 11th to the 17th of February,

and the anxiety and alarm lest there should be no election, and anarchy ensue,

a wonderful effect was produced on the mass of federalists who had not before

come over. Those who had before become sensible of their error in the former

change, and only wanted a decent excuse for coming back, seized that occasion

for doing so. Another body, and a large one it is, who from timidity of

constitution had gone with those who wished for a strong executive, were

induced by the same timidity to come over to us rather than risk anarchy: so

that, according to the evidence we receive from every direction, we may say

that the whole of that portion of the people which were called federalists,

were made to desire anxiously the very event they had just before opposed with

all their energies, and to receive the election which was made, as an object of

their earnest wishes, a 













220         Jefferson's Works







child of their own. These people (I always exclude their leaders) are now

aggregated with us, they look with a certain degree of affection and confidence

to the administration, ready to become attached to it, if it avoids in the

outset acts which might revolt and throw them off. To give time for a perfect

consolidation seems prudent. I have firmly refused to follow the counsels of

those who have desired the giving offices to some of their leaders, in order to

reconcile. I have given, and will give only to republicans, under existing

circumstances. But I believe with others, that deprivations of office, if made

on the ground of political principles alone, would revolt our new converts, and

give a body to leaders who now stand alone. Some, I know, must be made. They

must be as few as possible, done gradually, and bottomed on some malversation

or inherent disqualification. Where we shall draw the line between retaining

all and none, is not yet settled, and will not be till we get our

administration together; and perhaps even then, we shall proceed a talons,

balancing our measures according to the impression we perceive them to make.







This may give you a general view of our plan. Should you be in Albemarle the

first week in April, I shall have the pleasure of seeing you there, and of

developing things more particularly, and of profiting by an intercommunication

of views. Dawson sails for France about the 15th, as the bearer only of the 













            Correspondence          221







treaty to Ellsworth and Murray. He has probably asked your commands, and your

introductory letters.







Present my respects to Mrs. Monroe, and accept assurances of my high and

affectionate consideration and attachment.















       TO GOVERNOR THOMAS M'KEAN.







              WASHINGTON, March 9, 1801.







  DEAR SIR,--I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of February the

20th, and to thank you for your congratulations on the event of the election.

Had it terminated in the elevation of Mr. Burr, every republican would, I am

sure, have acquiesced in a moment; because, however it might have been variant

from the intentions of the voters, yet it would have been agreeable to the

Constitution. No man would more cheerfully have submitted than myself, because

I am sure the administration would have been republican, and the chair of the

Senate permitting me to be at home eight months in the year, would, on that

account, have been much more consonant to my real satisfaction. But in the

event of an usurpation, I was decidedly with those who were determined not to

permit it. Because that precedent once set, would be artificially reproduced,

and end soon in a dictator. Virginia was bristling up I believe. I shall know

the particulars from Governor Monroe, whom I expect 













222         Jefferson's Works







to meet in a short visit I must make home, to select some books, etc.,

necessary here, and make other domestic arrangements.







  * * * * * * * * *







Accept assurances of my high esteem and regard.















             TO JOEL BARLOW.







             WASHINGTON, March 14, 1801.







DEAR SIR,-Not having my papers here, it is not in my power to acknowledge the

receipt of your letters by their dates, but I am pretty certain I have received

two in the course of the last twelve months, one of them covering your

excellent second letter. Nothing can be sounder than the principles it

inculcates, and I am not without hopes they will make their way. You have

understood that the revolutionary movements in Europe had, by industry and

artifice, been wrought into objects of terror even to this country, and had

really involved a great portion of our well-meaning citizens in a panic which

was perfectly unaccountable, and during the prevalence of which they were. led

to support measures the most insane. They are now pretty thoroughly recovered

from it, and sensible of the mischief which was done, and preparing to be done,

had their minds continued a little longer under that derangement. The recovery

bids fair to be complete, and to obliterate entirely the line of party division

which had been so strongly drawn. 













            Correspondence          223







Not that their late leaders have come over, or ever can come over. But they

stand, at present, almost without followers. The principal of them have

retreated into the judiciary as a stronghold, the tenure of which renders it

difficult to dislodge them. For all the particulars I must refer you to Mr.

Dawson, a member of Congress, fully informed and worthy of entire confidence.

Give me leave to ask for him your attentions and civilities, and a verbal

communication of such things on your side the water as you know I feel a great

interest in, and as may not with safety be committed to paper. I am entirely

unable to conjecture the issue of things with you.







  Accept assurances of my constant esteem and high consideration.















             TO THOMAS PAINE.







              WASHINGTON, March 18, 1801.







  DEAR SIR,-Your letters of October the 1st, 4th, 6th, and 16th, came duly to

hand, and the papers which they covered were, according to your permission,

published in the newspapers and in a pamphlet, and under your own name. These

papers contain precisely our principles, and I hope they will be generally

recognized here. Determined as we are to avoid, if possible, wasting the

energies of our people in war and destruction, we shall avoid implicating

ourselves with the powers 













224       Jefferson's Works







of Europe, even in support of principles which we mean to pursue. They have so

many other interests different from ours, that we must avoid being entangled in

them. We believe we can enforce those principles, as to ourselves, by peaceable

means, now that we are likely to have our public councils detached from foreign

views. The return of our citizens from the phrenzy into which they had been

wrought, partly by ill conduct in France, partly by artifices practised on

them, is almost entire, and will, I believe, become quite so. But these

details, too minute and long for a letter, will be better developed by Mr.

Dawson, the bearer of this, a member of the late Congress, to whom I refer you

for them. He goes in the Maryland, a sloop of war, which will wait a few days

at Havre tn receive his letters, to be written on his arrival at Paris. You

expressed a wish to get a passage to this country in a public vessel. Mr.

Dawson is charged with orders to the captain of the Maryland to receive and

accommodate you with a passage back, if you can be ready to depart at such

short warning. Robert R. Livingston is appointed Minister Plenipotentiary to

the Republic of France, but will not leave this till we receive the

ratification of the convention by Mr. Dawson. I am in hopes you will find us

returned generally to sentiments worthy of former times. In these it will be

your glory to have steadily labored, and with as much effect as any man living.

That you. may long live to 













             Correspondence          225







continue your useful labors, and to reap their reward in the thankfulness of

nations, is my sincere prayer.







Accept assurances of my high esteem and affec tionate attachment.















      TO MONSIEUR GERARD DE RAYNEVAL.







              WASHINGTON, March 20, 1801.







DEAR SIR,-Mr. Pichon, who arrived two days ago, delivered me your favor of

January the 1st, and I had before received one by Mr. Dupont, dated August the

24th, 1799, both on the subject of lands, claimed on behalf of your brother,

Mr. Girard, and that of August the 24th, containing a statement of the case. I

had verbally explained to Mr. Dupont                                       at

the time, what I presumed to have been the case, which must, I believe, be very

much mistaken in the statement sent with that letter; and I expected he had

communicated it to you.







  During the regal government, two companies, called the Loyal and the Ohio

companies, had obtained grants from the crown for eight hundred thousand, or

one million of acres of land, each, on the Ohio, on condition of settling them

in a given number of years. They surveyed some, and settled them ; but the war

of 1755 came on, and broke up the settlements. After it was over, they

petitioned for a renewal. Four other large companies then formed themselves,

called the Mississippi, the Illinois,







VOL. X-15 













226         Jefferson's Works







the Wabash, and the Indiana companies, each praying for immense quantities of

land, some amounting to two hundred miles square; so that they proposed to

cover the whole country north between the Ohio and Mississippi, and a great

portion of what is south. All these petitions were depending, without any

answer whatever from the crown, when the Revolution War broke out. The

petitioners had associated to themselves some of the nobility of England, and

most of the characters in America of great influence. When Congress assumed the

government, they took some of their body in as partners, to obtain their

influence ; and I remember to have heard, at the time, that one of them took

Mr. Girard as a partner, expecting by that to obtain the influence of the

French court, to obtain grants of those lands which they had not been able to

obtain from the British government. All these lands were within the limits of

Virginia, and that State determined, peremptorily, that they never should be

granted to large companies, but left open equally to all; and when they passed

their land law, (which I think was in 1778,) they confirmed only so much of the

lands of the Loyal company as they had actually surveyed, which was a very

small proportion, and annulled every other pretension. And when that State

conveyed the lands to Congress, (which was not till 1784), so determined were

they to prevent their being granted to these or any other large companies, that

they 













            Correspondence          227







made it an express condition of the cession, that they should be applied first

towards the soldiers' bounties, and the residue sold for the payment of the

national debt, and for no other purpose. This disposition has been,

accordingly, rigorously made, and is still going on; and Congress considers

itself as having no authority to dispose of them otherwise.







  * * * * * * * * *







I sincerely wish, Sir, it had been in my power to have given you a more

agreeable account of this claim. But as the case actually is, the most

substantial service is to state it exactly, and not to foster false

expectations. I remember with great sensibility all the attentions you were so

good as to render me while I resided in Paris, and shall be made happy by every

occasion which can be given me of acknowledging them; and the expressions of

your friendly recollection are particularly soothing to me.







Accept, I pray you, the assurances of my. high consideration and constant

esteem.















         TO DR. JOSEPH PRIESTLEY.







             WASHINGTON, March 21, 1801.







DEAR SIR,-I learned some time ago that you were in Philadelphia, but that it

was only for a fortnight; and I supposed you were gone. It was not till

yesterday I received information that you were still there, had been very ill,

but were on the 













228         Jefferson's Works







recovery. I sincerely rejoice that you are so. Yours is one of the few lives

precious to mankind, and for the continuance of which every thinking man is

solicitous. Bigots may be an exception. What an effort, my dear Sir, of bigotry

in politics and religion have we gone through! The barbarians really flattered

themselves they should be able to bring back the times of Vandalism, when

ignorance put everything into the hands of power and priestcraft. All advances

in science were proscribed as innovations. They pretended to praise and

encourage education, but it was to be the education of our ancestors. We were

to look backwards, not forwards, for improvement; the President himself

declaring, in one of his answers to addresses, that we were never to expect to

go beyond them in. real science. This was the real ground of all the attacks on

you. Those who live by mystery and charlatanerie, fearing you would render them

useless by simplifying the Christian philosophy,the most sublime and

benevolent, but most perverted system that ever shone on man,-endeavored to

crush your well-earned and well-deserved fame. But it was the Lilliputians upon

Gulliver. Our countrymen have recovered from the alarm into which art and

industry had thrown them; science and honesty are replaced on their high

ground; and you, my dear Sir, as their great apostle, are on its pinnacle. It

is with heart felt satisfaction that, in the first moments of my public action,

I can hail















         Correspondence         229







you with welcome to our land, tender to you the homage of its respect and

esteem, cover you under the protection of those laws which were made for the

wise and good like you, and disdain the legitimacy of that libel on

legislation, which, under the form of a law, was for some time placed among

them. (1)







As the storm is now subsiding, and the horizon becoming serene, it is pleasant

to consider the phenomenon with attention. We can no longer say there is

nothing new under the sun. For this whole, chapter in the history of man is

new. The great extent of our republic is new. Its sparse habitation is new. The

mighty wave of public opinion which has rolled over it is new. But the most

pleasing novelty is, its so quietly subsiding over such an extent of surface to

its true level again. The order and good sense displayed in this recovery from

delusion, and in the momentous crisis which lately arose, really bespeak a

strength of character in our nation which augurs well for the duration of our

republic; and I am much better satisfied now of its stability than I was before

it was tried'. I have been, above all things, solaced by the prospect which

opened on us, in the event of a non-election of a President; in which case, the

federal government would have been in the situation of a clock or watch run

down. There was no idea of force, nor of any occasion for it. A convention,

invited by the







1 In the margin is written by the author, "Alien law." 













            Jefferson's Works







republican members of Congress, with the virtual President and Vice-President,

would have been on the ground in eight weeks, would have repaired the

Constitution where it was defective, and wound it up again. This peaceable and

legitimate resource, to which we are in the habit of implicit obedience,

superseding all appeal to force, and being always within our reach, shows a

precious principle of self-preservation in our composition, till a change of

circumstances shall take place, which is not within prospect at any definite

period.







  But I have got into a long disquisition on politics, when I only meant to

express my sympathy in the state of your health, and to tender you all the

affections of public and private hospitality. I should be very happy indeed to

see you here. I leave this about the 30th instant, to return about the 25th of

April. If you do not leave Philadelphia before that, a little excursion hither

would help your health. I should be much gratified with the possession of a

guest I so much esteem, and should claim a right to lodge you, should you make

such an excursion.







  Accept the homage of my high consideration and respect, and assurances of

affectionate attachment. 













             Correspondence















       TO GENERAL WARREN.







              WASHINGTON, March 21, 1801.







  I am much gratified by the receipt of your favor of the 4th instant, and by

the expressions of friendly sentiment it contains. It is pleasant for those who

have just escaped threatened shipwreck, to hail one another when landed in

unexpected safety. The resistance which our republic has opposed to a course of

operation, for which it was not destined, shows a strength of body which

affords the most flattering presage of duration. I hope we shall now be

permitted to steer her in her natural course, and to show by the smoothness of

her motion the skill with Which she has been formed for it. I have seen with

great grief yourself and so many other venerable patriots, retired and weeping

in silence over the rapid subversion of those principles for the attachment of

which you had sacrificed the ease and comforts of life; but I rejoice that you

have lived to see us revindicate our rights, and regain manfully the ground

from which fraud, not force, had for a moment driven us. The character which

our fellow-citizens have displayed on this occasion, gives us everything to

hope for the permanence of our government. Its extent has saved us. While some

parts Were laboring under the paroxysm of delusion, others retained their

senses, and time was thus given to the affected parts to recover their health.

Your portion of the Union is longest 













            Jefferson's Works







recovering, because the deceivers there wear a more imposing form; but a little

more time, and they too will recover. I pray you to present the homage of my

great respect to Mrs. Warren. I have long possessed evidences of her high

station in the ranks of genius; and have considered her silence as a proof that

she did not go with the current. Accept yourself, assurances of my high

consideration and respect.















          TO NATHANIEL NILES, ESQ.







              WASHINGTON, March 22, 1801.







  DEAR SIR,-Your favor of February 12th, which did not get to my hands till

March ad, is entitled to my acknowledgments. It was the more agreeable as it

proved that the esteem I had entertained for you while we were acting together

on the public stage, had not been without reciprocated effect. What wonderful

scenes have passed since that time! The late chapter of our history furnishes a

lesson to man perfectly new. The times have been awful, but they have proved an

useful truth, that the good citizen must never despair of the commonwealth. How

many good men abandoned the deck, and gave up the vessel as lost! It furnishes

a new proof of the falsehood of Montesquieu's doctrine, that a republic can be

preserved only in a small territory. The reverse is the truth. Had our

territory been even a third only of what it is, 













             Correspondence         233







we were gone. But while frenzy and delusion like an epidemic, gained certain

parts, the residue remained sound and untouched, and held on till their

brethren could recover from the temporary delusion; and that circumstance has

given me great comfort. There was general alarm during the pending of the

election in Congress, lest no President should be chosen, the government be

dissolved and anarchy ensue. But the cool determination of the really patriotic

to call a convention in that case, which might be on the ground in eight weeks,

and wind up the machine again which had only run down, pointed out to my mind a

perpetual and peaceable resource against * * * in whatever extremity might

befall us; and I am certain a convention would have commanded immediate and

universal obedience. How happy that our army had been disbanded! What might

have happened otherwise seems rather a subject of reflection than explanation.

You have seen your recommendation of Mr. Willard duly respected. As to

yourself, I hope we shall see you again in Congress. Accept assurances of my

high respect and attachment.























         TO JOHN PAGE.







              WASHINGTON, March 22, 1801.







 MY DEAR FRIEND;-Yours of February 1st did not reach me till February 28th, and

a pressing 













 234             Jefferson's Works







 business has retarded my acknowledging it. I







sincerely thank you for your congratulations on







my election; but this is only the first verse of the







chapter. What the last may be nobody can tell.







A consciousness that I feel no desire but to do what







is best, without passion or predilection, encourages







me to hope for an indulgent construction of what







I do. I had in General Washington's time pro-







posed you as director of the mint, and therefore







should the more readily have turned to you, had a







vacancy now happened; but that institution con-







tinuing at Philadelphia, because the Legislature







have not taken up the subject in time to decide on







it, it will of course remain there until this time twelve-







months. Should it then .be removed, the present







Director would probably, and the Treasurer cer-







tainly resign. It would give me great pleasure to







employ the talents and integrity of Dr. Foster, in







the latter office.







  I am very much in hopes we shall be able to







restore union to our country. Not indeed that







the federal leaders can be brought over. They







are invincibles; but I really hope their followers







may. The bulk of these last were real republicans,







carried over from us by French excesses. This







induced me to offer a political creed, and to invite







to conciliation first; and I am pleased to hear,







that these principles are recognized by them, and







considered as no bar of separation. A moderate







conduct throughout, which may not revolt our new 













            Correspondence         235







friends, and which may give them tenets with us, must be observed.







* * * * * * * * *







Present my respects to Mrs. Page, and accept evidences of my constant and

affectionate esteem.















   TO BENJAMIN WARING, ESQ., AND OTHERS.







             WASHINGTON, March 23, 1801.







  GENTLEMEN,-The reliance is most flattering to me which you are pleased to

express in the character of my public conduct, as is the expectation with which

you look forward to the inviolable preservation of our national Constitution,

deservedly the boast of our country. That peace, safety, and concord may be the

portion of our native land, and be long enjoyed by our fellow-citizens, is the

most ardent wish of my heart, and if I can be instrumental in procuring or

preserving them, I shall think I have not lived in vain. In every country where

man is free to think and to speak, differences of opinion will arise from

difference of perception, and the imperfection of reason; but these differences

when permitted, as in this happy country, to purify themselves by free

discussion, are but as passing clouds overspreading our land transiently, and

leaving our horizon more bright and serene. That love of order and obedience to

the laws, which so remarkably characterize the citizens of the United States,

are sure pledges of internal tranquillity ; and 













236          Jefferson's Works







the elective franchise, if guarded as the act of our safety, will peaceably

dissipate all combinations to subvert a Constitution dictated by the wisdom,

and resting on the will of the people. That will is the only legitimate

foundation of any government, and to protect its free expression should be our

first object. I offer my sincere prayers to the Supreme Ruler of the Universe,

that He may long preserve our country in freedom and prosperity, and to

yourselves, Gentlemen, and the citizens of Columbia and its vicinity, the

assurances of my profound consideration and respect.















            TO MOSES ROBINSON.







              WASHINGTON, March 23, 1801.







DEAR SIR,-I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of the 3d instant,

and to thank you for the friendly expressions. it contains. I entertain real

hope that the whole body of your fellowcitizens (many of whom had been carried

away by the X. Y. Z. business) will shortly be consolidated in the same

sentiments. When they examine the real principles of both parties, I think they

will find little to differ about. I know, indeed, .that there are some of their

leaders who have so committed themselves, that pride, if no other passion, will

prevent their coalescing. We must be easy with them. The Eastern States will be

the last to come over, on account of the dominion of the clergy, 













            Correspondence          237







who had got a smell of union between Church and State, and began to indulge

reveries which can never be realized in the present state of science. If,

indeed, they could have prevailed on us to view all advances in science as

dangerous innovations, and to look back to the opinions and practices of our

forefathers, instead of looking forward, for improvement, a promising

ground-work would have been laid. But I am in hopes their good sense will

dictate to them, that since the mountain will not come to them, they had better

go to the mountain; that they will find their interest in acquiescing in the

liberty and science of their country, and that the Christian religion, when

divested of the rags in which they have enveloped it, and brought to the

original purity and simplicity of its benevolent institutor, is a religion of

all others most friendly to liberty, science, and the freest expansion of the

human mind.







  I sincerely wish with you, we could see our government so secured as to

depend less on the character of the person in whose hands it is trusted. Bad

men will sometimes get in, and with such an immense patronage, may make great

progress in corrupting the public mind and principles. This is a subject with

which wisdom and patriotism should be occupied.







  I pray you to accept assurances of my high respect and esteem: 













          Jefferson's Works















      TO WILLIAM B. GILES.







              WASHINGTON, March 23, 1801.







  DEAR SIR,-I received two days ago your favor of the 16th, and thank you for

your kind felicitations on my election; but whether it will be a subject of

felicitation, permanently, will be for the chapters of future history to say.

The important subjects of the government I meet with some degree of courage and

confidence, because I do believe the talents to be associated with me, the

honest line of conduct we will religiously pursue at home and abroad, and the

confidence of my fellow-citizens dawning on us, will be equal to these objects.







  But there is another branch of duty which I must meet with courage too,

though I cannot without pain ; that is, the appointments and disappointments as

to offices. Madison and Gallatin being still absent, we have not yet decided on

our rules of conduct as to these. That some ought to be removed from office,

and that all ought not, all mankind will agree. But where to draw the line,

perhaps no two will agree. Consequently, nothing like a general approbation on

this subject can be looked for. Some principles have been the subject of

conversation, but not of determination ; e. g. , 1, all appointments to civil

offices during pleasure, made after the event of the election was certainly

known to Mr. Adams, are considered as nullities. I do not view the persons

appointed as even candidates for the office, but make others 













            Correspondence          239







without noticing or notifying them. Mr. Adams' best friends. have agreed this

is right. 2. Officers who have been guilty of official mal-conduct are proper

subjects of removal. 3. Good men, to whom there is no objection but a

difference of political principle, practised on only as far as the right of a

private citizen will justify, are not proper subjects of removal, except in the

case of attorneys and marshals. The courts being so decidedly federal and

irremovable, it is believed that republican attorneys and marshals, being the

doors of entrance into the courts, are indispensably necessary as a shield to

the republican part of our fellow-citizens, which, I believe, is the main body

of the people.







  These principles are yet to be considered of, and I sketch them to you in

confidence. Not that there is objection to your mooting them as subjects of

conversation, and as proceeding from yourself, but not as matters of executive

determination. Nay, farther, I will thank you for your own sentiments and those

of others on them. If received before the 20th of April, they will be in time

for our deliberation on the subject. You know that it was in the year X. Y. Z.

that so great a transition from us to the other side took place, and with as

real republicans as we were ourselves ; that these, after getting over that

delusion, have been returning to us, and that it is to that return we owe a

triumph in 1800, which in 1799 would have been the other way. The week's

suspension of the election before Congress, seems 













            Jefferson's Works







almost to have completed that business; and to have brought over nearly the

whole remaining mass. They now find themselves with us, and separated from

their quondam leaders. If we can but avoid shocking their feelings by

unnecessary acts of severity against their late friends, they will in a little

time cement and form one mass with us, and by these means harmony and union be

restored to our country, which would be the greatest good we could effect. It

was a conviction that these people did not differ from us in principle, which

induced me to define the principles which I deemed orthodox, and to urge a

reunion on those principles; and I, am induced to hope it has conciliated many.

I do not speak of the desperadoes of the quondam faction in and out of

Congress. These I consider as incurables, on whom all attentions would be lost,

and therefore will not be wasted. But my wish is, to keep their flock from

returning to them.







  On the subject of the marshal of Virginia, I refer you confidentially to

Major Egglestone for information. I leave this about this day se'nnight, to

make some arrangements at home preparatory to my final removal to this place,

from which I shall be absent about three weeks.







  Accept assurances of my constant esteem and high consideration and respect. 













            Correspondence          241















     TO DR. BENJAMIN RUSH.







              WASHINGTON, March 24, 1801.







  DEAR SIR,-I have to acknowledge the receipt of your friendly favor of the

12th, and the pleasing sensations produced in my mind by its affectionate

contents. I am made very happy by learning that the sentiments expressed in my

inaugural address gave general satisfaction, and holds out a ground on which

our fellow-citizens can once more unite. I am the more pleased, because these

sentiments have been long and radically mine, and therefore will be pursued

honestly and conscientiously. I know there is an obstacle which very possibly

may check the confidence which would otherwise have been more generally reposed

in my observance of these principles. This obstacle does not arise from the

measures to be pursued, as to which I am in no fear of giving satisfaction, but

from appointments and disappointments as to office. With regard to

appointments, I have. so much confidence in the justice and good sense of the

federalists, that I have no doubt they will concur in the fairness of the

position, that after they have been in the exclusive possession of all offices

from the very first origin of party among us, to the 3d of March, at 9 o'clock

in the night, no republican ever admitted, and this doctrine newly avowed, it

is now perfectly just that the republicans should come in for the vacancies

which may fall in, until something like an equilibrium in office be restored.

But the







VOL. X-16 













 242          Jefferson's Works







 great stumbling block will be removals, which though







made on those just principles only on which my pre-







decessor ought to have removed the same persons,







will nevertheless be ascribed to removal on party







principles. 1st. I will expunge the effects of Mr.







A. 's indecent conduct, in crowding nominations after







he knew they were not for himself, till 9 o'clock of







the night, at 12 o'clock of which he was to go out of







office. So far as they are during pleasure, I shall not







consider the persons named, even as candidates for







the office, nor pay the respect of notifying them that







I consider what was done as a nullity. 2d. Some







removals must be made for misconduct. One of







these is of the marshal in your city, who being an







officer of justice, intrusted with the function of







choosing impartial judges for the trial of his fellow-







citizens, placed at the awful tribunal of God and







their country, selected judges who either avowed







or were known to him to be predetermined to con-







demn; and if the lives of the unfortunate persons







were not cut short by the sword of the law, it was







not for want of his good-will. In another State I







have to perform the same act of justice on the dearest







connection of my dearest friend, for similar conduct







in a case not capital. The same practice of packing







juries, and prosecuting their fellow-citizens with the







bitterness of party hatred, will probably involve







several other marshals and attornies. Out of this







line I see but very few instances where past miscon-







duct has been in a degree to call for notice. Of the







            Correspondence          243







thousands of officers therefore, in the United States, a very few individuals

only, probably not twenty, will be removed ; and these only for doing what they

ought not to have done. Two or three instances indeed where Mr. A. removed men

because they would not sign addresses, etc., to him, will be rectified-the

persons restored. The whole world will say this is just. I know that in

stopping thus short in the career of removal, I shall give great offence to

many of my friends. That torrent has been pressing me heavily, and will require

all my force to bear up against; but my maxim is "fiat justitia, ruat coelum.

'' After the first unfavorable impressions of doing too much in the opinion of

some, and too little in that of others, shall be got over, I should hope a

steady line of conciliation very practicable, and that without yielding a

single republican principle: A certainty that these principles prevailed in the

breasts of the main body of federalists, was my motive for stating them as the

ground of reunion. I have said thus much for your private satisfaction, to be

used even in private conversation, as the presumptive principles on which we

shall act, but not as proceeding from myself declaredly. Information lately

received from France gives a high idea of the progress of science there ; it

seems to keep pace with their * *. (1) I have just received from the A. P.

Society, two volumes of Comparative Anatomy, by Cuvier, probably the greatest

work in that line that has ever appeared. His comparisons embrace every







  1 The manuscript here is illegible. 













            Jefferson's Works







organ of the animal carcass; and from man to the * * *.' Accept assurances of

my sincere friendship and high consideration and respect.















     TO DON JOSEPH YZNARDI.







              WASHINGTON, March 26, 1801.







DEAR SIR,-The Secretary of State is proceeding in the consideration of the

several matters which have been proposed to us by you, and will prepare answers

to them, and particularly as to our vessels taken by French cruisers, and

carried into the ports of Spain, contrary, as we suppose, to the tenor of the

convention with France. Though ordinary business will be regularly transacted

with you by the Secretary of State, yet considering what you mentioned as to

our minister at Madrid to have been private and confidential, I take it out of

the official course, and observe to you myself that under an intimate

conviction of long standing in my mind, of the importance of an honest

friendship with Spain, and one which shall identify her American interests with

our own, I see in a strong point of view the necessity that the organ of

communication which we establish near the King should possess the favor and

confidence of that government. I have therefore destined for that mission a

person whose accommodating and reasonable conduct, which will be still more

fortified by instructions, will render him agreeable there, and an useful

channel of communication between us. I







  1 Illegible. 













            Correspondence          245







have no doubt the new appointment by that government to this, in the room of

the Chevalier d'Yrujo







                                 , has been made under the influence of the

same motives; but still, the Chevalier d'Yrujo being intimately .known to us,

the integrity, sincerity, and reasonableness of his conduct having established

in us a perfect confidence, in nowise diminished by the bickerings which took

place between him and a former Secretary of State, whose irritable temper drew

on more than one affair of the same kind, it will be a subject of regret if we

lose him. However, if the interests of Spain require that his services should

be employed elsewhere, it is the duty of a friend to acquiesce ; and we shall

certainly receive any successor the King may choose to send, with every

possible degree of favor and friendship. Our administration will not be

collected till the end of the ensuing month ; and consequently, till then, no

other of the mutual interests of the two nations will be under our. views,

except those general assurances of friendship which I have before given you

verbally, and now repeat. Accept, I pray you, assurances of my high

consideration and respect.















          TO GENERAL HENRY KNOX.







             WASHINGTON, March 27, 1801.







  DEAR SIR,-I received with great pleasure your favor of the 16th, and it is

with the greatest satisfaction I learn from all quarters that my inaugural 













  246       Jefferson's Works







  address is considered as holding out a ground for conciliation and union. I

am the more pleased with this, because the opinion therein stated as to the

real ground of difference among us (to wit : the measures rendered most

expedient by French enormities), is that which I have long entertained. I was

always satisfied that the great body of those called federalists were real

republicans as well as federalists. I know, indeed, there are monarchists among

us. One character of these is in theory only, and perfectly acquiescent in our

form of government as it is, and not entertaining a thought of destroying it

merely on their theoretical opinions. A second class, at the head of which is

our quondam colleague, are ardent for introduction of monarchy, eager for

armies, making more noise for a great naval establishment than better patriots,

who wish it on a rational scale only, commensurate to our wants and our means.

This last class ought to be tolerated, but not trusted. Believing that

(excepting the ardent monarchists) all our citizens agreed in ancient whig

principles, I thought it advisable to define and declare them, and let them see

the ground on which we could rally. And the fact proving to be so, that they

agree in these principles, I shall pursue them with more encouragement. I am

aware that the necessity of a few removals for legal oppressions,

delinquencies, and other official malversations, may be misconstrued as done

for political opinions, and produce hesitation in the coalition so much to be

desired; but the extent 













             Correspondence         247







of these will be too limited to make permanent impressions. In the class of

removals, however, I do not rank the new appointments which Mr. A. crowded in

with whip and spur from the 12th of December, when the event of the election

was known, and, consequently, that he was making appointments, not for himself,

but his successor, until 9 o 'clock of the night, at 12 o 'clock of which he

was to go out of office. This outrage on decency should not have its effect,

except in the life appointments which are irremovable ; but as to the others I

consider the nominations as nullities, and will not view the persons appointed

as even candidates for their office, much less as possessing it by any title

meriting respect. I mention these things that the grounds and extent of the

removals may be understood, and may not disturb the tendency to union. Indeed

that union is already effected, from New York southwardly, almost completely.

In the New England States it will be slower than elsewhere, from particular

circumstances better known to yourself than me. But we will go on attending

with the utmost solicitude to their interests, doing them impartial justice,

and I have no doubt they will in time do justice to us. I have opened myself

frankly, because I wish to be understood by those who mean well, and are

disposed to be just towards me, as you are, and because I know you will use it

for good purposes only, and for none unfriendly to me. I leave this place in a

few days to make a short excursion home, but some domestic arrangements are 













248         Jefferson's Works







necessary previous to my final removal here, which will be about the latter end

of April. Be so good as to present my respects to Mrs. Knox, and accept

yourself assurances of my high consideration and esteem.















TO MESSRS. EDDY, RUSSEL, THURBER, WHEATON, AND







            SMITH.







              WASHINGTON, March 27, 1801.







GENTLEMEN,-I return my sincere thanks for your kind congratulations on my

elevation to the first magistracy of the United States. I see with pleasure

every evidence of the attachment of my fellow citizens to elective government,

calculated to promote their happiness, peculiarly adapted to their genius,

habits, and situation, and the best permanent corrective of the errors or

abuses of those interests with power. The Constitution on which our union

rests, shall be administered by me according to the safe and honest meaning

contemplated by the plain understanding of the people of the United States, at

the time of its adoption,-a meaning to be found in the explanations of those

who advocated, not those who opposed it, and who opposed it merely lest the

constructions should be applied which they denounced as possible. These

explanations are preserved in the publications of the time, and are too recent

in the memories of most men to admit of question. The energies of the nation,

as depends on me, shall be 













             Correspondence







reserved for improvement of the condition of man, not wasted in his

distinction. The lamentable resource of war is not authorized for evils of

imagination; but for those actual injuries only, which would be more

destructive of our well-being than war itself. Peace, justice, and liberal

intercourse with all the nations of the world, will, I hope, with all nations,

characterize this commonwealth. Accept for yourselves, gentlemen, and the

respectable citizens of the town of Providence, assurances of my high

consideration and respect.















            TO GEORGE JEFFERSON.







              WASHINGTON, March 27, 1801.







  DEAR SIR,-I have to acknowledge the receipt of yours of March 4th, and to

express to you the delight with which I found the just, disinterested, and

honorable point of view in which you saw the proposition it covered. The

resolution you so properly approved had long been formed in my mind. The public

will never be made to believe that an appointment of a relative is made on the

ground of merit alone, uninfluenced by family views ; nor can they ever see

with approbation offices, the disposal of which they entrust to their

Presidents for public purposes, divided out as family property. Mr. Adams

degraded himself infinitely by his conduct on this subject, as General

Washington had done himself the greatest honor. With two such examples to

proceed by, I should be 













              Jefferson's Works







  doubly inexcusable to err. It is true that this places







the relations of the President in a worse situation







than if he were a stranger, but the public good, which







cannot be affected if its confidence be lost, requires







this sacrifice. Perhaps, too, it is compensated by







sharing in the public esteem. I could not be satisfied







till I assured you of the increased esteem with which







this transaction fills me for you. Accept my affec-







tionate expressions of it.















              TO SAMUEL ADAMS.







               WASHINGTON, March 29, 1801.







  I addressed a letter to you, my very dear and ancient friend, on the 4th of

March: not indeed to you by name, but through the medium of some of my

fellow-citizens, whom occasion called on me to address. In meditating the

matter of that address, I often asked myself, is this exactly in the spirit of

the patriarch, Samuel Adams? Is it as he would express it ? Will he approve of

it ? I have felt a great deal for our country in the times we have seen. But

individually for no one so much as yourself. When I have been told that you

were avoided, insulted, frowned on, I could but ejaculate, "Father             

                          forgive them, for they know not what they do. '' I

confess I felt an indignation for you, which for myself I have been able, under

every trial, to keep entirely passive. However, the storm is over, and we are

in port. The ship was not rigged for the service she 













            Correspondence







'was put on. We will show the smoothness of her motions on her republican tack.

I hope we shall once more see harmony restored among our citizens, and an

entire oblivion of past feuds. Some of the leaders who have most committed

themselves cannot come into this. But I hope the great body of our

fellow-citizens will do it. I will sacrifice everything but principle to

procure it. A few examples of justice on officers who have perverted their

functions to the oppression of their fellow-citizens, must, in justice to those

citizens, be made. But opinion, and the just maintenance of it, shall never be

a crime in my view : nor bring injury on the individual. Those whose misconduct

in office ought to have produced their removal even by my predecessor, must not

be protected by the delicacy due only to honest men. How much I lament that

time has deprived me of your aid! It would have been a day of glory which

should have called you to the first office of the administration. But give us

your counsel, my friend, and give us your blessing; and be assured that there

exists not in the heart of man a more faithful esteem than mine to you, and

that I shall ever bear you the most affectionate veneration and respect.















           TO ELBRIDGE GERRY.







             WASHINGTON, March 29, 1801.







MY DEAR SIR,-Your two letters of January the 15th and February the 24th, came

safely to hand, 













             Jefferson's Works







and I thank you for the history of a transaction which will ever be interesting

in our affairs. It has been very precisely as I had imagined. I thought, on

your return, that if you had come forward boldly, and appealed to the public by

a full statement, it would have had a great effect in your favor personally,

and that of the republican cause then oppressed almost unto death. But I judged

from a tact of the southern pulse. I suspect that of the north was different

and decided your conduct ; and perhaps it has been as well. If the revolution

of sentiment has been later, it has perhaps been not less sure. At length it

has arrived. What with the natural current of opinion which has been setting

over to us for eighteen months, and the immense impetus which was given it from

the 11th to the 17th of February, we may now say that the United States from

New York southwardly, are as unanimous in the principles of '76, as they were

in '76. The only difference is, that the leaders who remain behind are more

numerous and bolder than the apostles of toryism in '76. The reason is, that we

are now justly more tolerant than. we could safely have been then,

circumstanced as we were. Your part of the Union though as absolutely

republican as ours, had drunk deeper of the delusion, and is therefore slower

in recovering from it. The aegis of government, and the temples of religion and

of justice, have all been prostituted there to toll us back to the times when

we burnt witches. But your people will rise again. They will awake like Sam













             Correspondence         253







son from his sleep, and carry away the gates and posts of the city. You, my

friend, are destined to rally them again under their former banner, and when

called to the post, exercise it with firmness and with inflexible adherence to

your own principles. The people will support you, notwithstanding the howlings

of the ravenous crew from whose jaws they are escaping. It will be a great

blessing to our country if we can once more restore harmony and social love

among its citizens. I confess, as to myself, it is almost the first object of

my heart, and one to which I would sacrifice everything but principle. With the

people I have hopes of effecting it. But their Coryphaei are incurables. I

expect little from them.







I was not deluded by the eulogiums of the public papers in the first moments of

change. If they could have continued to get all the loaves and fishes, that is,

if I would have gone over to them, they would continue to eulogize. But I well

knew that the moment that such removals should take place, as the justice of

the preceding administration ought to have executed, their hue and cry would be

set up, and they would take their old stand. I shall disregard that also. Mr.

Adams' last appointments, when he knew he was naming counsellors and aids for

me and not for himself, I set aside as far as depends on me. Officers who have

been guilty of gross abuses of office, such as marshals packing juries, etc., I

shall now remove, as my predecessor 













254         Jefferson's Works          '







ought in justice to have done. The instances will be few, and governed by

strict rule, and not party passion. The right of opinion shall suffer no

invasion from me. Those who have acted well have nothing to fear, however they

may have differed from me in opinion: those who have done ill, however, have

nothing to hope; nor shall I fail to do justice lest it should be ascribed to

that difference of opinion. A coalition of sentiments is not for the interest

of the printers. They, like the clergy, live by the zeal they can kindle, and

the schisms they can create. It is contest of opinion in politics' as well as

religion which makes us take great interest in them, and bestow our money

liberally on those who furnish aliment to our appetite. The mild and simple

principles of the Christian philosophy would produce too much calm, too much

regularity of good, to extract from its disciples a support from a numerous

priesthood, were they not to sophisticate it, ramify it, split it into hairs,

and twist its texts till they cover the divine morality of its author with

mysteries, and require a priesthood to explain them. The Quakers seem to have

discovered this. They have no priests, therefore no schisms. They judge of the

text by the dictates of common sense and common morality. So the printers can

never leave us in a state of perfect rest and union of opinion. They would be

no longer useful, and would have to go to the plough. In the first moments of

quietude which have succeeded the election, they seem to have aroused their

lying facul













            Correspondence          255







ties beyond their ordinary state, to re-agitate the public mind. What

appointments to office have they detailed which had never been thought of,

merely to found a text for their calumniating commentaries. However, the steady

character of our countrymen is a rock to which we may safely moor ; and

notwithstanding the efforts of the papers to disseminate early discontents, I

expect that a just, dispassionate and steady conduct, will at length rally to a

proper system the great body of our country. Unequivocal in principle,

reasonable in manner, we shall be able I hope to do a great deal of good to the

cause of freedom and harmony. I shall be happy -to hear from you often, to know

your own sentiments and those of others on the course of things, and to concur

with you in efforts for the common good. Your letters through the post will not

come safely. Present my best respects to Mrs. Gerry, and accept yourself

assurances of my constant esteem and high consideration.















           TO DR. WALTER JONES.







             WASHINGTON, March 31, 1801.







  DEAR SIR,-I was already almost in the act of mounting my horse for a short

excursion home, when your favor of the 14th was put into my hands. I stop

barely to acknowledge it, and to thank you for your kind congratulations, and

still more for your interesting observations on the course of things. I 













            Jefferson's Works







am sensible how far I should fall short of effecting all the reformation which

reason would suggest, and experience approve, were I free to do whatever I

thought best; but when we reflect how difficult it is to move or inflect the

great machine of society, how impossible to advance the notions of a whole

people suddenly to ideal right, we see the wisdom of Solon's remark, that no

more good must be attempted than the nation can bear, and that all will be

chiefly to reform the waste of public money, and thus drive away the vultures

who prey upon it, and improve some little on old routines. Some new fences for

securing constitutional rights may, with the aid of a good legislature, perhaps

be attainable. I am going home for three weeks, to make some final arrangements

there for my removal hither. Mr. Madison and Mr. Gallatin will be here by the

last of the month. Dearborne and Lincoln remain here ; and General Smith

entered yesterday on the naval department; but only pro tempore, and to give me

time to look for what cannot be obtained-a prominent officer, equal and willing

to undertake the duties. Accept assurances of my constant and affectionate

respect.















        TO ARCHIBALD STUART, ESQ.







               MONTICELLO, April 8, 1801.







DEAR SIR,-I arrived here on the 4th, and expect to stay a fortnight, in order

to make some arrange-







             Correspondence       257







ments preparatory to my final removal to Washington. You know that the last

Congress established a Western judiciary district in Virginia, comprehending

chiefly the Western counties. Mr. Adams, who continued filling all the offices

till nine o'clock of the night, at twelve of which he was to go out of office

himself, took care to appoint for this district also. The judge, of course,

stands till the law shall be repealed, which we trust will be at the next

Congress. But as to all others, I made it immediately known that I should

consider them as nullities, and appoint others, as I think I have a preferable

right to name agents for my own administration, at least to the vacancies

falling after it was known that Mr. Adams was not naming for himself.

Consequently, we want an attorney and marshal for the Western district. I have

thought of Mr. Coalter, but I am told he has a clerkship incompatible with it

by our laws. I thought also of Hugh Holmes; but I fear he is so far off, he

would not attend the court, which is to be in Rockbridge, I believe. This is

the extent of my personal knowledge. Pray recommend one to me, as also a

marshal; and let them be the most respectable and unexceptionable possible, and

especially let them be republicans. The only shield for our republican citizens

against the federalism of the courts is to have the attorneys and marshals

republicans. There is nothing I am so anxious about as .good nominations,

conscious that the merit as well











VOL. X-17 













259         Jefferson's Works







as reputation of an administration depends as much on that as on its measures.







  Accept assurances of my constant esteem and high consideration and respect.















           TO HUGH WHITE, ESQ.







                WASHINGTON, May 2, 1801.







SIR,-The satisfaction which, in the name of the foreigners residing in Beaver

County, you are pleased to express in my appointment to the Presidency of the

United States, the expectations you form of the character of my administration,

and your kind wishes for my happiness, demand my sincere thanks. Born in other

countries, yet believing you could be happy in this, our laws acknowledge, as

they should do, your right to join us in society, conforming, as I doubt not

you will do, to our established rules. That these rules shall be as equal as

prudential considerations will admit, will certainly be the aim of our

legislatures, general and particular. To unequal privileges among members of

the same society the spirit of our nation is, with one accord, adverse. If the

unexample state of the world has in any instance occasioned among us temporary

departures from the system of equal rule, the restoration of tranquillity will

doubtless produce reconsideration; and your own knowledge of the liberal

conduct heretofore observed towards strangers settling among us will warrant

the belief that what is right will be done. Accept a 













             Correspondence







reciprocation of wishes for your present and future welfare, and assurances of

my high consideration and respect.















            TO GIDEON GRANGER.







                 WASHINGTON, May 3, 1801.







  DEAR SIR,-I wrote you on the 29th of March. Yours of the 25th of that month,

with the address it covered, had not reached this place on the 1st of April,

when I set out on a short visit to my residence in Virginia, where some

arrangements were necessary previous to my settlement here. In fact, your

letter came to me at Monticello only the 24th of April, two days before my

departure from thence. This, I hope, will sufficiently apologize for the delay

of the answer, which those unapprised of these circumstances will have thought

extraordinary.







  A new subject of congratulation has arisen. I mean the regeneration of Rhode

Island. I hope it is the beginning of that resurrection of the genuine spirit

of New England which rises for life eternal. According to natural order,

Vermont will emerge next, because least, after Rhode Island, under the yoke of

hierocracy. I have never dreamed that all opposition was to cease. The clergy,

who have missed their union with the State, the Anglomen, who have missed their

union with England, and the political adventurers, who have lost the chance of

swindling and plunder in the waste of public money, 













260         Jefferson's Works







will never cease to bawl, on the breaking up of their sanctuary. But among the

people, the schism is healed, and with tender treatment the wound will not

re-open. Their quondam leaders have been astounded with the suddenness of the

desertion ; and their silence and appearance of acquiescence have proceeded not

from a thought of joining us, but the uncertainty what ground to take. The very

first acts of the administration, the nominations, have accordingly furnished

something to yelp on ; and all our subsequent acts will furnish them fresh

matter, because there is nothing against which human ingenuity will not be able

to find something to say.







  Accept assurances of my sincere attachment and high respect.















           TO NATHANIEL MACON.







               WASHINGTON, May 14, 1801.







  DEAR SIR,-Your favors of April the 20th and 23d had been received, and the

commission made out for Mr. Potts, before I received the letter of the 1st

instant. I have still thought it better to forward the commission, in the hope

that reconsideration, or the influence of yourself and friends, might induce an

acceptance of it. Should it be otherwise, you must recommend some other good

person, as I had rather be guided by your opinion than that of the person you

refer me to. Perhaps Mr. Potts may be willing to stop the gap till you meet and

repeal the 













            Correspondence         261







law. If he does not, let me receive a recommendation from you as quickly as

possible. And in all cases, when an office becomes vacant in your State, as the

distance would occasion a great delay were you to wait to be regularly

consulted, I shall be much obliged to you to recommend the best characters.

There is nothing I am so anxious about as making the best possible

appointments, and no case in which the best men are more liable to mislead us,

by yielding to the solicitations of applicants. For this reason your own

spontaneous recommendation would be desirable. Now to answer your particulars,

seriatim,- '







Levees are done away.







The first communication to the next Congress will be, like all subsequent ones,

by message, to which no answer will be expected.







The diplomatic establishment in Europe will be reduced to three ministers.







The compensations to collectors depend on you, and not on me. 







The army is undergoing a chaste reformation.







The navy will be reduced to the legal establishment by the last of this month.







  Agencies in every department will be revised.







  We shall push you to the uttermost in economizing.







  A very early recommendation had been given to the Post Master General to

employ no printer, foreigner, or revolutionary tory in any of his offices. This

department is still untouched. 













262             Jefferson's Works







   The arrival of Mr. Gallatin yesterday, completed the organization of our

administration.







  Accept assurances of my sincere esteem and high respect.







 TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF RHODE ISLAND AND







     PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS.







                WASHINGTON, May 26, 1801.







  I return my grateful thanks to the General Assembly of the State of Rhode

Island and Providence Plantations, for the congratulations which, on behalf of

themselves and their constituents, they have been pleased to express on my

election to the Chief Magistracy of the United States ; and I learn with

pleasure their approbation of the principles declared by me on that occasion ;

principles which flowed sincerely from the heart and judgment, and which, with

sincerity, will be pursued. While acting on them, I ask only to be judged with

truth and candor.







  To preserve the peace of our fellow citizens, promote their prosperity and

happiness, reunite opinion, cultivate a spirit of candor, moderation, charity,

and forbearance towards one another, are objects calling for the efforts and

sacrifices of every good man and patriot. Our religion enjoins it ; our

happiness demands it ; and no sacrifice is requisite but of passions hostile to

both.







It is a momentous truth, and happily of universal impression on the public

mind, that our safety rests 













            Correspondence          263







on the preservation of our Union. Our citizens have wisely formed themselves

into one nation as to others, and several States as among themselves. To the

united nation belongs our external and mutual relations ; to each State

severally the care of our persons, our property, our reputation, and religious

freedom. This wise distribution, if carefully preserved, will prove, I trust

from example, that while smaller governments are better adapted to the ordinary

objects of society, larger confederations more effectually secure independence

and the preservation of republican government.







I am sensible of the great interest which your State justly feels in the

prosperity of commerce. It is of vital interest also to States more

agricultural, whose produce, without commerce, could not be exchanged. As the

handmaid of agriculture therefore, commerce will be cherished by me both from

principle and duty.







Accept, I beseech you, for the General Assembly of the State of Rhode Island

and Providence Plantations, the homage of my high consideration and respect,

and I pray God to have them always in his safe and holy keeping.















            TO LEVI LINCOLN.







               WASHINGTON, July 11, 1801.







DEAR SIR,-Your favor of the 15th came to hand on the 25th of June, and conveyed

a great deal of that information which I am anxious to receive. The 













264        Jefferson's Works







consolidation of our fellow-citizens in general is the great object we ought to

keep in view, and that being once obtained, while we associate with us in

affairs, to a certain degree, the federal sect of republicans; we must strip of

all the means of influence the Essex junto, and their associate monocrats in

every part of the Union. The former differ from us only in the shades of power

to be given to the executive, being; with us, attached to republican

government. The latter wish to sap the republic by fraud, if they cannot

destroy it by force, and to erect an English monarchy in its place; some of

them (as Mr. Adams) thinking its corrupt parts should be cleansed away, others

(as Hamilton) thinking that would make it an impracticable machine. We are

proceeding gradually in the regeneration of offices, and introducing

republicans to some share in them. I do not know that it will be pushed further

than was settled before you went away, except as to Essex men. I must ask you

to make out a list of those in office in yours and the neighboring States, and

to furnish me with it. There is little of this spirit south of the Hudson. I

understand that Jackson is a very determined one; though in private life

amiable and 'honorable. But amiable monarchists are not safe subjects of

republican confidence. What will be the effect of his removal ? How should it

be timed ? Who his successor? What place can General Lyman properly occupy ?

Our gradual reformations seem to produce good effects everywhere except in

Connecticut, 













              Correspondence         265







Their late session of legislature has been more intolerant than all others. We

must meet them with equal intolerance. When they will give a share in the State

offices, they shall be replaced in a share. of the General offices. Till then

we must follow their example. Mr. Goodrich's removal has produced a bitter

remonstrance, with much personality against the two Bishops. I am sincerely

sorry to see the inflexibility of the federal spirit there, for I cannot

believe they are all monarchists.







  I observe your tory papers make much of the Berceau. As that is one of the

subjects to be said before Congress, it is material to commit to writing, while

fresh in memory, the important circumstances. You possess more of these than

any other person. I pray you, therefore, immediately to state to me all the

circumstances you recollect. I will aid you with the following hints, which you

can correct and incorporate. Pichon, I think, arrived about the 12th of March.

I do not remember when he first proposed the question about the Insurgente and

Berceau. On the 20th of March, Mr. Stoddart wrote to his agent at Boston to put

the Berceau into handsome order to be restored, but whether he did that of his

own accord, or after previous consultation with you or myself, I do not

recollect. I set out for Monticello April the 1st. About that time General

Smith sent new directions to put her precisely into the state in which she was

before the capture. Do you recollect from what fund it was contemplated to do

this? I 













 6          Jefferson's Works







had trusted for this to Stoddart, who was familiar with all the funds, being

myself entirely new in office at that time. What will those repairs have cost?

Did we not leave to Le Tombe to make what allowance he thought proper to the

officers, we only advancing money on his undertaking repayment? I shall hope to

receive from you as full a statement as you can make. It may be useful to

inquire into the time and circumstances of her being dismantled. When you shall

have retraced the whole matter in your memory, would it not be well to make a

summary statement of the important circumstances for insertion in the

Chronicle, in order to set the minds of the candid part of the public to

rights? Mr. Madison has had a slight bilious attack. I am advising him to get

off by the middle of this month. We who have stronger constitutions shall stay

to the end of it. But during August and September, we also must take refuge in

climates rendered safer by our habits and confidence. The post will be so

arranged as that letters will go hence to Monticello, and the answer return

here in a week. I hope I shall continue to hear from you there.







Accept assurances of my affectionate esteem and high respect.







 P. S. The French convention was laid before the Senate December the 16th. I

think the Berceau arrived afterwards. If so, she was dismantled, when it was

known she was to be restored. When did she arrive ? By whose orders was she

dismantled ? 













            Correspondence          267















   TO GOVERNOR JAMES MONROE.







               WASHINGTON, July 11, 1801.







DEAR SIR,-As to the mode of correspondence between the general and particular

executives, I do not think myself a good judge. Not because my position gives

me any prejudice on the occasion; for if it be possible to be certainly

conscious of anything, I am conscious of feeling no difference between writing

to the highest and lowest being on earth; but because I have ever thought that

forms should yield to whatever should facilitate business. Comparing the two

governments together, it is observable that in all those cases where the

independent or reserved rights of the States are in question, the two

executives, if they are to act together, must be exactly co-ordinate; they are,

in these cases, each the supreme head of an independent government. In other

cases, to wit, those transferred by the Constitution to the General Government,

the general executive is certainly preordinate; e. g. in a question respecting

the militia, and others easily to be recollected. Were there, therefore, to be

a stiff adherence to etiquette, I should say that in the former cases the

correspondence should be between the two heads, and that in the latter, the

Governor must be subject to receive orders from the war department as any other

subordinate officer would. And were it observed that either party set up

unjustifiable pretensions, per













268           Jefferson's Works







haps the other might be right in opposing them by a tenaciousness of his own

rigorous rights. But I think the practice in General Washington's

administration was most friendly to business, and was absolutely equal ;

sometimes he wrote to the Governors, and sometimes the heads of departments'

wrote. If a letter is to be on a general subject, I see no reason why the

President should not write; but if it is to go into details, these being known

only to the head of the department, it is better he should write directly.

Otherwise, the correspondence must involve circuities. If this be practised

promiscuously in both classes of cases, each party setting examples of

neglecting etiquette, both will stand on equal ground, and convenience alone

will dictate through whom any particular communication is to be made. On the

whole, I think a free correspondence best, and shall never hesitate to write

myself to the Governors, in every federal case, where the occasion presents

itself to me particularly. Accept assurances of my sincere and constant

affection and respect















TO ELIAS SHIPMAN AND OTHERS, A COMMITTEE OF







  THE MERCHANTS OF NEW HAVEN.







               WASHINGTON, July 12, 1801.







GENTLEMEN,-I have received the remonstrance you were pleased to address to me,

on the appointment' of Samuel Bishop to the office of collector of New Haven,

lately vacated by the death of David 













             Correspondence.         269







Austin. The right of our fellow-citizens to represent to the public

functionaries their opinion on proceedings interesting to them, is

unquestionably a constitutional right, often useful, sometimes necessary







and will always be respectfully acknowledged by me.







Of the various executive duties, no one excites more anxious concern than that

of placing the interests of our fellow citizens in the hands of honest men,

with understandings sufficient for their stations. No duty, at the same time,

is more difficult to fulfil. The knowledge of characters possessed by a single

individual is, of necessity, limited. To seek out the best through the whole

Union, we must resort to other information, which, from the best of men, acting

disinterestedly and with the purest motives, is sometimes incorrect. In the

case of Samuel Bishop, however, the subject of your remonstrance, time was

taken, information was sought, and such obtained as could leave no room for

doubt of his fitness. From private sources it was learned that his

understanding was sound, his integrity pure, his character unstained. And the

offices confided to him within his own State, are public evidences of the

estimation in which he is held by the State in general, and the city and

township particularly in which he lives. He is said to be the town clerk, a

justice of the peace, mayor of the city of New Haven, an office held at the

will of the legislature, chief judge of the court of common pleas for New Haven

county, a court of high criminal 













             Jefferson's Works







and civil jurisdiction wherein most causes are decided without the right of

appeal or review, and sole judge of the court of probates, wherein he singly

decides all questions of wills, settlement of estates, testate and intestate,

appoints guardians, settles their accounts, and in fact has under his

jurisdiction and care all the property real and personal of persons dying. The

two last offices, in the annual gift of the legislature, were given to him in

May last. Is it possible that the man to whom the legislature of Connecticut

has so recently committed trusts of such difficulty and magnitude, is "unfit to

be the collector of the district of New Haven, '' though acknowledged in the

same writing, to have obtained all this confidence " by a long life of

usefulness ? " It is objected, indeed, in the remonstrance, that he is

seventy-seven years of age; but at a much more advanced age, our Franklin was

the ornament of human nature. He may not be able to perform in person, all the

details of his office;                                        but if he gives

us the benefit of his understanding, his integrity, his watchfulness, and takes

care that all the details are well performed by himself or his necessary

assistants, all public purposes will be answered. The remonstrance, indeed,

does not allege that the office has been illy conducted, but only apprehends

that it will be so. Should this happen in event, be assured I will do in it

what shall be just and necessary for the public service. In the meantime, he

should be tried without being prejudged.







             Correspondence        271







  The removal, as it is called, of Mr. Goodrich, forms another subject of

complaint. Declarations by myself in favor of political tolerance, exhortations

to harmony and affection in social intercourse, and to respect for the equal

rights of the minority, have, on certain occasions, been quoted and

misconstrued into assurances that the tenure of offices was to be undisturbed.

But could candor apply such a construction? It is not indeed in the

remonstrance that we find it; but it leads to the explanations which that calls

for. When it is considered, that during the late administration, those who were

not of a particular sect of politics were excluded from all office; when, by a

steady pursuit of this measure, nearly the whole offices of the United States

were monopolized by that sect; when the public sentiment at length declared

itself, and burst open the doors of honor and confidence to those whose

opinions they more approved, was it to be imagined that this monopoly of office

was still to be continued in the hands of the minority? Does it violate their

equal rights, to assert some rights in the majority also? Is it political

intolerance to claim a proportionate share in the direction of the public

affairs? Can they not harmonize in ' society unless they have everything in

their own hands? If the will of the nation, manifested by their various

elections, calls for an administration of government according with the

opinions of those elected; if, for the fulfilment of that will, 













272         Jefferson's Works







displacements are necessary, with whom can they so justly begin as with persons

appointed in the last moments of an administration, not for its own aid, but to

begin a career at the same time with their successors, by whom they had never

been approved, and who could scarcely expect from them a cordial co-operation.

Mr. Goodrich was one of these. Was it proper for him to place himself in

office, without knowing whether those whose agent he was to be would have

confidence in his agency? Can the preference of another, as the successor to

Mr. Austin, be candidly called a removal of Mr. Goodrich? If a due

participation of office is a matter of right, how are vacancies to be obtained?

Those by death are few; by resignation, none. Can any other mode than that of

removal be proposed ? This is a painful office; but it is made my duty, and I

meet it as such. I proceed in the operation with deliberation and inquiry, that

it may injure the best men least, and effect the purposes of justice and public

utility with the least private distress; that it may be thrown, as much as

possible, on delinquency, on oppression, on intolerance, on ante-revolutionary

adherence to our enemies.







The remonstrance laments " that a change in the administration must produce a

change in the subordinate officers;" in other words, that it should be deemed

necessary for all officers to think with their principal? But on whom does this

imputation bear? On those who have excluded from office 













             Correspondence







every shade of opinion which was not theirs? Or on those who have been so

excluded ? I lament sincerely that unessential differences of opinion should

ever have been deemed sufficient to interdict half the society from the rights

and the blessings of self-government, to proscribe them as unworthy of every

trust. It would have been to me a circumstance of great relief, had I found a

moderate participation of office in the hands of the majority. I would gladly

have left to time and accident to raise them to their just share. But their

total exclusion calls for prompter corrections. I shall correct the procedure;

but that done, return with joy to that state of things, when the only questions

concerning a candidate shall be, is he honest? Is be capable ? Is he faithful

to the Constitution ?







  I tender you the homage of my high respect.















             TO LEVI LINCOLN.







              MONTICELLO, August 26, 1801.







  DEAR SIR,-Your favor of July the 28th was received here on the 20th instant.

The superscription of my letter of July the 11th by another hand was to prevent

danger to it from the curious. Your statement respecting the Berceau coincided

with my own recollection, in the circumstances recollected by me, and I concur

with you an supposing it may not now be necessary to give any explanations on

the subject in the papers. The purchase







   VOL. X-18 













274          Jefferson's Works







was made by our predecessors, and the repairs begun by them. Had she been to

continue ours







                                  , we were authorized to put and keep her in

good order out of the fund of the naval contingencies; and when in good order,

we obeyed a law of the land, the treaty, in giving her up. It is true the

treaty was not ratified; but when ratified, it is validated retrospectively. We

took on ourselves this risk, but France had put more into our hands on the same

risk. I do not know whether the clamor, as to the allowance to the French

officers of their regular pay, has been rectified by a statement that it was on

the request of the French consul, and his promise to repay it. So that they

cost the United States, on this arrangement, nothing.







I am glad to learn from you that the answer to New Haven had a good effect in

Massachusetts on the republicans, and no ill effects on the sincere

federalists. I had foreseen, years ago, that the first republican President who

should come into office after all the places in the government had become

exclusively occupied by federalists, would have a dreadful operation to

perform. That the republicans would consent to a continuation of everything in

federal hands, was not to be expected, because neither just nor politic. On

him, then, was to devolve the office of an executioner, that of lopping off. I

cannot say that it has worked harder than I expected. You know the moderation

of our views in this business, and that we all concurred 













            Correspondence







in them. We determined to proceed with deliberation. This produced impatience

in the republicans, and a belief we meant to do nothing. Some occasion of

public explanation was eagerly desired, when the New Haven remonstrance offered

us that occasion. The answer was meant as an explanation to our friends. It has

had on them, everywhere, the most wholesome effect. Appearances of

schismatizing from us have been entirely done away. I own I expected it would

check the current with which the republican federalists were returning to their

brethren, the republicans. I extremely lamented this effect; for the moment

which should convince me that a healing of the nation into one is

impracticable, would be the last moment of my wishing to remain where I am. (Of

the monarchical federalists I have no expectations. They are incurables, to be

taken care of in a mad house, if necessary, and on motives of charity.) I am

much pleased, therefore, with your information that the republican federalists

are still coming in to the desired union. The Eastern newspapers had given me a

different impression, because I supposed the printers knew the taste of their

customers, and cooked their dishes to their palates. The Palladium is

understood to be the clerical paper, and from the clergy I expect no mercy.

They crucified their Saviour, who preached that their kingdom was not of this

world; and all who practise on that precept must expect the extreme of their

wrath. The laws 













276         Jefferson's Works







of the present day withhold their hands from blood ; but lies and slander still

remain to them.







  I am satisfied that the heaping of abuse on me, personally, has been with the

design and the hope of provoking me to make a general sweep of all federalists

out of office. But as I have carried no passion into the execution of this

disagreeable duty, I shall suffer none to be excited. The clamor which has been

raised will not provoke me. to remove one more, nor deter me from removing one

less, than if not a word had been said. on the subject. In Massachusetts, you

may be assured, great moderation will be used. Indeed, Connecticut, New York,

New Jersey, Pennsylvania and Delaware, are the only States where anything

considerable is desired. In the course of the summer all which is necessary

will be done ; and we may hope that this cause of offence being at an end, the

measures we shall pursue and propose for the amelioration of the public affairs

will be so confessedly salutary as to unite all men not monarchists in

principle.







  We have considerable hopes of republican senators from South Carolina,

Maryland and Delaware, and some as to Vermont. In any event, we are secure of a

majority in the Senate; and consequently that there will be a concert of action

between the Legislature and executive. The removal of excrescences from the

judiciary is the universal demand. We propose to re-assemble at Washington on

the last day of September. Accept assurances of my affectionate esteem and high

respect. 













             Correspondence















     TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.







            MONTICELLO, September 9, 1801.







  DEAR SIR,-You will receive, probably by this post, from the Secretary of

State, his final instructions for your mission to France. We have not thought

it necessary to say anything in them on the great question of the maritime law

of nations, which at present agitates Europe; that is to say, whether free

ships shall make free goods ; because we do not mean to take any side in it

during the war. But, as I had before communicated to you some loose thoughts on

that subject, and have since considered it with somewhat more attention, I have

thought it might be useful that you should possess my ideas in a more matured

form than that in which they were before given. Unforeseen circumstances may

perhaps oblige you to hazard an opinion, on some occasion or other, on this

subject, and it is better that it should not be at variance with ours. I write

this, too, myself, that it may not be considered as official, but merely my

individual opinion, unadvised by those official counsellors whose opinions I

deem my safest guide,  and should unquestionably take in form, were

circumstances to call for a solemn decision of the question.







  When Europe assumed the general form in which it is occupied by the nations

now composing it, and turned its attention to maritime commerce, we found among

its earliest practices, that of taking 













           Jefferson's Works







the goods of an enemy from the ship of a friend; and that into this practice

every maritime State went sooner or later, as it appeared on the theatre of the

ocean. If, therefore, we are to consider the practice of nations as the sole

and sufficient evidence of the law of nature among nations, we should

unquestionably place this principle among those of the natural laws. But its

inconveniences, as they affected neutral nations peaceably pursuing their

commerce, and its tendency to embroil them with the powers happening to be at

war, and thus to extend the flames of war, induced nations to introduce by

special compacts, from time to time, a more convenient rule ; that " free.

ships should make free goods ; '' and this latter principle has by every

maritime nation of Europe been established, to a greater or less degree, in its

treaties with other nations; insomuch, that all of them have, more or less

frequently, assented to it, as a rule of action in particular cases. Indeed, it

is now urged, and I think with great appearance of reason, that this is the

genuine principle dictated by national morality ; and that the first practice

arose from accident, and the particular convenience of the States (1) which

first figured on the water, rather than from welldigested reflections on the

relations of friend and enemy, on the rights of territorial jurisdiction, and

on the dictates of moral law applied to these. Thus it had never been supposed

lawful, in the territory







1 Venice and Genoa, 













            Correspondence          279







of a friend to seize the goods of an enemy. On an element which nature has not

subjected to the jurisdiction of any particular nation, but has made common to

all for the purposes to which it is fitted, it would seem that the particular

portion of it which happens to be occupied by the vessel of any nation, in the

course of its voyage, is for the moment, the exclusive property of that nation,

and, with the vessel, is exempt from intrusion by any other, and from its

jurisdiction, as much as if it were lying in the harbor of its sovereign. In no

country, we believe, is the rule otherwise, as to the subjects of property

common to all. Thus the place occupied by an individual in a highway, a church,

a theatre, or other public assembly, cannot be intruded on, while its occupant

holds it for the purposes of its institution. The persons on board a vessel

traversing the ocean, carrying with them the laws of their nation, have among

themselves a jurisdiction, a police, not established by their individual will,

but by the authority of their nation, of whose territory their vessel still

seems to compose a part, so long as it does not enter the exclusive territory

of another. No nation ever pretended a right to govern by their laws the ship

of another nation navigating the ocean. By what law then can it enter that ship

while in peaceable and orderly use of the common element ? We recognize no

natural precept for submission to such a right; and perceive no distinction

between the movable and 













280         Jefferson's Works







immovable jurisdiction of a friend, which would authorize the entering the one

and not the other, to seize the property of an enemy.







  It may be objected that this proves too much, as it proves you cannot enter

the ship of a friend to search for contraband of war. But this is not proving

too much. We believe the practice of seizing what is called contraband of war,

is an abusive practice, not founded in natural right. War between two nations

cannot diminish the rights of the rest of the world remaining at peace. The

doctrine that the rights of nations remaining quietly in the exercise of moral

and social duties, are to give way to the convenience of those who prefer

plundering and murdering one another, is a monstrous doctrine; and ought to

yield to the more rational law, that " the wrong which two nations endeavor to

inflict on each other, must not infringe on the rights or conveniences of those

remaining at peace." And what is contraband, by the law of nature? Either

everything which may aid or comfort an enemy, or nothing. Either all commerce

which would accommodate him is unlawful, or none is. The difference between

articles of one or another description, is a difference in degree only. No line

between them can be drawn. Either all intercourse must cease .between neutrals

and belligerents, or all be permitted. Can the world hesitate to say which

shall be the rule? Shall two nations turning tigers, break up in one instant

the 













             Correspondence.







peaceable relations of the whole world? Reason and nature clearly pronounce

that the neutral is to go on in. the enjoyment of all its rights, that its

commerce remains free, not subject to the jurisdiction of another, nor

consequently its vessels to search, or to enquiries whether their contents are

the property of an enemy, or are of those which' have been called contraband of

war.







  Nor does this doctrine contravene the right of preventing vessels from

entering a blockaded port: This right stands on other ground. When the fleet of

any nation actually beleaguers the port of its enemy, no other has a right to

enter their line, any more than their line of battle in the open sea, or their

lines of circumvallation, or of encampment; or of battle array on land. The

space included within their lines in any of those cases, is either the property

of their enemy, or it is common property assumed and possessed for the moment,

which cannot be intruded on, even by a neutral, without committing the very

trespass we are now considering, that of intruding into the lawful possession

of a friend.







  Although I consider the observance of these principles as of great importance

to the interests of peaceable nations, among whom I hope the United States will

ever place themselves, yet in the present state. of things they are not worth a

war. Nor do I believe war the most certain means of enforcing them. Those

peaceable coercions which are in the 













  282             Jefferson's Works







power of every nation, if undertaken in concert and in time of peace, are more

likely to produce the desired effect.







  The opinions I have here given are those which have generally been sanctioned

by our government. In our treaties with France, the United Netherlands, Sweden

and Prussia, the principle of free bottom, free goods, was uniformly

maintained. In the instructions of 1784, given by Congress to their ministers

appointed to treat with the nations of Europe generally, the same principle,

and the doing away contraband of war, were enjoined, and were acceded to in the

treaty signed with Portugal. In the late treaty with England, indeed, that

power perseveringly refused the principle of free bottoms free goods; and it

was avoided in the late treaty with Prussia, at the instance of our then

administration, lest it should seem to take side in a question then threatening

decision by the sword. At the commencement of the war between France and

England, the representative of the French republic then residing in the United

States, complaining that the British armed ships captured French property in

American bottoms, insisted that the principle of " free bottoms, free goods, "

was of the acknowledged law of nations; that the violation of that principle by

the British was a wrong committed on us, and such an one as we ought to repel

by joining in the war against that country. We denied his position; and

appealed to the universal 













             Correspondence          283







practice of Europe, in proof that the principle of " free bottoms, free goods,

' ', was not acknowledged as of the natural law of nations, but only of its

conventional law. And I believe we may safely affirm, that not a single

instance can be produced where any nation of Europe, acting professedly under

the law of nations alone, unrestrained by treaty, has, either by its executive

or judiciary organs, decided on the principle of " free bottoms, free goods. "

Judging of the law of nations by what has been practised among nations, we were

authorized to say that the contrary principle was their rule, and this but an

exception to it, introduced by special treaties in special cases only; that

having no treaty with England substituting this instead of the ordinary rule,

we had neither the right nor the disposition to go to war for its

establishment. But though we would not then, nor will we now, engage in war to

establish this principle, we are nevertheless sincerely friendly to it. We

think that the nations of Europe have originally set out in error; that

experience has proved the error oppressive to the rights and interests of the

peaceable part of mankind; that every nation but one has acknowledged this, by

consenting to the change, and that one has consented in particular cases ; that

nations 'have a right to correct an erroneous principle, and to establish that

which is right as their rule of action; and if they should adopt measures for

effecting this in a peaceable way, we shall wish them success, and not stand in















284         Jefferson's Works







their way to it. But should it become, at any time, expedient for us to

co-operate in the establishment of this principle, the opinion of the

executive, on the advice of its constitutional counsellors, must then be given;

and that of the legislature, an independent and essential organ in the

operation, must also be expressed; in forming which, they will be governed,

every man by his own judgment, and may, very possibly, judge differently from

the executive. With the same honest views, the most honest men often form

different conclusions. As far, however, as we can judge, the principle of "free

bottoms, free goods," is that which would carry the wishes of our nation.







Wishing you smooth seas and prosperous gales, with the enjoyment of good

health, I tender you the assurances of my constant friendship and high

consideration and respect.















            TO WILLIAM SHORT.







             WASHINGTON, October 3, 1801.







  DEAR SIR-*   *   *  *   *   *   *   * I trusted to Mr. Dawson to give you a

full explanation, verbally, on a subject which I find he has but slightly

mentioned to you. I shall therefore now do it. When I returned from France,

after an absence of six or seven years, I was astonished at the change which I

found had taken place in the United States in that time. No more like the same







            Correspondence







people; their notions, their habits and manners, the course of their commerce,

so totally changed, that I, who stood in those' of 1784, found myself not at

all qualified to speak their sentiments, or forward their views in 1790. Very

soon, therefore, after entering on the office of Secretary of State, I

recommended to General Washington to establish as a rule of practice, that no

person should be continued on foreign mission beyond an absence of six, seven,

or eight years. He approved it. On the only subsequent missions which took

place in my time, the persons appointed were notified that they could not be

continued beyond that period. All returned within it except Humphreys. His term

was not quite out when General Washington went out of office. The succeeding

administration had no rule for anything; so he continued. Immediately on my

coming to the administration, I wrote to him myself, reminded him of the rule I

had communicated to him on his departure; that he had then been absent about

eleven years, and consequently must return. On this ground solely he was

superseded. Under these circumstances, your appointment was impossible after an

absence of seventeen years. Under any others, I should never fail to give to

yourself and the world 'proofs of my friendship for you, and of my confidence

in you. Whenever you shall return, you will be sensible in a greater, of what I

was in a smaller degree, of the change in this nation from what it was when we

both left it in 













286        Jefferson's Works







1784. We return like foreigners, and, like them, require a considerable

residence here to become Americanized.







The state of political opinions continues to return steadily towards

republicanism. To judge from the opposition papers, a stranger would suppose

that a considerable check to it had been produced by certain removals of public

officers. But this is not the. case. All offices were in the hands of the

federalists. The injustice of having totally excluded republicans was

acknowledged by every man. To have removed one half, and to have placed

republicans in their stead, would have been rigorously just, when it was known

that these composed a very great majority of the nation. Yet such was their

moderation in most of. the States, that they did not desire it. In these,

therefore, no removals took place but for malversation. In the Middle States

the contention had been higher, spirits were more sharpened and less

accommodating. It was necessary in these to practise a different treatment, and

to make a few changes to tranquillize the injured party. A few have been made

there, a very few still remain to be made. When this painful operation shall be

over, I see nothing else ahead of us which can give uneasiness to any of our

citizens, or retard that consolidation of sentiment so essential to our

happiness and our strength. The tory papers will still find fault with

everything. But these papers are sinking daily, from their dissonance 













            Correspondence







with the sentiments of their subscribers, and very few will shortly remain to

keep up a solitary and ineffectual barking. 







There is no point in which an American, long absent from his country, wanders

so widely from its sentiments as on the subject of its foreign affairs. We have

a perfect horror at everything like connecting ourselves with the politics of

Europe. It would indeed be advantageous to us to have neutral rights

established on a broad ground ; but no dependence can be placed in any European

coalition for that. They have so many other bye-interests of greater weight,

that some one or other will always be bought off. To be entangled with them

would be a much greater evil than a temporary acquiescence in the false

principles which have prevailed. Peace is our most important interest, and a

recovery from debt. We feel ourselves strong, and daily growing stronger. The

census just now concluded, shows we have added to our population a third of

what it was ten years ago. This will be a duplication in twenty-three or

twenty=four years. If we can delay but for a few years the necessity of

vindicating the laws of nature on the ocean, we shall be the more sure of doing

it with effect. The day is within my time as well as yours, when we may say by

what laws other nations shall treat us on the sea. And we will say it. In the

meantime, we wish to let every treaty we have drop off without renewal. We call

in our diplomatic missions, barely keeping 













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up those to the most important. nations. There is a strong disposition in our

countrymen to discontinue even these; and very possibly it may be done. Consuls

will be continued as usual. The .interest which European nations feel, as well

as ourselves, in the mutual patronage of commercial intercourse; is a

sufficient stimulus on both sides to insure that patronage. A treaty, contrary

to that interest, renders war necessary to get rid of it.







I send this by Chancellor Livingston, named to the Senate the day after I came

into office, as our Minister Plenipotentiary to France. I have taken care to

impress him with the value of your society. You will find him an amiable and

honorable man; unfortunately, so deaf that he will have to transact all his

business by writing. You will have known long ago that Mr. Skipworth is

reinstated in his consulship, as well as some others who had. been set aside. I

recollect no domestic news interesting to you. Your letters to your brother

have been regularly transmitted, and I lately forwarded one from him, to be

carried you by Mr. Livingston.







  Present my best respects to our amiable and mutual friend, and accept

yourself assurances of my sincere and constant affection. ' 













              Correspondence         289















CIRCULAR TO THE HEADS OF THE DEPARTMENTS,







          AND PRIVATE.







            WASHINGTON, November 6, 1801.







  DEAR SIR,-Coming all of us into executive office                             

        , new, and unfamiliar with the course of business previously practised,

it was not to be expected we should, in the first outset, adopt in every part a

line of proceeding so perfect as to admit no amendment. The mode and degrees of

communication, particularly between the President and heads of departments,

have not been practised exactly on the same scale in all of them. Yet it would

certainly be more safe and satisfactory for ourselves as well as the public,

that not only the best, but also an uniform course of proceeding as to manner

and degree, should be observed. Having been a member of the first

administration under General Washington, I can state' with exactness what our

course then was. Letters of business came addressed sometimes to the President,

but most frequently to the heads of departments. If addressed to himself, he

referred them to the proper department to be acted on: if to one of the

secretaries, the letter, if it required no answer, was communicated to the

President, simply for his information. If an answer was requisite, the

secretary of the department communicated the letter and his proposed answer to

the President. Generally they were simply sent back after perusal, which

signified his approbation. Sometimes he







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290       Jefferson's Works







returned them with an informal note, suggesting an alteration or a query. If a

doubt of any importance arose, he reserved it for conference. By this means, he

was always in accurate possession of all facts and proceedings in every part of

the Union, and to whatsoever department they related; he formed a central point

for the different branches; preserved an unity of object and action among them

; exercised that participation in the suggestion of affairs which his office

made incumbent on him; and met himself the due responsibility for whatever was

done. During Mr. Adams, administration, his long and habitual absences from the

seat of government, rendered this kind of communication impracticable, removed

him from any share in the transaction of affairs, and parceled out the

government, in fact, among four independent heads, drawing sometimes in

opposite directions. That the former is preferable to the latter course, cannot

be doubted. It gave, indeed, to the heads of departments the trouble of making

up, once a day, a packet of all their communications for the perusal of the

President ; it commonly also retarded one day their despatches by mail. But in

pressing cases, this injury was. prevented by presenting that case singly for

immediate attention; and it produced us in return the benefit of his sanction

for every act we did. Whether any change of circumstances may render a change

in this procedure necessary, a little experience will show us. But I cannot

with













              Correspondence         291







hold recommending to heads of departments, that we should adopt this course for

the present, leaving any necessary modifications of it to time and trial. I am

sure my conduct must have proved, better than a thousand declarations would,

that my confidence in these whom I am so happy as to have associated with me,

is unlimited, unqualified and unabated. I am well satisfied that everything

goes on with a wisdom and rectitude which I could not improve. If I had the

universe to choose from, I could not change one of my associates to my better

satisfaction. My sole motives are those before expressed, as governing the

first administration in chalking out the rules of their proceeding; adding to

them only a sense of obligation imposed on me by the public will, to meet

personally the duties to which they have appointed me. If this mode of

proceeding shall meet the approbation of the heads of departments, it may go

into execution without giving them the trouble of an answer; if any other can

be suggested which would answer our views and add less to their labors, that

will be a sufficient reason for my preferring it to my own proposition, to the

substance of which only, and not the form, I attach any importance.







Accept for yourself particularly, my dear Sir, assurances of my constant and

sincere affection and respect. 













292        Jefferson's Works















   TO AMOS MARSH, ESQUIRE.







           WASHINGTON, November 20, 1801.







  SIR,-I receive with great satisfaction the address you have been pleased to

enclose me from the House of Representatives, of the freemen of .the State of

Vermont. The friendly and favorable sentiments they are so good as to express

towards myself personally, are high encouragement to perseverance in duty, and

call for my sincere thanks.







  With them I join cordially in admiring and revering the Constitution of the

United States,-the result of the collected wisdom of our country. That wisdom

has committed to us the important task of proving by example that a government,

if organized in all its parts on the Representative principle, unadulterated by

the infusion of spurious elements, if founded, not in the fears and follies of

man, but on his reason, on his sense of right, on the predominance of the

social over his dissocial pas.sions, may be so free as to restrain him in no

moral right, and so firm as to protect him from every moral wrong. To observe

our fellow citizens gathering daily under the banners of this faith, devoting

their powers to its establishment, and strengthening with their confidence the

instruments of their selection, cannot but give new animation to the zeal of

those who, steadfast in the same belief, have seen no other object worthy the

labors and losses we have all encountered. 













              Correspondence         293







  To draw around the whole nation the strength of the General Government, as a

barrier against foreign foes, to watch the borders of every State, that no

external hand may intrude, or disturb the exercise of self-government reserved

to itself, to equalize and moderate the public contributions, that while the

requisite services are invited by due remuneration, nothing beyond this may

exist to attract the attention of our citizens from the pursuits of useful

industry, nor unjustly to burthen those who continue in those pursuits-these

are functions of the General Government on which you have a right to call. They

are in unison with those principles which have met the approbation of the

Representatives of Vermont, as announced by myself on the former and recent

occasions alluded to. These shall be faithfully pursued according to the plain

and candid import of the expressions in which they were announced. No longer

than they are so, will I ask that support which, through you, has been so

respectfully tendered me. And I join in addressing Him, whose Kingdom ruleth

over all, to direct the administration of their affairs to their own greatest

good.







  Praying you to be the channel of communicating these sentiments to the House

of Representatives of the freemen of the State of Vermont, I beseech you to

accept for yourself personally, as well as for them, the homage of my high

respect and consideration. 













           Jefferson's Works















   TO GOVERNOR JAMES MONROE.







                 







      WASHINGTON, November 24, 1801.







  DEAR SIR,-I had not been unmindful of your letter of June 15th, covering a

resolution of the House of Representatives of Virginia, and referred to in

yours of the 17th inst. The importance of the subject, and the belief that it

gave us time for consideration till the next meeting of the Legislature, have

induced me to defer the answer to this date. You will perceive that some

circumstances connected with the subject, and necessarily presenting themselves

to view, would be improper but for yours and the legislative ear. Their

publication might have an ill effect in more than one quarter. In confidence of

attention to this, I shall indulge greater freedom in writing.







  Common malefactors, I presume, make no part of the object of that resolution.

Neither their numbers, nor the nature of their offences, seem to require any

provisions beyond those practised heretofore, and found adequate to the

repression of ordinary crimes. Conspiracy, insurgency, treason, rebellion,

(among that description of persons who brought on us the alarm, and on

themselves the tragedy, of 1800,) were doubtless within the view of every one;

but many perhaps contemplated, and one expression of the resolution might

comprehend, a much larger scope. Respect to both opinions makes it my duty to

understand the resolution in all the extent of which it is susceptible. 













              Correspondence         295







  The idea seems to be to provide for these people by a purchase of lands; and

it is asked whether such a purchase can be made of the United States in their

western territory? A very great extent of country, north of the Ohio, has been

laid off into townships, and is now at market, according to the provisions of

the acts of Congress, with which you are acquainted. There is nothing which

would restrain the State of Virginia either in the purchase or the application

of these lands; but a purchase, by the acre, might perhaps be a more expensive

provision than the House of Representatives contemplated. Questions would also

arise whether the establishment of such a colony within our limits, and to

become a part of our union, would be desirable to the State of Virginia itself,

or to the other States-especially those who would be in its vicinity ?







Could we procure lands beyond the limits of the United States to form a

receptacle for these people ? On our northern boundary, the country not

occupied by British subjects, is the property of Indian nations                

                      whose title would be to be extinguished, with the consent

of Great Britain; and the new settlers would be British subjects. It is hardly

to be believed that either Great Britain or the Indian proprietors have so

disinterested a regard for us, as to be willing to relieve us, by receiving

such a colony themselves; and as much to be doubted whether that race of men

could long exist in so rigorous a climate. On our western and southern

frontiers; 













296         Jefferson's Works







Spain holds an immense country, the occupancy of which, however, is in the

Indian natives, except a few insulated spots possessed by Spanish subjects. It

is very questionable, indeed, whether the Indians would sell ? whether Spain

would be willing to receive these people? and nearly certain that she would not

alienate the sovereignty. The same question to ourselves would recur here also,

as did in the first case : should we be willing to have such a colony in

contact with us? However our present interests may restrain us within our own

limits, it is impossible not to look forward to distant times, when our rapid

multiplication will expand itself beyond those limits, and cover the whole

northern, if not the southern continent, with a people speaking the same

language, governed in similar forms, and by similar laws; nor can we

contemplate with satisfaction either blot or mixture on. that surface. Spain,

France, and Portugal hold possessions on the southern continent, as to which I

am not well enough informed to say how far they might meet our views. But

either there or in the northern continent, should the constituted authorities

of Virginia fix their attention, of preference, I will have the dispositions of

those powers sounded in the first instance.







  The West Indies offer a more probable and practicable retreat for them.

Inhabited already by a people of their own race and color; climates congenial

with their natural constitution; insulated from the other descriptions of men;

nature seems to 













            Correspondence







have formed these islands to become the receptacle of the blacks transplanted

into this hemisphere. Whether we could obtain from the European sovereigns of

those islands leave to send thither the persons under consideration, I cannot

say ; but I think it more probable than the former propositions, because of

their being already inhabited more or less by the same race. The most promising

portion of them is the island of St. Domingo, where the blacks are established

into a sovereignty de facto; and have organized themselves under regular laws

and government. I should conjecture that their present ruler might be willing,

on many considerations, to receive over that description which would. be exiled

for acts deemed criminal by us, but meritorious, perhaps, by him. The

possibility that these exiles might stimulate and conduct vindicative or

predatory descents on our coasts, and facilitate concert with their brethren

remaining here, looks to a state of things between that island and us not

probable on a contemplation of our relative strength, and of the disproportion

daily growing ; and it is overweighed by the humanity of the measures proposed,

and the advantages of disembarrassing ourselves of such dangerous characters.

Africa would offer a last and undoubted resort, if all others more desirable

should fail us. Whenever the Legislature of Virginia shall have brought its

mind to a point, so that I may know exactly what to propose to foreign

authorities, I will execute their wishes 













             Jefferson's Works







 with fidelity and zeal. I hope, however, they will







pardon me for suggesting a single question for their







own consideration. When we contemplate the







variety of countries and of sovereigns towards







which we may direct our views, the vast resolutions







and changes of circumstances which are now in a







course of progression, the possibilities that arrange-







ments now to be made, with a view to any particular







plea, may, at no great distance of time, be totally







deranged by a change of sovereignty, of government,







or of other circumstances, it will be for the Legis-







lature to consider whether, after they shall have







made all those general provisions which may be







fixed by legislative authority, it would be reposing







too much confidence in their Executive to leave







the place of relegation to be decided on by them.







They could accommodate their arrangements to







the actual state of things, in which countries or







powers may be found to exist at the day; and may







prevent the effect of the law from being defeated







by intervening changes. This, however, is for them







to decide. Our duty will be to respect their decision.







  Accept assurances of my constant affection, and







high consideration and respect.







.











     TO THE REV. ISAAC STORY.







            WASHINGTON, December 5, 1801.







  SIR,-Your favor of October 27 was received some time since, and read with

pleasure. It is not for 













           Correspondence          299







me to pronounce on the hypothesis you present of a transmigration of souls from

one body to another in certain cases. The laws of nature have withheld







               , from us the means of physical knowledge of the country of

spirits, and revelation has, for reasons unknown to us, chosen to leave us in

the dark as we were. When I was young I was fond of the speculations which

seemed to promise some insight into that hidden country, but observing at

length that they left me in the same ignorance in which they had found me, I

have for very many years ceased to read or to think concerning them, and have

reposed my head on that pillow of ignorance which a benevolent Creator has made

so soft for us, knowing how much we should be forced to use it. I have thought

it better, by nourishing the good passions and controlling the bad, to merit an

inheritance in a state of being of which I can know so little, and to trust for

the future to Him who has been so good for the past. I perceive too that these

speculations have with you been only the amusement of leisure hours ; while

your labors have been devoted to the education of your children, making them

good members of society, to the instructing men in their duties, and performing

the other offices of a large parish. I am happy in your approbation of the

principles I avowed on entering on the government. Ingenious minds, availing

themselves of the imperfection of language, have tortured the expressions out

of their plain meaning in order to infer departures from. 













300         Jefferson's Works







them in practice. If revealed language has not been able to guard itself

against misinterpretations, I could not expect it. . But if an administration

quadrating with the obvious import of my language can conciliate the affections

of my opposers, I will merit that conciliation. I pray you to accept assurances

of my respect and best wishes.















        TO PRESIDENT OF THE SENATE.







              (AARON BURR.)







                       December 8, 1801.







  SIR,-The circumstances under which we find ourselves at this place rendering

inconvenient the mode heretofore practised of making, by personal address, the

first communications between the legislative and executive branches, I have

adopted that by message, as used on all subsequent occasions through the

session. In doing this, I have had principal regard to the convenience of the

Legislature, to the economy of their time, to their relief from the

embarrassment of immediate answers, on subjects not yet fully before them, and

to the benefits thence resulting to the public affairs. Trusting that a

procedure, founded on these motives, will meet their approbation, I beg leave

through you, Sir, to communicate the enclosed copy, with the documents

accompanying it, to the honorable the Senate, and pray you to accept for

yourself and them, the homage of my high regard and consideration.







             Correspondence       301







            TO JOHN DICKINSON.







                    ,







      WASHINGTON, December 19, 1801







  DEAR SIR,-The approbation of my ancient friends is, above all things, the

most grateful to my heart. They know for what objects we relinquished the

delights of domestic society, tranquillity and science, and committed ourselves

to the ocean of revolution, to wear out the only life God has given us here in

scenes the benefits of which will accrue only to those who follow us. Surely we

had in view to obtain the theory and practice of good government ; and how any,

who seemed so ardent in this pursuit, could as shamelessly have apostatized,

and supposed we meant only to put our government into other hands, but not

other forms, is indeed wonderful. The lesson we have had will probably be

useful to the people at large, by showing to them how capable they are of being

made the instruments of their own bondage. A little more prudence and

moderation in those who had mounted themselves on their fears, and it would

have been long and difficult to unhorse them. Their madness had done in three

years what reason alone, acting against them, would not have effected in many;

and the more, as they might have gone on forming new entrenchments for

themselves from year to year. My great anxiety at present is, to avail

ourselves of our ascendancy to establish good principles and good practices; to

fortify republicanism behind as many barriers 













            Jefferson's Works







as possible, that the outworks may give time to rally and save the citadel,

should that be again in danger. On their part, they have retired into the

judiciary as a stronghold. There the remains of federalism are to be preserved

and fed from the treasury, and from that battery all the works of republicanism

are to be beaten down and erased. By a fraudulent use of the Constitution,

which has made judges irremovable, they have multiplied useless judges merely

to strengthen their phalanx.







  You will perhaps have been alarmed, as some have been, at the proposition to

abolish the whole of the internal taxes. But it is perfectly safe. They are

under a million of dollars, and we can economize the government two or three

millions a year. The impost alone gives us ten or eleven millions annually,

increasing at a compound ratio of six and two-thirds per cent. per annum, and

consequently doubling in ten years. But leaving that increase for

contingencies, the present amount will support the government, pay the interest

of the public debt, and discharge the principal in fifteen years. If the

increase proceeds, and no contingencies demand it, it will pay off the

principal in a shorter time. Exactly one half of the public debt, to wit,

thirty-seven millions of .dollars, is owned in the United States. That capital,

then, will be set afloat, to be employed in rescuing our commerce from the

hands of foreigners, or in agriculture, canals, bridges, or other useful

enterprises. By suppressing at once the whole internal taxes, we abolish 













            Correspondence          303







three-fourths of the offices now existing, and spread over the land. Seeing the

interest you take in the public affairs, I have indulged myself in observations

flowing from a sincere and ardent desire of seeing our affairs put into an

honest and advantageous train. Accept assurances of my constant and

affectionate esteem and high respect.















          TO DR. BENJAMIN RUSH.







           WASHINGTON, December 20, 1801.







  DEAR SIR,-I have received your favor of November 27, with your introductory

lecture, which I have read with the pleasure and edification I do everything

from you. I am happy to see that vaccination is introduced, and likely to be

kept up, in Philadelphia ; but I shall not think it exhibits all its utility

until experience shall have hit upon some mark or rule by which the popular eye

may distinguish genuine from spurious virus. It was with this view that I

wished to discover whether time could not be made the standard, and supposed,

from the little experience I had, that matter, taken at eight times twentyfour

hours from the time of insertion, could always be in the proper state. As far

as I went I found it so ; but I shall be happy to learn what the immense field

of experience in Philadelphia will teach us on that subject.







Our winter campaign has opened with more good humor than I expected. By sending

a message, 













            Jefferson's Works







instead of making a speech at the opening of the session, I have prevented the

bloody conflict to which the making an answer would have committed them: They

consequently were able to set into real business at once, without losing ten or

twelve days in combating an answer. Hitherto there has been. no disagreeable

altercations. The suppression of useless offices, and lopping off the

parasitical plant engrafted at the last session on the judiciary body, will

probably produce some. Bitter men are not pleased with the suppression of

taxes. Not daring to condemn the measure, they attack the motive and too

disingenuous to ascribe it to the honest one of freeing our citizens from

unnecessary burdens and unnecessary systems of office, they ascribe it to a

desire of popularity. But every honest man will suppose honest acts to flow

from honest principles, and the rogues may rail without intermission.







  My health has been always so uniformly firm, that I have for some years

dreaded nothing so much as the living too long. I think, however, that a flaw

has appeared which ensures me against that, without cutting short any of the

period during which I could expect to remain capable of being useful. It will

probably give me as many years as I wish, and without pain or debility. Should

this be the case, my most anxious prayers will have been fulfilled by Heaven.







  I have said as much to no mortal breathing, and my florid health is

calculated to keep my friends as well. as foes quiet, as they should be. Accept

assurances of my constant esteem and high respect. 













            Correspondence















        TO THE ATTORNEY GENERAL.







             (LEVI LINCOLN.)







                        January 21 1802.







 Averse to receive addresses, yet unable to prevent them, I have generally

endeavored to turn them to some account, by making them the occasion, by way of

answer, of sowing useful truths and principles among the people, which might

germinate and become rooted among their political tenets. The Baptist address,

now enclosed, admits of a condemnation of the alliance between Church and

State, under the authority of the Constitution. It furnishes an occasion, too,

which I have long wished to find, of saying why I do not proclaim fastings and

thanksgivings, as my predecessors did. The address, to be sure, does not point

at this, and its introduction is awkward. But I foresee no opportunity of doing

it more pertinently. I know it will give great offence to the New England

clergy; but the advocate of religious freedom is to expect neither peace nor

forgiveness from them. Will you be so good as to examine the answer, and

suggest any alterations which might prevent an ill effect, or promote a good

one, among the people? You understand the temper of those in the North, and can

weaken it, therefore, to their stomachs: it is at present seasoned to the

Southern taste only. I would ask the favor of you to return it, with the

address, in the course of the day or evening. Health and affection.







  VOL. X-20 













     306         Jefferson's Works







          TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY.







                  (ALBERT GALLATIN.)







                     WASHINGTON, April 1, 1802.







       DEAR SIR,-I have read and considered your







report on the operations of the sinking fund, and







entirely approve of it, as the best plan on which we







can set out. I think it an object of great importance,







to be kept in view and to be undertaken at a fit sea-







son, to simplify our system of finance, and bring it







within the comprehension of every member of Con-







gress. Hamilton set out on a different plan. In







order that he might have the entire government of







his machine, he determined so to complicate it as







that neither the President nor Congress should be able







to understand it, or to control him. He succeeded







in doing €his, not only beyond their reach, but so







that he at length could not unravel it himself. He







gave to the debt, in the first instance, in funding it,







the most artificial and mysterious form he could







devise. He then moulded up his appropriations of







a number of scraps and remnants, ,many of which







were nothing at all, and applied them to different







objects in reversion and remainder, until the whole







system was involved in impenetrable fog; and while







he was giving himself the airs of providing for the







payment of the debt, he left himself free to add to it







continually, as he did in fact, instead of paying it.







     I like your idea of kneading all his little scraps and







fragments into one batch, and adding to it a com-







plementary sum, which, while it forms it into a single







            Correspondence         307







mass from which everything is to be paid, will enable us, should a breach of

appropriation ever be charged on us, to prove that the sum appropriated, and

more, has been applied to its specific object.







  But there is a point beyond this on which I should wish to keep my eye, and

to which I should aim to approach by every tack which previous arrangements

force on us. That is, to form into one consolidated mass all the moneys

received into the treasury, and to the several expenditures, giving them a

preference of payment according to the order in which they should be arranged.

As for example. 1. The interest of the public debt. 2. Such portions of

principal as are exigible. 3. The expenses of government. 4. Such other

portions of principal as, though not exigible, we are still free to pay when we

please. The last object might be made to take up the residuum of money

remaining in the treasury at the end of every year, after the three first

objects were complied with, and would be the barometer whereby to test the

economy of the administration. It would furnish a simple measure by which every

one could mete their merit, and by which every one could decide when taxes were

deficient or superabundant. If to this can be added a simplification of the

form of accounts in the treasury department, and in the organization of its

officers, so as to bring everything to a single centre, we might hope to see

the finances of the Union as clear and intelligible as a merchant's books, so

that every member of Con













            Jefferson's Works







gress, and every man of any mind in the Union, should be able to comprehend

them to investigate abuses, and consequently to control them. Our predecessors

have endeavored by intricacies of system, and shuffling the investigator over

from one officer to another, to cover everything from detection. I hope we

shall go in the contrary direction, and that by our honest and judicious

reformations, we may be able, within the limits of our time, to bring things

back to that simple and intelligible system on which they should have been

organized at first.







  I have suggested only a single alteration in the report, which is merely

verbal and of no consequence. We shall now get rid of the commissioner of the

internal revenue, and superintendent of stamps. It remains to amalgamate the

comptroller and auditor into one, and reduce the register to a clerk of

accounts ; and then the organization will consist, as it should at first, of a

keeper of money, a keeper of accounts, and the head of the department. This

constellation of great men in the treasury department was of a piece with the

rest of Hamilton's plans. He took his own stand as a Lieutenant General,

surrounded by his Major Generals, and stationing his Brigadiers and Colonels

under the name of Supervisors, Inspectors, etc., in the different States. Let

us deserve well of our country by making her interests the end of all our

plans, and not our own pomp, patronage and irresponsibility. I have hazarded

these hasty and crude ideas, which occurred on contemplating your 













             Correspondence          309







report. They may be the subject of future conversation and correction. Accept

my affectionate salutations.























  TO GENERAL THADDEUS KOSCIUSKO.







                WASHINGTON, April 2, 180.







DEAR GENERAL,-It is but lately that I have received your letter of the 25th

Frimaire (December 15) wishing to know whether some officers of your country

could expect to be employed in this country. To .prevent a suspense injurious

to them, I hasten to inform you, that we are now actually engaged in reducing

our military establishment one-third, and discharging one-third of our

officers. We keep in service no more than men enough to garrison the small

posts dispersed at great distances on our frontiers, which garrisons will

generally consist of a captain's company only, and in no cases of more than two

or three, in not one, of a sufficient number to require a field officer ;. and

no circumstance whatever can bring these garrisons together, because it would

be an abandonment of their forts. Thus circumstanced, you will perceive the

entire impossibility of providing for the persons you recommend. I wish it had

been in my power to give you a more favorable answer ; but next to the

fulfilling your wishes, the most grateful thing I can do is to give a faithful

answer. The session of the first Congress convened since republicanism has

recovered its ascendancy, is now 













            Jefferson's Works







drawing to a close. They will pretty completely fulfil all the desires of the

people. They have reduced the army and navy to what is barely necessary. They

are disarming executive patronage and preponderance, by putting down one-half

the offices of the United States; which are no longer necessary. These

economies have enabled them to suppress all the internal taxes, and still to

make such provision for the payment of their public debt as to discharge that

in eighteen years. They have lopped off a parasite limb, planted by their

predecessors on their judiciary body for party purposes; they are opening the

doors of hospitality to fugitives from the oppressions of other countries ; and

we have suppressed all those public forms and ceremonies which tended to

familiarize the public eye to the harbingers of another form of government. The

people are nearly all united; their quondam .leaders, infuriated with the sense

of their impotence, will soon be seen or heard only in the newspapers, which

serve as chimneys to carry off noxious vapors and smoke, and all is now

tranquil, firm and well, as it should be. I add no signature because

unnecessary for you. God bless you, and preserve you still for a season of

usefulness to your country. 













            Correspondence          311















TO THE UNITED STATES MINISTER TO FRANCE.







          (ROBERT E. LIVINGSTON.)







              WASHINGTON, April 18, 1802.







  DEAR SIR,--A favorable and confidential opportunity offering by M. Dupont de

Nemours, who is revisiting his native country, gives me an opportunity of

sending you a cypher to be used between us, which will give you some trouble to

understand, but once understood, is the easiest to use, the most

indecipherable, and varied by a new key with the greatest facility, of any I

have ever known. I am in hopes the explanation enclosed will be sufficient.







  *    *   *   *   *    *   *   * *







But writing by Mr. Dupont, I need use no cypher. I require from him to put this

into your own and no other hand, let the delay occasioned by that be what it

will.







  The cession of Louisiana and the Floridas by Spain to France, works most

sorely on the United States. On this subject the Secretary of State has written

to you fully, yet I cannot forbear recurring to it personally, so deep is the

impression it makes on my mind. It completely reverses all the political

relations of the United States, and will form a new epoch in our political

course. Of all nations of any consideration, France is the one which, hitherto,

has offered the fewest points on which we could have any conflict of right, and

the most points of a communion of interests. From these causes, we have ever

looked to her as our natural friend, as one with 













312           Jefferson's Works







which we never could have an occasion of difference. Her growth, therefore, we

viewed as our own, her







             , misfortunes ours. There is on the globe one single spot, the

possessor of which is our natural and habitual enemy. It is New Orleans,

through which the produce of three-eighths of our territory must pass to

market, and from its fertility it will ere long yield more than half of our

whole produce, and contain more than half of our inhabitants. France, placing

herself in that door, assumes to us the attitude of defiance. Spain might have

retained it quietly for years. Her pacific dispositions, her feeble state,

would induce her to increase our facilities there, so that her possession of

the place would be hardly felt by us, and it would not, perhaps, be very long

before some circumstance might arise, which might make the cession of it to us

the price of something of more worth to her. Not so can it ever be in the hands

of France: the impetuosity of her temper, the energy and restlessness of her

character, placed in a point of eternal friction with us, and our character,

which, though quiet and loving peace and the pursuit of wealth, is high-minded,

despising wealth in competition with insult or injury, enterprising and

energetic as any nation on earth; these circumstances render it impossible that

France and the United States can continue long friends, when they meet in so

irritable a position. They, as well as we, must be blind if they do not see

this ; and we must be very improvident if we do not begin to make arrangements

on 













            Correspondence







that hypothesis. The day that France takes possession of New Orleans, fixes the

sentence which is to restrain her forever within her low-water mark. It seals

the union of two nations, who, in conjunction, can maintain exclusive

possession of the ocean. From that moment, we must marry ourselves to the

British fleet and nation. We must turn all our attention to a maritime force,

for which our resources place us on very high ground; and having formed and

connected together a power which may render reinforcement of her settlements

here impossible to France, make the first cannon which shall be fired in Europe

the signal for the tearing up any settlement she may have made, and for holding

the two continents of America in sequestration for the common purposes of the

United British and American nations. This is not a state of things we seek or

desire. It is one which this measure,'if adopted by France, forces on us as

necessarily, as any other cause, by the laws of nature, brings on its necessary

effect. It is not from a fear of France that we deprecate this measure proposed

by her. For however greater her force is than ours, compared in the abstract,

it is nothing in comparison of ours, when to be exerted on our soil.







  But it is from a sincere love of peace, and a firm per-







suasion, that bound to France .by the interests and







the strong sympathies still existing in the minds of







our citizens, and holding relative positions which







insure their continuance, we are secure of a long







course of peace. Whereas, the change of friends, 













  314         Jefferson's Works







which will be rendered necessary if France changes







that position, embarks us necessarily as a belligerent







power in the first war of Europe. In that case







                                   ,







France will have held possession of New Orleans







during the interval of a peace, long or short, at the







end of which it will be wrested from her. Will this







short-lived possession have been an equivalent to her for the transfer of such

a weight into the scale of her enemy ? Will not the amalgamation of a young,

thriving nation, continue to that enemy the health and force which are at

present so evidently on the decline ? And will a few years ' possession of New

Orleans add equally to the strength of France ? She may say she needs Louisiana

for the supply of her West Indies. She does not need it in time of peace, and

in war she could not depend on them, because they would be so easily

intercepted. I should sup= pose that all these considerations might, in some

proper form, be brought into view of the government of France. Though stated by

us, it ought not to give offence ; because we do not bring them forward as a

menace, but as consequences not controllable by us, but inevitable from the

course of things. We mention them, not as things which we desire by any means,

but as things we deprecate; and we beseech a friend to look forward and to

prevent them for our common interest.







  If France considers Louisiana, however, as indispensable for her views, she

might perhaps be willing to look about for arrangements which might recon-







            Correspondence          315







cile it to our interests. If anything could do this, it would be the ceding to

us the island of New Orleans and the Floridas. This would certainly, in a great

degree, remove the causes of jarring and irritation between us, and perhaps for

such a length of time, as might produce other means of making the measure

permanently conciliatory to our interests and friendships. It would, at any

rate, relieve us from the necessity of taking immediate measures for

countervailing such an operation by arrangements in another quarter. But still

we should consider New Orleans and the Floridas as no equivalent for the risk

of a quarrel with France, produced by her vicinage.







  I have no doubt you have urged these considerations, on every proper

occasion, with the government where you are. They are such as must have effect,

if you can find means of producing thorough reflection on them by that

government. The idea here is, that the troops sent to St. Domingo, were to

proceed to Louisiana after finishing their work in that island. If this were

the arrangement, it will give you time to return again and again to the charge.

For the conquest of St. Domingo will not be a short work. It will take

considerable time, and wear down a great number of soldiers. Every eye in the

United States is now fixed on the affairs of Louisiana. Perhaps nothing since

the revolutionary war, has produced more uneasy sensations through the body of

the nation. Notwithstanding temporary bickerings have taken place with France,

she has still a 













316      Jefferson's Works







strong hold on the affections of our citizens generally. I have thought it not

amiss, by way of supplement to the letters of the Secretary of State, to write

you this private one, to impress you with the importance we affix to this

transaction. I pray you to cherish Dupont. He has the best disposition for the

continuance of friendship between the two nations, and perhaps you may be able

to make a good use of him.







Accept assurances of my affectionate esteem and high consideration.















     TO MONSIEUR DUPONT DE NEMOURS.







              WASHINGTON, April 25, 1802.







  DEAR SIR,-The week being now closed, during which you had given me a hope of

seeing you here, I think it safe to enclose you my letters for Paris, lest they

should fail of the benefit of so desirable a conveyance. They are addressed to

Kosciusko, Madame de Corny, Mrs. Short, and Chancellor Livingston. You will

perceive the unlimited confidence I repose in your good faith, and in your

cordial dispositions to serve both countries, when you observe that I leave the

letters for Chancellor Livingston open for your perusal. The first page

respects a cypher, as do the loose sheets folded with the letter. These are

interesting to him and myself only, and therefore are not for your perusal. It

is the second, third, and fourth pages which I wish you to read to possess

yourself of completely, and then seal the letter with wafers 













            Correspondence          317







stuck under the flying seal, that it may be seen by nobody else if any accident

should happen to you. I wish you to be possessed of ,the subject, because you

may be able to impress on the government of France the inevitable consequences

of their taking possession of Louisiana; and though, as I here mention ; the

cession of New Orleans and the Floridas to us would be a palliation, yet I

believe it would be no more, and that this measure will cost France, and

perhaps not very long hence, a war which will annihilate her on the ocean, and

place that element under the despotism of two nations, which I am not

reconciled to the more because my own would be one of them. Add to this the

exclusive appropriation of both continents of America as a consequence. I wish

the present order of things to continue, and with a view to this I value highly

a state of friendship between France and us. You know too well how sincere I

have ever been in these dispositions to doubt them. You know, too, how much I

value peace, and how unwillingly I should see any event take place which would

render war a necessary resource; and that all our movements should change their

character and object. I am thus open with you, because I trust that you will

have it in your power to impress on that government considerations, in the

scale against which the possession of Louisiana is nothing. In Europe, nothing

but Europe is seen, or supposed to have any right in the affairs of nations ;

but this little event, of France's possessing herself of Louisiana 













       318       Jefferson's Works







       which is thrown in as nothing, as a mere make-weight







 in the general settlement of accounts,-this speck







 which now appears as an almost invisible point in







 the horizon, is the embryo of a tornado which will'







 burst on the countries on both sides of the Atlantic,







 and involve in its effects their highest destinies.







      That it may yet be avoided is my sincere prayer ; and







 if you can be the means of informing the wisdom of







 Bonaparte of all its consequences, you have deserved







 well of both countries. Peace and abstinence from







 European interferences are our objects, and so will







 continue while the present order of things in America







 remain uninterrupted. There is another service you







 can render. I am told that Talleyrand is personally







 hostile to us. This, I suppose, has been occasioned







 by the X. Y. Z. history. But he should consider that







 that was the artifice of a party, willing to sacrifice







 him to the consolidation of their power. This nation







 has done him justice by dismissing them ; that those







 in power are precisely those who disbelieved that







 story, and saw in it nothing but an attempt to







 deceive our country; that we entertain towards







him personally the most friendly dispositions; that







as to the government of France, we know too little







of the state of things there to understand what it is,







and have no inclination to meddle in their settle-







ment. Whatever government they establish, we







wish to be well with it. One more request, that







you deliver the letter to Chancellor Livingston with







your own hands, and, moreover, that you charge















        Correspondence          319







Madame Dupont, if any accident happen to you                                   

    that she deliver the letter with her own hands. If it passes only through

hers and yours, I shall have perfect confidence in its safety. Present her my

most sincere respects, and accept yourself assurances of my constant affection,

and my prayers, that a genial sky and propitious gales may place you, after a

pleasant voyage, in the midst of your friends.















             TO JOEL BARLOW.







                 WASHINGTON, May 3, 1802.







  DEAR SIR,-I have doubted whether to write to you, because yours of August

25th, received only March 27th, gives me reason to expect you are now on the

ocean; however, as I know that voyages so important are often delayed, I shall

venture a line by Mr. Dupont de Nemours. The Legislature rises this day. They

have carried into execution, steadily almost, all the propositions submitted to

them in my message at the opening of the session. Some few are laid over for

want of time. The most material is the militia, the plan of which they cannot

easily modify to their general approbation. Our majority in the House of

Representatives has been about two to one ; in the Senate, eighteen to fifteen.

After another election it will be of two to one in the Senate, and it would not

be for the public good to have it greater. A respectable minority is useful as

censors. The present one is not respectable, being 













             Jefferson's Works







the bitterest remains of the cup of federalism, rendered desperate and furious

by despair. A small check in the tide of republicanism in Massachusetts, which

has showed itself very unexpectedly at the last election, is not accounted for.

Everywhere else we are becoming one. In Rhode Island the late election gives us

two to one through the whole State. Vermont is decidedly with us. ' It is said

and believed that New Hampshire has got a majority of republicans now in its

Legislature ; and wanted a few hundreds only of turning out their federal

Governor. He goes assuredly the next trial. Connecticut is supposed to have

gained for us about fifteen or twenty per cent. since the last election; but

the exact issue is not yet known here ; nor is it certainly known how we shall

stand in the House of Representatives of Massachusetts. In the Senate there we

have lost ground. The candid federalists acknowledge that their party can never

more raise its head. The operations of this session of Congress, when known

among the people at large, will consolidate them. We shall now be so strong

that we shall certainly split again; for freemen, thinking differently and

speaking and acting as they think, will form into classes of sentiment. But it

must be under another name. That of federalism is become so odious that no

party can rise under it. As the division into whig and tory is founded in the

nature of man ; the weakly and nerveless, the rich and the corrupt, seeing more

safety and accessibility in a strong executive; the 













              Correspondence          321







  healthy, firm, and virtuous, feeling a confidence in







their physical and moral resources, and willing to







part with only so much power as is necessary for







their good government ; and, therefore, to retain the rest in the hands of the

many, the division will substantially be into whig and tory, as in England

formerly. As yet no symptoms show themselves, nor will, till after another

election. I am extremely happy to learn that you are so much at your ease, that

you can devote the rest of your life to the information of others. The choice

of a place of residence is materia''. I do not think you can do better than to

fix here for awhile, till you can become again Americanized, and understand the

map of the country. This may be considered as a pleasant country residence,

with a number of neat little villages scattered around within the distance of a

mile and a half, and furnishing a plain and: substantially good society. They

have begun their buildings in about four or five different points, at each of

which there are buildings enough to be considered as a village. The whole

population is about six thousand. Mr. Madison and myself have cut out a piece

of work for you, which is to write the history of the United States, from the

close of the war downwards. We are rich ourselves in materials, and can open

all the public archives to you; but your residence here is essential, because a

great deal of the knowledge of things is not on paper, but only within

ourselves, for verbal communication. John Marshall is writing the life of

General Washing-







VOL. X-21 













           Jefferson's Works







ton from his papers. It is intended to come out just in time to influence the

next presidential election. It is written, therefore, principally with a view

to electioneering purposes. But it will consequently be out in time to aid you

with information, as well as to point out the perversions of truth necessary to

be rectified. Think of this, and agree to it; and be assured of my high esteem

and attachment.







 P. S. There is a most lovely seat adjoining this city, on a high hill,

commanding a most extensive view of the Potomac, now for sale. A superb house,

gardens, etc., with thirty or forty acres of ground. It will be sold under

circumstances of distress, and will probably go for the half of what it has

cost. It was built by Gustavus Scott, who is dead bankrupt.















      TO ALBERT GALLATIN.







                         June 19, 1802.







With respect to the bank of Pennsylvania, their difficulties proceed from

excessive discounts. The $3,000,000 due to them comprehend doubtless all the

desperate debts accumulated since their institution. Their buildings should

only be counted at the value of the naked ground belonging to them; because, if

brought to market, they are worth to private builders no more than their

materials, which are known by experience to be worth no more than the cost of

pulling down and removing them. Their situation then is: 













              Correspondence          323







They owe......... .............                      $2,200,000







They have of good money. . . . $710,000







                                              250,000







  Ground worth perhaps. . . . .   .     5,000    965,000







                                                              _________







                                                         $1,235,000







To pay which $1,235,000, they depend on $3,000,000







of debts due to them, the amount of which shows they are of long standing, a

part desperate, a part not commandable. In this situation it does not seem safe

to deposit public money with them, and the effect would only be to enable them

to nourish their disease by continuing their excessive discounts               

                       the checking of which is the only means of saving

themselves from bankruptcy. The getting them to pay the Dutch debt, is but a

deposit in another though a safer form. If we can with propriety recommend

indulgence to the bank of the United States, it would be attended with the

least danger to us of any of the measures suggested, but it is in fact asking

that bank to lend to the one of Pennsylvania, that they may be enabled to

continue lending to others. The monopoly of a single bank is certainly an evil.

The multiplication of them was intended to cure it; but it multiplied an

influence of the same character with the first, and completed the supplanting

the precious metals by a paper circulation. Between such parties the less we

meddle the better. 













           Jefferson's Works















    TO DR. JOSEPH PRIESTLEY.







             WASHINGTON, June 19, 1802.







  DEAR SIR,-Your favor of the 12th has been duly received, and with that

pleasure which the approbation of the good and the wise must ever give. The

sentiments it impresses are far beyond my merits or pretensions; they are

precious testimonies to me however, that my sincere desire to do what is right

and just is viewed with candor. That it should be handed to the world under the

authority of your name is securing its credit with posterity. In the great work

which has been effected in America, no individual has a right to take any great

share to himself. Our people in a body are wise, because they are under the

unrestrained and unperverted operation of their own understanding. Those whom

they have assigned to the direction of their affairs, have stood with a pretty

even front. If any one of them was withdrawn, many others entirely equal, have

been ready to fill his place with as good abilities. A nation, composed of such

materials, and free in all its members from distressing wants, furnishes

hopeful implements for the interesting experiment of selfgovernment; and we

feel that we are acting under obligations not confined to the limits of our own

society. It is impossible not to be sensible that we are acting for all mankind

; that circumstances denied to others, but indulged to us, have imposed on us

the duty of proving what is the degree of freedom and 













             Correspondence          







self-government in which a society may venture to leave its individual members.

, One passage, in the paper you enclosed me, must be corrected. It is the

following, ` ` and all say it was yourself more than any other individual, that

planned and established it " i. e., the Constitution. I was in Europe when the

Constitution was planned, and never saw it till after it was established. On

receiving it I wrote strongly to Mr. Madison, urging the want of provision for

the freedom of religion, freedom of the press, trial by jury, habeas corpus,

the substitution of militia for a standing army, and an express reservation to

the States of all rights not specifically granted to the Union. He accordingly

moved in the first session of Congress for these amendments, which were agreed

to and ratified by the States as they now stand. This is all the hand I had in

what related to the Constitution. Our predecessors made it doubtful how far

even these were of any value ; for the very law which endangered your personal

safety, as well as that which restrained the freedom of the press, were gross

violations of them. However, it is still certain that though written

constitutions may be violated in moments of passion or delusion, yet they

furnish a text to which those who are watchful may again rally and recall the

people ; they fix too for the people the principles of their political creed.

We shall all absent ourselves from this place during the sickly season ; say

from about the 22d of July to the last of September. Should your curiosity lead

you 













            Jefferson's Works







hither either before or after that interval, I shall be very happy to receive

you, and shall claim you as my guest. I wish the advantages of a mild over a

winter climate had been tried for you before you were located where you are. I

have ever considered this as a public as well as personal misfortune. The

choice you made of our country for your asylum was honorable to it; and I

lament that for the sake of your happiness and health its most benign climates

were not selected. Certainly it is a truth that climate is one of the sources

of the greatest sensual enjoyment. I received in due time the letter of April

10th referred to in your last, with the pamphlet it enclosed, which I read with

the pleasure I do everything from you. Accept assurances of my highest

veneration and respect.















              TO RUFUS KING.







               WASHINGTON, July 13, 1802.







  DEAR SIR,--The course of things in the neighboring islands of the West

Indies, appear to have given a considerable impulse to the minds of the slaves

in different parts of the United States. A great disposition to insurgency has

manifested itself among them, which, in one instance, in the State of Virginia,

broke out into actual insurrection. This was easily suppressed; but many of

those concerned (between twenty and thirty, I believe) fell victims to the law.

So extensive an execution could not but excite sensi













             Correspondence        327







bility in the public mind, and begat a regret that the laws had not provided

for such cases, some alternative, combining more mildness with equal efficacy.

The Legislature of the State at a subsequent meeting took the subject into

consideration, and have communicated to me through the Governor of the State,

their wish that some place could be provided, out of the limits of the United

States, to which slaves guilty of insurgency might be transported; and they

have particularly looked to Africa as offering the most desirable receptacle We

might, for this purpose, enter into negotiations with the natives, on some part

of the coast, to obtain a settlement; and, by establishing an African company,

combine with it commercial operations, which might not only reimburse expenses,

but procure profit also. But there. being already such an establishment on that

coast by the English Sierra Leone company, made for the express purpose of

colonizing civilized blacks to that country, it would seem better, by

incorporating our emigrants with theirs, to make one strong, rather than two

weak colonies. This would be the more desirable because the blacks settled at

Sierra Leone having chiefly gone from the States, would often receive among

those we should send, their acquaintances and relatives. The object of this

letter therefore is to ask the favor of you to enter into conference with such

persons private and public as would be necessary to give us permission to send

thither the persons under contemplation. It is material to observe that 













328         Jefferson's Works







they are not felons, or common malefactors, but persons guilty of what the

safety of society, under actual circumstances, obliges us to treat as a crime,

but which their feelings may represent in a far different shape. They are such

as will be a valuable acquisition to the settlement already existing there, and

well calculated to co-operate in the plan of civilization.







  As the expense of so distant a transportation would be very heavy, and might

weigh unfavorably in deciding between the modes of punishment, it is very

desirable that it should be lessened as much as practicable. If the regulations

of the place would permit these emigrants to dispose of themselves, as the

Germans and others do who come to this country poor, by giving their labor for

a certain time to some one who will pay their passage ; and if the master of

the vessel could be permitted to carry articles of commerce from this country

and take back others from that, which might yield him a mercantile profit

sufficient to cover the expenses of the voyage, a serious difficulty would be

removed. I will ask your attention therefore to arrangements necessary for this

purpose.







  The consequences of permitting emancipations to become extensive, unless the

condition of emigration be annexed to them, furnish also matter of solicitation

to the Legislature of Virginia, as you will perceive by their resolution

enclosed to you. Although provision for the settlement of emancipated negroes







             Correspondence          329







might perhaps be obtainable nearer home than Africa, yet it is desirable that

we should be free to expatriate this description of people also to the colony

of Sierra Leone, if considerations respecting either themselves or us should

render it more expedient. I will pray you therefore to get the same permission

extended to the reception of these as well as the first mentioned. Nor will

there be a selection of bad subjects; the emancipations, for the most part,

being either of the whole slaves of the master, or of such individuals as have

particularly deserved well : the latter is most frequent.







  The request of the Legislature of Virginia having produced to me the occasion

of addressing you, I avail myself of it to assure you of my perfect

satisfaction with the manner in which you have conducted the several matters

confided to you by us; and to express my .hope that through your agency we may

be able to remove everything inauspicious to a cordial friendship between this

country and the one in which you are stationed ; a friendship dictated by too

many considerations not to be felt by the wise and the dispassionate of both

nations. It is therefore with the sincerest pleasure I have observed on the

part of the British government various manifestations of just and friendly

disposition towards us. We wish to cultivate peace and friendship with all

nations, believing that course most conducive to the welfare of our own. It is

natural that these friendships should bear some proportion to the common

interests 













            Jefferson's Works







of the parties. The interesting relations between Great Britain and the United

States, are certainly of the first order ; and as  such are estimated, and will

          be faithfully cultivated by us. These sentiments have been

communicated to you from time to time in the official correspondence of the

Secretary of State, but I have thought it might not be unacceptable to be

assured that they perfectly concur with my own personal convictions, both in

relation to yourself and the country in which you are. I pray you to accept

assurances of my high consideration and respect.















        TO GOVERNOR JAMES MONROE.







               WASHINGTON, July 15, 1802.







  DEAR SIR,-Your favor of the 7th has been duly received. I am really mortified

at the base ingratitude of Callendar. It presents human nature in a hideous

form. It gives me concern, because I perceive that relief, which was afforded

him on mere motives of charity, may be viewed under the aspect of employing him

as a writer. When the Political Progress of Britain first appeared in this

country, it was in a periodical publication called the Bee, where I saw it. I

was speaking of it in terms of strong approbation to a friend in Philadelphia,

when he asked me if I knew that the author was then in the city, a fugitive

from prosecution on account of that work, and in want of employ for his

subsistence. 













             Correspondence          331







This was the first of my learning that Callendar was the author of the work. I

considered him as a man of science fled from persecution, and assured my friend

of my readiness to do whatever could serve him. It was long after this before I

saw him ; probably not till 1798. He had, in the meantime, written a second

part of the Political Progress, much inferior to the first, and his History of

the United States. In 1798, I think, I was applied to by Mr. Lieper to

contribute to his relief. I did so. In 1799, I think, S. T, Mason applied for

him. I contributed again. He had, by this time, paid me two or three personal

visits. When he fled in a panic from Philadelphia to General Mason's, he wrote

to me that he was a fugitive in want of employ, wished to know if he could get

into a counting-house or a school, in my neighborhood or in that of Richmond;

that he had materials for a volume, and if he could get as much money as would

buy the paper, the profit of the sale would be all his own. I availed myself of

this pretext to cover a mere charity, by desiring him to consider me a

subscriber for as many copies of his book as the money enclosed (fifty dollars)

amounted to; but to send me two copies only, as the others might lay till

called for. But I discouraged his coming into my neighborhood. His first

writings here had fallen far short of his original Political Progress, and the

scurrilities of his subsequent ones began evidently to do mischief. As to

myself, no man wished more to see his pen stopped; but I considered him still

as a 













 332         Jefferson's Works







 proper object of benevolence. The succeeding year;







he again wanted money to buy paper for another







volume. I made his letter, as before, the occasion







of giving him another fifty dollars. He considers







these as proofs of my approbation of his writings,







when they were mere charities, yielded under a strong







conviction that he was injuring us by his writings.







It is known to many that the sums given to him were







such, and even smaller than I was in the habit of







giving to others in distress, of the federal as well as







the republican party, without attention to political







principles. Soon after I was elected to the govern-







ment, Callendar came on here, wishing to be made







postmaster at Richmond. I knew him to be totally







unfit for it ; and however ready I was to aid him with







my own charities, (and I then gave him fifty dollars, )







I did not think the public offices confided to me to







give away as charities. He took it in mortal offence,







and from that moment has been hauling off to his







former enemies, the federalists. Besides the letter







I wrote him in answer to the one from General







Mason's, I wrote him another, containing answers







to two questions he addressed to me. 1. Whether







Mr. Jay received salary as Chief Justice and Envoy







at the same time; and 2, something relative to the







expenses of an embassy to Constantinople. I think







these were the only letters I ever wrote him in answer







to volumes he was perpetually writing to me. This







is the true state of what has passed between him and







me. I do not know that it can be used without com. 













            Correspondence         333







mitting me in controversy, as it were, with one too little respected by the

public to merit that notice. I                       leave to your judgment

what use can be made of these facts. Perhaps it will be better judged of, when

we see what use the tories will endeavor to make of their new friend. I shall

leave this on the 21st, and be at Monticello probably on the 24th, or within

two or three days of that, and shall hope, ere long, to see you there.







  Accept assurances of my affectionate attachment.















        TO GOVERNOR JAMES MONROE.







               WASHINGTON, July 17, 1802.







  DEAR SIR,-After writing you on the 15th, I turned to my letter file to see

what letters I had written to Callendar, and found them. to have been of the

dates of 1798, October the 11th, and 1799, September the 6th, and October the

6th; but on looking for the letters, they were not in their places, nor to be

found. On recollection, I believe I sent them to you a year or two ago. If you

have them, I shall. be glad to receive them at Monticello, where I shall be on

this day se'nnight. I enclose you a paper, which shows the tories mean to

pervert these charities to Callendar as much as they can. They will probably

first represent me as the patron and support of the Prospect before us, and

other things of Callendar's ; and then picking out all the scurrilities of the

author against             General Washington, Mr. Adams, and others, impute 













334         Jefferson's Works







them to me. I, as well as most other republicans who were in the way of doing

it, contributed what I                  could afford to the support of the

republican papers and printers, paid sums of money for the Bee, the Albany

Register, etc., when they were staggering under the sedition law; contributed

to the fines of Callendar himself, of Holt, Brown and others, suffering under

that law. I discharged, when I came into office, such as were under the

persecution of our enemies, without instituting any prosecutions in

retaliation. They may, therefore, with the same justice, impute to me, or to

every republican contributor, everything which was ever published in those

papers or by those persons. I must correct a fact in mine of the 15th. I find I

did not enclose the fifty dollars to Callendar himself while at General

Mason's, but authorized the general to draw on my correspondent at Richmond,

and to give the money to Callendar. So the other fifty dollars of which he

speaks were by order on my correspondent at Richmond.







  Accept assurances of my affectionate esteem and respect.















         TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.







            WASHINGTON, October 10, 1802.







  DEAR SIR,-The departure of Madame Brugnard for France furnishes me a safe

conveyance of a letter, which I cannot avoid embracing, although I have nothing

particular for the subject of it. It is well, 













            Correspondence          335







however, to be able to inform you, generally, through a safe channel, that we

stand completely corrected of the error, that either the government or the

nation of France has any remains of friendship for us. The portion of that

country which forms an exception, though respectable in weight, is weak in

numbers. On the contrary, it appears evident, that an unfriendly spirit

prevails in the most important individuals of the government, towards us. In

this state of things, we shall so take our distance between the two rival

nations, as, remaining disengaged till necessity compels us, we may haul

finally to the enemy of that which shall make it necessary. We see all the

disadvantageous consequences of taking a side, and shall be forced into it only

by a more disagreeable alternative; in which event, we must countervail the

disadvantages by measures which will give us splendor and power, but not as

much happiness as our present system. We wish, therefore, to remain well with

France. But we see that no consequences, however ruinous to them; can secure us

with certainty against the extravagance of her present rulers, I think,

therefore, that while we do nothing which the first nation on earth would deem

crouching, we had better' give to all our communications with them a very mild,

complaisant, and even friendly complexion, but always independent. Ask no

favors, leave small and irritating things to be conducted by the individuals

interested in them, interfere ourselves but in the greatest cases, and then not

push 













            Jefferson's Works







them to irritation. No matter at present existing between them and us is

important enough to risk a breach of peace ; peace being indeed the most

important of all things for us, except the preserving an erect and independent

attitude. Although I know your own judgment leads you to pursue this line

identically, yet I thought it just to strengthen it by the concurrence of my

own. You will have seen by our newspapers, that with the aid of a lying

renegado from republicanism, the federalists have opened all their sluices of

calumny. They say we lied them out of power, and openly avow they will do the

same by us. But it was not lies or arguments on our part which dethroned them,

but their own foolish acts, sedition laws, alien laws, taxes, extravagances and

heresies. Porcupine, their friend, wrote them down. Callendar, their new

recruit, will do the same. Every decent man among them revolts at his filth ;

and there cannot be a doubt, that were a Presidential election to come on this

day, they would certainly have but three New England States, and about half a

dozen votes from Maryland and North Carolina, these two States electing by

districts. Were all the States to elect by a general ticket, they would have

but three out of sixteen States. And these three are coming up slowly. We do,

indeed, consider Jersey and Delaware as rather doubtful. Elections which have

lately taken place there, but their event not yet known here, will show the

present point of their varying condition. 













             Correspondence        337







My letters to you being merely private, I leave all details of business to

their official channel.







  Accept assurances of my constant friendship and high respect.







  P. S. We have received your letter announcing the arrival of Mr. Dupont.















           TO ALBERT GALLATIN.







                        October 13, 1802.







  You know my doubts, or rather convictions, about the unconstitutionality of

the act for building piers in the Delaware, and the fears that it will lead to

a bottomless expense, and to the greatest abuses. There is, however, one

intention of which the act is susceptible, and which will bring it within the

Constitution ; and we ought always to presume that the real intention which is

alone consistent with the Constitution. Although the power to regulate commerce

does not give a power to build piers, wharves; open ports, clear the beds of

rivers, dig canals, build warehouses, build manufacturing machines, set up

manufactories, cultivate the earth, to all of which the power would go if it

went to the first, yet a power to provide and maintain a navy, is a power to

provide receptacles for it, and places to cover and preserve it. In choosing

the places where this money should be laid out; I should be much disposed, as

far as contracts will permit, to confine it to such place or places







   VOL. X-22 













           Jefferson's Works







as the ships of war may lie at, and be protected from ice ; and I should be for

stating this in a message to Congress, in order to prevent the effect of the

present example. This act has been built on the exercise of the power of

building light houses, as a regulation of commerce. But I well remember the

opposition, on this very ground, to the first act for building a light house.

The utility of the thing has sanctioned the infraction. But if on that

infraction we build a second, on that second a third, etc. , any one of the

powers in the Constitution may be made to comprehend every power of government.

Will you read the enclosed letters on the subject of New Orleans, and think

what we can do or propose in the case ?







  Accept my affectionate salutations.















             TO LEVI LINCOLN.







             WASHINGTON, October 25, 1802.







  DEAR SIR,-Your favor of the 16th is received, and that of July the 24th had

come to hand while I was at Monticello. I sincerely condole with you on the

sickly state of your family, and hope this will find them re-established with

the approach of the cold season. As yet, however, we have had no frost in this

place, and it is believed the yellow fever still continues in Philadelphia, if

not in Baltimore. We shall all be happy to see you here whenever the state of

your family admits it. You will have seen by the newspapers that we have gained

ground generally in 













            Correspondence          339







the elections, that we have lost ground in not a single district of the United

States, except Kent county in Delaware, where a religious dissension occasioned

it. In Jersey the elections are always carried by small majorities,

consequently the issue is affected by the smallest accidents. By the paper of

the last night we have a majority of three in their Council, and one in their

House of Representatives; another says it is only of one in each House : even

the latter is sufficient for every purpose. The opinion I originally formed has

never been changed, that such of the body of the people as thought themselves

federalists, would find that they were in truth republicans, and would come

over to us by degrees; but that their leaders had gone too far ever to change.

Their bitterness increases with their desperation. They are trying slanders now

which nothing could prompt but a gall which blinds their judgments as well as

their consciences. I shall take no other revenge, than, by a steady pursuit of

economy and peace, and by the establishment of republican principles in

substance and in form, to sink federalism into an abyss from which there shall

be no resurrection for it. I still think our original idea as to office is best

: that is, to depend, for the obtaining a just participation, on deaths,

resignations, and delinquencies. This will least affect the tranquillity of the

people, and prevent their giving into the suggestion of our enemies, that ours

has been a contest for office, not for principle. This is rather a slow

operation, but it is sure if we 













              Jefferson's Works







  pursue it steadily, which, however, has not been done







with the undeviating resolution I could have wished.







  To these means of obtaining a just share in the trans-







action of the public business, shall be added one other,







to wit, removal for electioneering activity, or open







and industrious opposition to the principles of the







present government, legislative and executive. Every







officer of the government may vote at elections accord-







ing to his conscience ; but we should betray the cause







committed to our care, were we to permit the influ-







ence of official patronage to be used to overthrow







that cause. Your present situation will enable you







to judge of prominent offenders in your State, in the







case of the present election. I pray you to seek







them, to mark them, to be quite sure of your ground,







that we may commit no error or wrong, and leave







the rest to me. I have been urged to remove Mr.







  Whittemore, the surveyor of Gloucester, on grounds







of neglect of duty and industrious opposition. Yet







no facts are so distinctly charged as to make the step







sure which we should take in this. Will you take







the trouble to satisfy yourself on this point ? I think







it not amiss that it should be known that we are deter-







mined to remove officers who are active or open







mouthed against the government, by which I mean







the legislature as well as the executive. Accept







assurances of my sincere friendship and high respect.























             Correspondence         341















          TO THOMAS COOPER, ESQ.







           WASHINGTON, November 29, 1802.







  DEAR SIR,-Your favor of October 25th was received in due time, and I thank

you for the long extract you took the trouble of making from Mr. Stone 's

letter : Certainly the information it communicates as to Alexander kindles a

great deal of interest in his existence, and strong spasms of the heart in his

favor. Though his means of doing good are great, yet the materials. on which he

is to work are refractory. Whether he engages in private correspondences

abroad, as the King of Prussia did much, and his grandfather sometimes, I know

not; but certainly such a correspondence would be very interesting to those who

are sincerely anxious to see mankind raised from their present abject

condition. It delights me to find that there are persons who still think that

all is not lost in France : that their retrogradation from a limited to an

unlimited despotism, is but to give themselves a new impulse. But I see not how

or when. The press, the only tocsin of a nation, is completely silenced there,

and all means of a general effort taken away. However, I am willing to hope,

and as long as anybody will hope with me; and I am entirely persuaded that the

agitations of the public mind advance its powers, and that at every vibration

between the points of liberty and despotism, something will be gained for the

former. As men become better informed, their 













342         Jefferson's Works







rulers must respect them the more. I think you will be sensible that our

citizens are fast returning, from the panic into which they were artfully

thrown, to the dictates of their own reason; and I believe the delusions they

have seen themselves hurried into will be useful as a lesson under similar

attempts on them in future. The good effects of our late fiscal arrangements

will certainly tend to unite them in opinion, and in confidence as to the views

of their public functionaries, legislative and executive. The path we have to

pursue is so quiet that we have nothing scarcely to propose to our Legislature.

A noiseless course, meddling with the affairs of others, unattractive of

notice, is a mark that society is going on in happiness. If we can prevent the

government from wasting the labors of the people, under the pretence of taking

care of them, they must become happy. Their finances are now under such a

course of application as nothing could derange but war or federalism. The gripe

of the latter has shown itself as deadly as the jaws of the former. Our

adversaries say we are indebted to their providence for the means of paying the

public debt. We never charged them with the want of foresight in providing

money, but with the misapplication of it after they had provided it. We say

they raised not only enough, but too much ; and that after giving back the

surplus we do more with a part than they did with the whole.







Your letter of November 18th is also received. The places of midshipman are so

much sought that







            Correspondence          343







(being limited) there is never a vacancy. Your son shall be set down for the 2d

place, which shall be vacant; the 1st being anticipated. We are not long

generally without vacancies happening. As soon as he can be appointed you shall

know it. I pray you to accept assurances of my great attachment and respect.















        TO GOVERNOR JAMES MONROE.







            WASHINGTON, January 13, 1803.







  DEAR SIR,-I dropped you a line on the 10th, informing you of a nomination I

had made of you to the Senate, and yesterday I enclosed you their approbation,

not then having time to write. The agitation of the public mind on occasion of

the late suspension of our right of deposit at New Orleans is extreme. In the

western country it is natural, and grounded on honest motives. In the sea ports

it proceeds from a desire for war, which increases the mercantile lottery: in

the federalists, generally, and especially those of Congress, the object is to

force us into war if possible, in order to derange our finances, or if this

cannot be done, to attach the western country to them, as their best friends,

and thus get again into power. Remonstrances, memorials, etc., are now

circulating through the whole of the western country, and signed by the body of

the people. The measures we have been pursuing, being invisible, do not satisfy

their minds. Something sensible, therefore, 













344         Jefferson's Works







has become necessary ; and indeed our object of purchasing New Orleans and the

Floridas is a measure liable to assume so many shapes, that no instructions

could be squared to fit them. It was essential then, to send a minister

extraordinary, to be joined with the ordinary one, with discretionary powers;

first, however, well impressed with all our views, and therefore qualified to

meet and modify to these every form of proposition which could come from the

other party. This could be done only in full and frequent oral communications.

Having determined on this, there could not be two opinions among the

republicans as to the person. You possessed the unlimited confidence of the

administration and of the western people ; and generally of the republicans

everywhere ; and were you to refuse to go, no other man can be found who does

this. The measure has already silenced the federalists here. Congress will no

longer be agitated by them; and the country will become calm fast as the

information extends over it. All eyes, all hopes are now fixed on you; and were

you to decline, the chagrin would be universal, and would shake under your feet

the high ground on which you stand with the public. Indeed, I know nothing

which would produce such a shock. For on the event of this mission depend the

future destinies of this republic. If we cannot by a purchase of the country,

insure to ourselves a course of perpetual peace and friendship with all

nations, then. as war cannot be distant, it behooves us immediately to be 













            Correspondence         345







preparing for that course, without, however, hastening it; and it may be

necessary (on your failure on the continent) to cross the channel. We shall get

entangled in European politics, and figuring more, be much less happy and

prosperous. This can only be prevented by a successful issue to your present

mission. I am sensible after the measures you have taken for getting into a

different line of business, that it will be a great sacrifice on your part, and

presents from the season and other circumstances serious difficulties. But some

men are born for the 'public. Nature by fitting them for the service of the

human race on a broad scale, has stamped them with the evidences of her

destination and their duty.







  But I am particularly concerned, that, in the present case, you have more

than one sacrifice to make. To reform the prodigalities of our predecessors is

understood to be peculiarly our duty, and to bring the government to a simple

and economical course. They, in order to increase expense, debt, taxation and

patronage, tried always how much they could give. The outfit given to ministers

resident to enable them to furnish their house, but given by no nation to a

temporary minister, who is never expected to take a house or to entertain, but

considered on the footing of a voyageur, they gave to their extraordinary

ministers by wholesale. In the beginning of our administration, among other

articles of reformation in expense, it was determined not to give an outfit to

ministers extraordinary, and not to 













             Jefferson's Works







  incur the expense with any minister of sending a







frigate to carry or bring him. . The Boston happened to be going to the

Mediterranean, and was permitted, therefore, to take up Mr. Livingston, and

touch in a port of France. A frigate was denied to Charles Pinckney, and has

been refused to Mr. King for his return. Mr. Madison 's friendship and mine to

you being so well known, the public will have eagle eyes to watch if we grant

you any indulgences out of the general rule; and on the other hand, the example

set in your case will be more cogent on future ones and produce greater

approbation to our conduct. The allowance, therefore, will be in this, and all

similar cases, all the expenses of your journey and voyage, taking a ship's

cabin to yourself, nine thousand dollars a year from your leaving home till the

proceedings of your mission are terminated, and then the quarter's salary for

the expenses of your return, as prescribed by law. As to the time of your

going, you cannot too much hasten it, as the moment in France is critical. St.

Domingo delays their taking possession of Louisiana, and they are in the last

distress for money for current purposes. You should arrange your affairs for an

absence of a year at least, perhaps for a long one. It will be necessary for

you to stay here some days on your way to New York. You will receive here what

advance you choose.







Accept assurances of my constant and affectionate attachment. 













            Correspondence          347















     TO MONSIEUR DUPONT DE NEMOURS.







            WASHINGTON, February 1, 1803.







DEAR SIR,-I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of August the 16th

and October the 4th. The latter I received with peculiar satisfaction; because,

while it holds up terms which cannot be entirely yielded, it proposes such as a

mutual spirit of accommodation and sacrifice of opinion may bring to some point

of union. While we were preparing on this subject such modifications of the

propositions of your letter of October the 4th, as we could assent to, an event

happened which obliged us to adopt measures of urgency. The suspension of the

right of deposit at New Orleans, ceded to us by our treaty with Spain, threw

our whole country into such a ferment as imminently threatened its peace. This,

however, was believed to be the act of the Intendant, unauthorized by his

government. But it showed the necessity of making effectual arrangements to

secure the peace of the two countries against the indiscreet acts of

subordinate agents. The urgency of the case, as well as the public spirit,

therefore induced us to make a more solemn appeal to the justice and judgment

of our neighbors, by sending a minister extraordinary to impress them with the

necessity of some arrangement. Mr. Monroe has been selected. His good

dispositions cannot be 'doubted. Multiplied conversations with him, and views

of the subject taken in all the shapes in which 













348         Jefferson's Works







it can present itself, have possessed him with our estimates of everything

relating to it, with a minuteness which no written communication to Mr.

Livingston could ever have attained. These will prepare. them to meet and

decide on every form of proposition which can occur, without awaiting new

instructions from hence, which might draw to an indefinite length a discussion

where circumstances imperiously oblige us to a prompt decision. For the

occlusion of the Mississippi is a state of things in which we can not exist. He

goes, therefore, joined with Chancellor Livingston, to aid in the issue of a

crisis the most important the United States have ever met since their

independence, and which' is to decide their future character and career. The

confidence which the government of France reposes in you, will undoubtedly give

great weight to your information. An equal confidence on our part., founded on

your knowledge of the subject, your just views of it, your good dispositions

towards this country, and my long experience of your personal faith and

friendship, assures me that you will render between us all the good offices in

your power. The interests of the two countries being absolutely the same as to

this matter, your aid may be conscientiously given. It will often perhaps, be

possible for you, having a freedom of communication, omnibus horis, which

diplomatic gentlemen will be excluded from by forms, to smooth difficulties by

representations and reasonings, which would be received with more suspicion

from them. 













            Correspondence          349







You will thereby render great good to both countries. For our circumstances are

so imperious as to admit of no delay as to our course ; and the use of the

Mississippi so indispensable, that we cannot hesitate one moment to hazard our

existence for its maintenance. If we fail in this effort to put it beyond the

reach of accident, we see the destinies we have to run, and prepare at once for

them. Not but that we shall still endeavor to go on in peace and friendship

with our neighbors as long as we can, if our rights of navigation and deposit

are respected; but as we foresee that the caprices of the local officers, and

the abuse of those rights by our boatmen and navigators, which neither

government can prevent, will keep up a state of irritation which cannot long be

kept inactive, we should be criminally improvident not to take at once eventual

measures for strengthening ourselves for the contest. It may be said, if this

object be so allimportant to us, why do we not offer such a sum so as to insure

its purchase? The answer is simple. We are an agricultural people, poor in

money, and owing great debts. These will be falling due by instalments for

fifteen years to come, and require from us the practice of a rigorous economy

to accomplish their payment; and it is our principle to pay to a moment

whatever we have engaged, and never to engage what we cannot, and mean not

faithfully to pay. We have calculated our resources, and find the sum to be

moderate which they would enable us to pay, and we know from late trials that

little can 













           Jefferson's Works







be added to it by borrowing. The country, too, which we wish to purchase,

except the portion already granted, and which must be confirmed to the private

holders, is a barren sand, six hundred miles from east to west, and from thirty

to forty and fifty miles from north to south, formed by deposition of the sands

by the Gulf Stream in its circular course round the Mexican Gulf, and which

being spent after performing a semicircle, has made from its last depositions

the sand bank of East Florida. In West Florida, indeed, there are on the

borders of the rivers some rich bottoms, formed by the mud brought from the

upper country. These bottoms are all possessed by individuals. But the spaces

between river and river are mere banks of sand; and in East Florida there are

neither rivers, nor consequently any bottoms. We cannot then make anything by a

sale of the lands to individuals. So that it is peace alone which makes it an

object with us, and which ought to make the cession of it desirable to France.

Whatever power, other than ourselves, holds the country east of the

Mississippi, becomes our natural enemy. Will such a possession do France as

much good, as such an enemy may do her harm? And how long would it be hers,

were such an enemy, situated at its door, added to Great Britain? I confess, it

appears to me as essential to France to keep at peace with us, as it is to us

to keep at peace with her; and that, if this cannot be secured without some

compromise as to the territory in question, it will be 













            Correspondence          351







useful for both to make some sacrifices to effect the compromise.







  You see, my good friend, with what frankness I communicate with you on this

subject; that I hide nothing from you, and that I am endeavoring to turn our

private friendship to the good of our respective countries. And can private

friendship ever answer a nobler end than by keeping two nations at peace, who

if this new position which one of them is taking were rendered innocent, have

more points of common interest., and fewer of collision, than any two on earth,

who become natural friends, instead of natural enemies, which this change of

position would make them. My letters of April the 25th, May the 5th, and this

present one have been written, without any disguise, in this view; and while

safe in your hands they can never do anything but good. But you and I are now

at that time of life when our call to another state of being cannot be distant,

and may be near. Besides, your government is in the habit of seizing papers

without notice. These letters might thus get into hands, which, like the hornet

which extracts poison from the same flower that yields honey to the bee, might

make them the ground of blowing up a flame between our two countries, and make

our friendship and confidence in each other effect exactly the reverse of what

we are aiming at. Being yourself thoroughly possessed of every idea in them,

let me ask from your friendship an immediate consignment of them to the flames.

That alone can make all safe, and ourselves secure. 













352         Jefferson's Works







 I intended to have answered you here, on the subject of your agency in the

transacting what money matters we may have at Paris, and for that purpose meant

to have conferred with Mr. Gallatin. But he has, for two or three days, been

confined to his room, and is not yet able to do business. If he is out before

Mr. Monroe's departure, I will write an additional letter on that subject. Be

assured that it will be a great additional satisfaction to me to render

services to yourself and sons by the same acts which shall at the same time

promote the public service. Be so good as to present my respectful salutations

to Madame Dupont, and to accept yourself assurances of my constant and

affectionate friendship and great respect.















    TO CHANCELLOR ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.







            WASHINGTON, February 3, 1803.







DEAR SIR,-My last to you was by Mr. Dupont. Since that I received yours of May

22d. Mr. Madison supposes you have written a subsequent one which has never

come to hand. A late suspension by the Intendant of New Orleans of our right of

deposit there, without which the right of navigation is impracticable, has

thrown this country into such a flame of hostile disposition as can scarcely be

described. The Western country was peculiarly sensible to it as you may

suppose. Our business was to take the most effectual pacific measures in our

power to remove 













             Correspondence          353







the suspension, and at the same time to persuade our countrymen that pacific

measures would be the most effectual and the most speedily so. The opposition

caught it as a plank in a shipwreck, hoping it would enable them to tack the

Western people to them. They raised the cry of war, were intriguing in all

quarters to exasperate the Western inhabitants to arm and go down on their own

authority and possess themselves of New Orleans, and in the meantime were daily

reiterating, in new shapes, inflammatory resolutions for the adoption of the

House. As a remedy to all this we determined to name a minister extraordinary

to go immediately to Paris and Madrid to settle this matter. This measure being

a visible one, and the person named peculiarly proper with the Western country,

crushed at once and put an end to all further attempts on the Legislature. From

that moment all has become quiet; and the more readily in the Western country,

as the sudden alliance of these new federal friends had of itself already began

to make them suspect the wisdom of their own course. The measure was moreover

proposed from another cause. We must know at once whether we can acquire New

Orleans or not. We are satisfied nothing else will secure us against a war at

no distant period; and we cannot press this reason without beginning those

arrangements which will be necessary if war is hereafter to result. For this

purpose it was necessary that the negotiators should be fully possessed of

every idea we have on the subject, so as to







VOL. X-23 













354        Jefferson's Works







meet the propositions of the opposite party, in whatever form they may be

offered; and give them a shape admissible by us without being obliged to await

new instructions hence. With this view, we have joined Mr. Monroe with yourself

at Paris, and to Mr. Pintency at Madrid, although we believe it will be hardly

necessary for him to go to this last place. Should we fail in this object of

the mission, a further one will be superadded for the other side of the

channel. On this subject you will be informed by the Secretary of State, and

Mr. Monroe will be able also to inform you of all our views and purposes. By

him I send another letter to Dupont, whose aid may be of the greatest service,

as it will be divested of the shackles of form. The letter is left open for

your perusal, after which I wish a wafer stuck in it before it be delivered.

The official and the verbal communications to you by Mr. Monroe will be so full

and minute, that I need not trouble you with an inofficial repetition of them.

The future destinies of our country hang on the event of this negotiation, and

I am sure they could not be placed in more able or more zealous hands. On our

parts we shall be satisfied that what you do not effect, cannot be effected.

Accept therefore assurances of my sincere and constant affection and high

respect. 













             Correspondence          355















              TO MR. PICTET.







             WASHINGTON, February 5, 1803.







  DEAR SIR,-It is long since I might have acknowledged your favor of May 20,

1801, which, however, I did not receive till January, 1802. My incessant

occupations on matters which will not bear delay, occasion those which can be

put off to lie often for a considerable time. I rejoice that the opinion which

I gave you on the removal hither proved useful. I knew it was not safe for you

to take such a step until it would be done on sure ground. I hoped at that time

that some canal shares, which were at the disposal of General Washington, might

have been applied towards the establishment of a good seminary of learning ;

but he had already proceeded too far on another plan to change their direction.

I have still had constantly in view to propose to the legislature of Virginia

the establishment of one on as large a scale as our present circumstances would

require or bear. But as yet no favorable moment has occurred. In the meanwhile

I am endeavoring to procure materials for a good plan. With this view I am to

ask the favor of you to give me a sketch of the branches of science taught in

your college, how they are distributed among the professors, that is to say,

how many professors there are, and what branches of science are allotted to

each professor, and the days and hours assigned to each branch. Your successful

experience in the distribution of business will be a valuable 













            Jefferson's Works







guide to us, who are without experience. I am sensible I am imposing on your

goodness a troublesome task ; but I believe every son of science feels a strong

and disinterested desire of promoting it in every part of the earth, and it is

the consciousness as well as confidence in this which emboldens me to make the

present request.







  In the line of science we have little new here. Our citizens almost all

follow some industrious occupation, and, therefore, have little time to devote

to abstract science. In the arts, and especially in the mechanical arts, many

ingenious improvements are made in consequence of .the patent-right giving

exclusive use of them for fourteen years. But the great mass of our people are

agricultural; and the commercial cities, though, by the commend of newspapers,

they make a great deal of noise, have little effect in the direction of the

government. They are as different in sentiment and character from the country

people as any two distinct nations, and are clamorous against the order of

things established by the agricultural interest. Under this order, our citizens

generally are enjoying a very great degree of liberty and security in the most

temperate manner. Every man being at his ease, feels an interest in the

preservation of order, and comes forth to preserve it at the first call of the

magistrate. We are endeavoring, too, to reduce the government to the practice

of a rigorous economy, to avoid burdening the people, and arming the magistrate

with a patronage of money,







             Correspondence          357







which might be used to corrupt and undermine the principles of our government.

I state these general outlines to you, because I believe you take some interest

in our fortune, and because our newspapers, for the most part, present only the

caricatures of disaffected minds. Indeed, the abuses of the freedom of the

press here have been carried to a length never before known or borne by any

civilized nation. But it is so difficult to draw a clear line of separation

between the abuse and the wholesome use of the press, that as yet we have found

it better to trust the public judgment, rather than the magistrate, with the

discrimination between truth and falsehood. And hitherto the public judgment

has performed that office with wonderful correctness. Should you favor me with

a letter, the safest channel of conveyance will be the American minister at

Paris or London. I pray you to accept assurances of my great esteem, and high

respect and consideration.















        TO GENERAL ANDREW JACKSON.







            WASHINGTON, February 16, 1803.







  DEAR SIR,-Your favor of the 14th was received on the same day, and will be

duly attended to in the course of our affairs with the Creeks. In keeping

agents among the Indians, two objects are principally in view : 1. The

preservation of peace ; 2. The obtaining lands. . Towards effecting the latter

object, we consider the leading the Indians to agriculture 













358       Jefferson's Works







as the principal means from which we can expect much effect in future. When

they shall cultivate small spots of earth, and see how useless their extensive

forests are, they will sell, from time to time, to help out their personal

labor in stocking their farms, and procuring clothes and comforts from our

trading houses. Towards the attainment of our two objects of peace and lands,

it is essential that our agent acquire that sort of influence over the Indians

which rests on confidence. In this respect, I suppose that no man has ever

obtained more influence than Colonel Hawkins. Towards the preservation of

peace, he is omnipotent; in the encouragement of agriculture, he is

indefatigable and successful. These are important portions of his duty. But

doubts are entertained by some whether he is not more attached to the interests

of the Indians than of the United States ; whether he is willing they should

cede lands, when they are willing to do it. If his own solemn protestations can

command any faith, he urges the ceding lands as far as he finds it practicable

to induce them. He only refuses to urge what he knows cannot be obtained. He is

not willing to destroy his own influence by pressing what he knows can not be

obtained. This is his representation. Against this I should not be willing to

substitute suspicion for proof; but I shall always be open to any proofs that

he obstructs cessions of land which the Indians are willing to make ; and of

this, Sir, you may be assured, that he shall be placed under as strong a

pressure 













             Correspondence          359







from the executive to obtain cessions as he can feel from any opposite quarter

to obstruct. He shall be made sensible that his value will be estimated by us

in proportion to the benefits he can obtain for us. I am myself alive to the

obtaining lands from. the Indians by all honest and peaceable means, and I

believe that the honest and peaceable means adopted by us will obtain them as

fast as the expansion of our settlements, with due regard to compactness, will

require. The war department, charged with Indian affairs, is under the

impression of these principles, and will second my views with sincerity. And,

in the present case, besides the official directions which will go to Colonel

Hawkins, immediately to spare no efforts from which any success can be hoped to

obtain the residue of the Oconee and Oakmulgee fork, I shall myself write to

Colonel Hawkins, and possess him fully of my views and expectations; and this

with such explanations as I trust will bring him cordially into them, as they

are unquestionably equally for the interest of the Indians and ourselves.







  I have availed myself of the occasion furnished by your letter of explaining

to you my views on this subject with candor, and of assuring you they shall be

pursued unremittingly. When speaking of the Oakmulgee fork, I ought to have

added, that we shall do whatever can be done properly in behalf of Wafford's

settlement; and that as to the South-Eastern road, it will be effected, as we

consider ourselves entitled, on principles acknowledged by all men, to an inno













           Jefferson's Works







cent passage through the lands of a neighbor, and to admit no refusal of it.

Accept assurances of my great esteem and high consideration.















      TO COLONEL BENJAMIN HAWKINS.







           WASHINGTON, February 18, 1803.







DEAR SIR,-Mr. Hill's return to you offers so safe a conveyance for a letter,

that I feel irresistibly disposed to write one, though there is but little to

write about. You have been so long absent from this part of the world, and the

state of society so changed in that time, that details respecting those who

compose it are no longer interesting or intelligible to you. One source of

great change in social intercourse arose while you Were with us, though its

effects were as yet scarcely sensible on society or government. I mean the

British treaty, which produced a schism that went on widening and rankling till

the years '98, '99, when a final dissolution of all bonds, civil and social,

appeared imminent. In that awful crisis, the people awaked from the frenzy into

which they had been thrown, began to return to their sober and ancient

principles, and have now become five-sixths of one sentiment, to wit, for

peace, economy, and a government bottomed on popular election in. its

legislative and executive branches. In the public counsels the federal party

hold still one-third. This, however, will lessen, but not exactly to the

standard of the people ; because it will be forever seen that of bodies 













            Correspondence          361







of men even elected by the people, there will always be a greater proportion

aristocratic than among their constituents. The present administration had a

task imposed on it which was unavoidable, and could not fail to exert the

bitterest hostility in those opposed to it. The preceding administration left

ninety-nine  out of every hundred in public offices of the federal sect.

Republicanism had been the mark on Cain which had rendered those who bore it

exiles from all portion in the trusts and authorities of their country. This

description of citizens called imperiously and justly for a restoration of

right. It was intended, however, to have yielded to this in so moderate a

degree as might conciliate those who had obtained exclusive possession; but as

soon as they were touched, they endeavored to set fire to the four corners of

the public fabric, and obliged us to deprive of the influence of office several

who were using it with activity and vigilance to destroy the confidence of the

people in their government, and thus to proceed in the drudgery of removal

farther than would have been, had not their own hostile enterprises rendered it

necessary in self-defence. But I think it will not be long before the whole

nation will be consolidated in their ancient principles, excepting a few who

have committed themselves beyond recall, and who will retire to obscurity and

settled disaffection.







  Although you will receive, through the official channel of the War Office,

every communication necessary to develop to you our views respecting the

`Indians, 













362         Jefferson's Works







and to direct your conduct, yet, supposing it will be satisfactory to you, and

to those with whom you are placed, to understand my personal dispositions and

opinions in this particular, I shall avail myself of this private letter to

state them generally. I consider the business of hunting as already become

insufficient to furnish clothing and subsistence to the Indians. The promotion

of agriculture, therefore, and household manufacture, are essential in their

preservation, and I am disposed to aid and encourage it liberally. This will

enable them to live on much smaller portions of land, and, indeed, will render

their vast forests useless but for the range of cattle; for which purpose,

also, as they. become better farmers, they will be found useless, and even

disadvantageous.  While they are learning to do better on less land, our

increasing numbers will be calling for more land, and thus a coincidence of

interests will be produced between those who have lands to spare, and want

other necessaries, and those who have such necessaries to spare, and want

lands. This commerce, then, will be for the good of both, and those who are

friends to both ought to encourage it. You are in the station peculiarly

charged with this interchange, and who have it peculiarly in your power to

promote among the Indians a sense of the superior value of a little land, well

cultivated, over a great deal, unimproved, and to encourage them to make this

estimate truly.. The wisdom of the animal which amputates and abandons to the

hunter the parts for which he 













            Correspondence          363







is pursued should be theirs, with this difference, that the former sacrifices

what is useful, the latter what is not. In truth, the ultimate point of rest

and happiness for them is to let our settlements and theirs meet and blend

together, to intermix, and become one people. Incorporating themselves with us

as citizens of the United States, this is what the natural progress of things

will, of course, bring on, and it will be better to promote than to retard it.

Surely it will be better for them to be identified with us, and preserved in

the occupation of their lands, than be exposed to the many casualties which may

endanger them while a separate people. I have little doubt but that your

reflections must have led you to view the various ways in which their history

may terminate, and to see that this. is the one most for their happiness. And

we have already had an application from a settlement of Indians to become

citizens of the United States. It is possible, perhaps probable, that this idea

may be so novel as that it might shock the Indians, were it even hinted to

them. Of course, you will keep it for your own reflection; but, convinced of

its soundness, I feel it consistent with pure morality to lead them towards it,

to familiarize them to the idea that it is for their interest to cede lands at

times to the United States, and for us thus to procure gratifications to our

citizens, from time to time, by new acquisitions of land. From no quarter is

there at present so strong a pressure on this  subject as .from Georgia for the

residue of the fork of Oconee 













  364        Jefferson's Works







  and Oakmulgee ; and, indeed, I believe it will be diffi-







cult to resist it. As it has been mentioned that the







Creeks had at one time made up their minds to sell this, and were only checked

in it by some indiscretion of an individual, I am in hopes you will be able to

bring them to it again. I beseech you to use your most earnest endeavors ; for

it will relieve us here from a great pressure, and yourself from the

unreasonable suspicions of the Georgians which you notice, that you are more

attached to the interests of the Indians than of the United States, and throw

cold water on their willingness to part with lands. It is so easy to excite

suspicion, that none are to be wondered at; but I am in hopes it will be in

your power to quash them by effecting the object.







  Mr. Madison enjoys better health since his removal to this place than he had

done in Orange. Mr. Giles is in a state of health feared to be irrecoverable,

although he may hold on for some time, and perhaps be re-established. Browze

Trist is now in the Mississippi territory, forming an establishment for his

family, which 'is still€in Albemarle, and will remove to the Mississippi in the

spring. Mrs. Trist, his mother, begins to yield a little to time. I retain

myself very perfect health, having not had twenty hours of fever in forty-two

years past. I have sometimes had a troublesome headache, and some slight

rheumatic pains ; but now sixty years old nearly, I have had as little to

complain of in point of health as most people, I learn you have the gout. I did















            Correspondence          365







not expect that Indian cookery or Indian fare would produce that; but it is

considered as a security for good health otherwise. That it may be so with you,

I sincerely pray, and tender you my friendly and respectful salutations.























           TO --  .







            WASHINGTON, February 25, 1803.







  SIR,-In compliance with a request of the House of Representatives of the

United States, as well as with a sense of what is necessary, I take the liberty

of urging on you the importance and indispensable necessity of vigorous

exertions, on the part of the State governments, to carry into effect the

militia system adopted by the national Legislature, agreeable to the powers

reserved to the States respectively, by the Constitution of the United States,

and in a manner the best calculated to ensure such a degree of military

discipline, and knowledge of tactics, as will under the auspices of a benign

providence, render the militia a sure and permanent bulwark of national

defence.







  None but an armed nation can dispense with a standing army; to keep ours

armed and disciplined, is, therefore, at all times important, but especially so

at a moment when rights the most essential to our welfare have been violated,

and an infraction of treaty committed without color or pretext; and although we

are willing to believe that this has been 













366        Jefferson's Works







the act of a subordinate agent only, yet is it wise to prepare for the

possibility that it may have been the leading measure of a system. While,

therefore, we are endeavoring, and with a considerable degree of confidence, to

obtain by friendly negotiation a peaceable redress of the injury, and effectual

provision against its repetition, let us array the strength of the nation, and

be ready to do with promptitude and effect whatever a regard to justice and our

future security may require.







  In order that I may have a full and correct view of the resources of our

country in all its different parts, I must desire you, with as little delay as

possible, to have me furnished with a return of the militia, and of the arms

and accoutrements of your State, and of the several counties, or other

geographical divisions of it.







  Accept assurances of my high consideration and respect.         















            TO DR. B. S. BARTON.







            WASHINGTON,  February 27, 1803.







  DEAR SIR,-I enclose to you a copy of two discourses sent you by Mr. Lalepida

through the hands of Mr. Paine, who delivered them with some sent me. What

follows in that letter is strictly confidential. You know we have been many

years wishing to have the Missouri explored, and whatever river, heading with

that, runs into the western ocean. Congress; 













             Correspondence         367







in some secret proceedings, have yielded to a proposition I made them for

permitting me to have it done. It is to be undertaken immediately, with a party

of about ten, and I have appointed Captain Lewis, my Secretary, to conduct it.

It was impossible to find a character who, to a complete science in Botany,

Natural History, Mineralogy and Astronomy, joined the firmness of constitution

and character, prudence, habits adapted to the woods, and familiarity with the

Indian manners and character, requisite for this undertaking. All the latter

qualifications Captain Lewis has. Although no regular botanist, etc., he

possesses a remarkable store of accurate observation on all the subjects of the

three kingdoms, and will, therefore, readily single out whatever presents

itself new to him in either; and he has qualified himself for taking the

observations of longitude and latitude necessary to fix the geography of the

line he passes through. In order to draw his attention at once to the objects

most desirable, I must ask the favor of you to prepare for him a note of those

in the lines of botany, zoology, or of Indian history, which you think most

worthy of enquiry and observation. He will be with you in Philadelphia in two

or three weeks, and will wait on you, and receive thankfully on paper, and any

verbal communications which you may be so good as to make to him. I make no

apology for this trouble, because I know that the same wish to promote science

which has induced me to bring forward this proposition, will induce you to aid

in pro













368         Jefferson's Works







moting it. Accept assurances of my friendly esteem and  high respect.















     TO GOVERNOR WILLIAM H. HARRISON.







           WASHINGTON, February 27, 1803.







  DEAR SIR,-While at Monticello in August last I received your favor of August

8th, and meant to have acknowledged it on my return to the seat of government

at the close of the ensuing month, but on my return I found that you were

expected to be on here in person, and this expectation continued till winter. I

have since received your favor of December 30th.







  In the former you mentioned the plan of the town which you had done me the

honor to name after me, and to lay out according to an idea I had formerly

expressed to you. I am thoroughly persuaded that it will be found handsome and

pleasant, and I do believe it to be the best means of preserving the cities of

America from the scourge of the yellow fever, which being peculiar to our

country, must be derived from some peculiarity in it. That peculiarity I take

to be our cloudless skies. In Europe, where the sun does not shine more than

half the number of days in the year which it does in America, they can build

their town in a solid block with impunity; but here a constant sun produces too

great an accumulation of heat to admit that. Ventilation is indispensably

necessary: Experience has taught us that in the 













            Correspondence          369







open air of the country the yellow fever is not only not generated, but ceases

to be infectious. I cannot decide from the drawing you sent me, whether you

have laid off streets round the squares thus: or only the diagonal streets

therein marked. The former was my idea, and is, I imagine, most convenient.







You will receive herewith an answer to your letter as President of the

Convention ; and from the Secretary of War you receive from time to time

information and instructions as to our Indian affairs. These. communications

being for the public records, are restrained always to particular objects and

occasions ; but this letter being unofficial and private, I may with safety

give you a more extensive view of our policy respecting the Indians, that you

may the better comprehend the parts dealt out to you in detail through the

official channel, and observing the system of which they make a part, conduct

yourself in unison with it in cases where you are obliged to act without

instruction. Our system is to live in perpetual peace with the Indians, to

cultivate an affectionate attachment from them, by everything just and liberal

which we can do for them within the bounds of reason, and by giving them

'effectual protection against wrongs from our own people. The decrease of game

rendering their subsistence by hunting insufficient, we wish to draw them to

agriculture, to spinning and weaving. The latter branches they take up with

great readiness, because they fall to the women, who gain







   VOL. X-24 













           Jefferson's Works







by quitting the labors of the field for those which are exercised within doors.

When they withdraw themselves to the culture of a small piece of land, they

will perceive how useless to them are their extensive forests, and will be

willing to pare them off from time to time in exchange for necessaries for

their farms and families. To promote this disposition to exchange lands, which

they have to spare and we want, for necessaries, which we have to spare and

they want, we shall push our trading uses, and be glad to see the good and

influential individuals among them run in debt, because we observe. that when

these debts get beyond what the individuals can pay, they become willing to lop

them off by a cession of lands. At our trading houses, too, we mean to sell so

low as merely to repay us cost and charges, so as neither to lessen nor enlarge

our capital. This is what private traders cannot do, for they must gain ; they

will consequently retire from the competition, and we shall thus get clear of

this pest without giving offence or umbrage to the Indians. In this way our

settlements will         gradually circumscribe and approach the Indians, and

they will in time either incorporate with us as citizens of the United States,

or remove beyond the Mississippi. The former is certainly the termination of

their history most happy for themselves ; but, in the whole course of this, it

is essential to cultivate their love. As to their fear, we presume that our

strength and their weakness is now so visible that they must see we have only

to shut our hand to crush







            Correspondence







them, and that all our liberalities to them proceed from motives of pure

humanity only. Should any tribe be foolhardy enough to take up the hatchet at

any time, the seizing the whole country of that tribe, and driving them across

the Mississippi, as the only condition of peace, would be an example to others,

and a furtherance of our final consolidation.







  Combined with these views, and to be prepared against the occupation of

Louisiana, by a powerful and enterprising people, it is important that, setting

less value on interior extension of purchases from the Indians, we bend our

whole views to the purchase and settlement of the country on the Mississippi,

from its mouth to its northern regions, that we may be able to present as

strong a front on our western as on our eastern border, and plant on the

Mississippi itself the means of its own defence. We now own from. 31 to the

Yazoo, and hope this summer to purchase what belongs to the Choctaws from the

Yazoo up to their boundary, supposed to be about opposite the mouth of Acanza.

We wish at the same time to begin in your quarter, for which there is at

present a favorable opening. The Cahokias extinct, we are entitled to their

country by our paramount sovereignty. The Piorias, we understand, have all been

driven off from their country, and we might claim it in the same way; but as we

understand there is one chief remaining, who would, as the survivor of the

tribe, sell the right, it. is better to give him such terms as will make him

easy for life, and take a con













372        Jefferson's Works







veyance from him. The Kaskaskias being reduced to a few families, I presume we

may purchase their whole country for what would place every individual of them

at his ease, and be a small price to us,-say by laying off for each family,

whenever they would choose it, as much rich land as they could cultivate,

adjacent to each other, enclosing the whole in a single fence, and giving them

such an annuity in money or goods forever as would place them in happiness ;

and we might take them also under the protection of the United States. Thus

possessed of the rights of these tribes, we should proceed to the settling

their boundaries with the Poutewatamies and Kickapoos ; claiming all doubtful

territory, but paying them a price for the relinquishment of their concurrent

claim, and even prevailing on them, if possible, €o cede, for, a price, such of

their own unquestioned territory as would give us a convenient northern

boundary. Before broaching this, and while we are bargaining with the

Kaskaskies, the minds of the Poutewatamies and Kickapoos should be soothed and

conciliated by liberalities and sincere assurances of friendship. Perhaps by

sending a well-qualified character to stay some time in Decoigne's village, as

if on other  business, and to sound him and introduce the subject by degrees to

his mind and that of the other heads of families, inculcating in the way of

conversation, all those considerations which prove the advantages they would

receive by a cession on these terms, .the object might be more easily and















                            













            Correspondence          373







effectually obtained than by abruptly proposing it to them at a formal treaty.

Of the means, however, of obtaining what we wish, you will be the best judge ;

and I have given you this view of the system which we suppose will best promote

the interests of the Indians and ourselves, and finally consolidate our whole

country to one nation only ; that you may be enabled the better to adapt your

means to the object, for this purpose we have given you a general com. mission

for treating. The crisis is pressing; what. ever can now be obtained must be

obtained quickly, The occupation of New Orleans, hourly expected, by the

French, is already felt like a light breeze by the Indians. You know the

sentiments they entertain of that nation; under the hope of their protection

they will immediately stiffen against cessions of lands to us. We had better,

therefore, do at once what can now be done.







  I must repeat that this letter is to be considered as private and friendly,

and is not to control any particular instructions which you may receive through

official channel. You will also perceive how sacredly it must be kept within

your own breast, and especially how improper to be understood by the Indians.

For their interests and their tranquillity it is best they should see only the

present age of their history. I pray you to accept assurances of my esteem and

high consideration. 













374         Jefferson's Works















     TO DR. JOSEPH PRIESTLEY.







               WASHINGTON, April 9, 1803.







  DEAR SIR,-While on a short visit lately to Monticello, i received from you a

copy of your comparative view of Socrates and Jesus, and I avail myself of the

first moment of leisure after my return to acknowledge the pleasure I had in

the perusal of it, and the desire it excited to see you take up the subject on

a more extended scale. In consequence of some conversation with Dr. Rush, in

the year 179899, I had promised some day to write him a letter giving him my

view of the Christian system. I have reflected often on it since, and even

sketched the outlines in my own mind. I should first take a general view of the

moral doctrines of the most remarkable of the ancient philosophers, of whose

ethics we have sufficient information to make an estimate, say Pythagoras,

Epicurus, Epictetus, Socrates, Cicero, Seneca, Antoninus. I should do justice

to the branches of morality they have treated well ; but point out the

importance of those in which they are deficient: I should then take a view of

the deism and ethics of the Jews, and show in what a degraded state they were,

and the necessity they presented of a reformation. I should proceed to a view

of the life, character, and doctrines of Jesus, who sensible of incorrectness

of their ideas of the Deity, and of morality, endeavored to bring them to the

principles of a pure deism, and juster notions of the attributes 













             Correspondence          375







of God, to reform their moral doctrines to the standard of reason, justice and

philanthropy, and to inculcate the belief of a future state. This view would

purposely omit the question of his divinity, and even his inspiration. To do

him justice, it would be necessary to remark the disadvantages his doctrines

had to encounter, not having been committed to writing by himself, but by the

most unlettered of men, by memory, long after they had heard them from him ;

when much was forgotten, much misunderstood, and presented in every paradoxical

shape. Yet such are the fragments remaining as to show a master workman, and

that his system of morality was the most benevolent and sublime probably that

has been ever taught, and consequently more perfect than those of any- of the

ancient philosophers. His character and doctrines have received still greater

injury from those who pretend to be his special disciples, and who have

disfigured and sophisticated his actions and precepts, from views of personal

interest, so as to induce the unthinking part of mankind to throw off the whole

system in disgust, and to pass sentence as an impostor on the most innocent,

the most benevolent, the most eloquent and sublime character that ever has been

exhibited to man. This is the outline; but I have not the time, and still less

the information which the subject needs. It will, therefore, rest with me in

contemplation only. You are the person of all others would do it best, 













            Jefferson's Works







and most promptly. You have all the materials at hand, and you put together

with ease. I wish you could be induced to extend your late work to the whole

subject. I have not heard particularly what is the state of your health; but as

it has been equal to the journey to Philadelphia, perhaps it might encourage

the curiosity you must feel to see for once this place, which nature has formed

on a beautiful scale, and circumstances destine for a great one. As yet we are

but a cluster of villages ; we cannot offer you the learned society of

Philadelphia ; but you will have that of a few characters whom you esteem, and

a bed and hearty welcome with one who will rejoice in every opportunity of

testifying to you his high veneration and affectionate attachment.















          TO EDWARD DOWSE, ESQ.







               WASHINGTON, April 19, 1803.







  DEAR SIR, I now return the Sermon you were so kind as to enclose me, having

perused it with attention. The reprinting it by me, as you have proposed, would

very readily be ascribed to hypocritical affectation, by those who, when they

cannot blame our acts, have recourse to the expedient of imputing them to bad

motives. This is a resource which can never fail them, because there is no act,

however virtuous, for which ingenuity may not find some bad motive. I must also

add that though I concur 













            Correspondence          377







with the author in considering the moral precepts of Jesus as more pure,

correct, and sublime than those of the ancient philosophers, yet I do not

concur with him in the mode of proving it. He thinks it necessary to libel and

decry the doctrines of the philosophers ; but a man must be blinded, indeed, by

prejudice, who can deny them a great degree of merit. I give them their just

due, .and yet maintain that the morality of Jesus, as taught by himself, and

freed from the corruptions of latter times, is far superior. Their philosophy

went chiefly to the government of our passions, so far as respected ourselves,

and the procuring our own tranquillity. In our duties to others they were short

and deficient. They extended their cares scarcely beyond our kindred and

friends individually, and our country in the abstract. Jesus embraced with

charity and philanthropy our neighbors, our countrymen, and the whole family of

mankind. They confined themselves to actions ; he pressed his sentiments into

the region of our thoughts, and called for purity at the fountain head. In a

pamphlet lately published in Philadelphia by Dr. Priestley, he has treated,

with more justice and skill than Mr. Bennet, a small portion of this subject.

His is a comparative view of Socrates only with Jesus. I have urged him to take

up the subject on a broader scale.







  Every word which goes from me, whether verbally or in writing, becomes the

subject of so much malignant distortion, and perverted construction, that I 













378             Jefferson's Works







am obliged to caution my friends against admitting the possibility of my

letters getting into the public papers, or a copy of them to be taken under any

degree of confidence. The present one is perhaps of a tenor to silence some

calumniators, but I never will, by any word or act, bow to the shrine of

intolerance, or admit a right of inquiry into the religious opinions of others.

On the contrary we are bound                                        you, I, and

every one, to make common cause, even with error itself, to maintain the common

right of freedom of conscience. We ought with one heart and one hand to hew

down the daring and dangerous efforts of those who would seduce the public

opinion to substitute itself into that tyranny over religious faith which the

laws have so justly abdicated. For this reason, were my opinions up to the

standard of those who arrogate the right of questioning them, I would not

countenance that arrogance by descending to an explanation. Accept my friendly

salutations and high esteem.















           TO ALBERT GALLATIN.







                         April 21, 1803.







The Act of Congress 1789, c. 9, assumes on the General Government the

maintenance and repair of all lighthouses, beacons, buoys, and public piers

then existing, and provides for the building a new lighthouse. This was done

under the authority given by the Constitution " to regulate commerce, " was con













             Correspondence         379







tested at the time as not within the meaning of these terms, and yielded to

only on the urgent necessity of the case. The Act of 1802, c. 20, f. 8, for

repairing and erecting public piers in the Delaware, does not take any new

ground-it is in strict conformity with the Act of 1789. While we pursue, then,

the construction of the Legislature, that the repairing and erecting

lighthouses, beacons, buoys, and piers, is authorized as belonging to the

regulation of commerce, we must take care not to go ahead of them, and strain

the meaning of the terms still further to the clearing out the channels of all

the rivers, etc., of the United States. The removing a sunken vessel is not the

repairing of a pier.







  How far the authority ` ` to levy taxes to provide for the common defence, ''

and that ` ` for providing and maintaining a navy, '' may authorize the

removing obstructions in a river or harbor, is a question not involved in the

present case.















          TO DOCTOR BENJAMIN RUSH.







                WASHINGTON, April 21, 1803.







  DEAR SIR,-In some of the delightful conversations with you, in the evenings

of 1798-99, and which served as an anodyne to the afflictions of the crisis

through which our country was then laboring, the Christian religion was

sometimes our topic; and I then promised you, that one day or other, I would

give you my views of it. They are the result of a life 













            Jefferson's Works







of inquiry and reflection, and very different from that anti-Christian system

imputed to me by those who know nothing of my opinions. To the corruptions of

Christianity I am, indeed, opposed ; but not to the genuine precepts of Jesus

himself. I am a Christian, in the only sense in which he wished any one to be;

sincerely attached to his doctrines, in preference to all others; ascribing to

himself every human excellence; and believing he never claimed any other. At

the short interval since these conversations, when I could justifiably abstract

my mind from public affairs, the subject has been under my contemplation. But

the more I considered it, the more it expanded beyond the measure of either my

time or information. In the moment of my late departure from Monticello, I

received from Dr. Priestley, his little treatise of " Socrates and Jesus

Compared." This being a section of the general view I had taken of the field,

it became a subject of reflection while on the road, and unoccupied otherwise.

The result was, to arrange in my mind a syllabus, or outline of such an

estimate of the comparative merits of Christianity, as I wished to see executed

by some one of more leisure and information for the task, than myself. This I

now send you, as the only discharge of my promise I can probably ever execute.

And in confiding it to you, I know it will not be exposed to the malignant

perversions of those who make every word from me a text for new

misrepresentations and calumnies. I am moreover averse to the communication of

my religious 













            Correspondence tenets to the public; because it would countenance

the presumption of those who have endeavored to draw them before that tribunal,

and to seduce public opinion to erect itself into that inquisition over the

rights of conscience, which the laws have so justly proscribed. It behooves

every man who values liberty of conscience for himself, to resist invasions of

it in the case of others; or their case may, by change of circumstances, become

his own. It behooves him, too, in his own case, to give no example of

concession, betraying the common right of independent opinion, by answering

questions of faith, which the laws have left between God and himself. Accept my

affectionate salutations.







Syllabus of an Estimate of the Merit of the Doctrines







of Jesus, compared with those of others.







  In a comparative view of the Ethics of the enlightened nations of antiquity,

of the Jews and of Jesus, no notice should be taken of the corruptions of

reason among the ancients, to wit, the idolatry and superstition of the vulgar,

nor of the corruptions of Christianity by the learned among its professors.







  Let a just view be taken of the moral principles inculcated by the most

esteemed of the sects of ancient philosophy, or of their individuals ; particu-

larly Pythagoras, Socrates, Epicurus, Cicero, Epictetus, Seneca, Antoninus.







  1. Philosophers.  I. Their precepts related chiefly to ourselves, and the

government of those passions 













  382       Jefferson's Works







which, unrestrained, would disturb our tranquillity of mind., In this branch of

philosophy they were really great.







  2. In developing our duties to others, they were short and defective. They

embraced, indeed, the circles of kindred and friends, and inculcated

patriotism, or the love of our country in the aggregate, as a primary

obligation: towards our neighbors and countrymen they taught justice, but

scarcely viewed them as within the circle of benevolence. Still less have they

inculcated peace, charity and love to our fellow men, or embraced with

benevolence the whole family of mankind.







II. Jews. I. Their system was Deism; that is, the belief in one only God. But

their ideas of him and of his attributes were degrading and injurious.







  2. Their Ethics were not only imperfect, but often irreconcilable with the

sound dictates of reason and morality, as they respect intercourse with those

around us ; and repulsive and anti-social, as respecting other nations. They

needed reformation, therefore, in an eminent degree.







  ' To explain I will exhibit the heads of Seneca's and Cicero's philosophical

works, the most extensive of any we have received from the ancients. Of ten

heads in Seneca, seven relate to ourselves, viz. de ira, consolatio, de

tranquilitate, de constantia sapientis, de otio saprientis, de vita beata de

brevitate vitae; two relate to others, de clementia, de beneficiis; and one

relates to the government of the world, de providentia. Of eleven tracts of

Cicero, five respect ourselves, viz. de finibus, Tusculana, academica, paradoxa

de Senectute; one, de officiis, relates partly to ourselves partly to others;

one, de amicitia, relates to others; and four are on different subjects, to

wit, de natura deorum, de divinatione de fato, and somnium Scipionis. 













            







       Correspondence         383







  III. Jesus. In this state of things among the Jews, Jesus appeared. His

parentage was obscure; his condition poor ; his education null ; his natural

endowments great ; his life correct and innocent : he was meek, benevolent,

patient, firm, disinterested, and of the sublimest eloquence.







  The disadvantages under which his doctrines appear are remarkable.







  1. Like Socrates and Epictetus, he wrote nothing himself.







  2. But he had not, like them, a Xenophon or an Arrian to write for him. I

name not Plato, who only used the name of Socrates to cover the whimsies of his

own brain. On the contrary, all the learned of his country, entrenched in its

power and riches, were opposed to him, lest his labors should undermine their

advantages; and the committing to writing his life and doctrines fell on

unlettered and ignorant men; who wrote, too, from memory, and not till long

after the transactions had passed.







  3. According to the ordinary fate of those who attempt to enlighten and

reform mankind, he fell an early victim to the jealousy and combination of the

altar and the throne, at about thirty-three years of age, his reason having not

yet attained the maximum of its energy, nor the course of his preaching, which

was but of three years at most, presented occasions for developing a complete

system of morals.







  4. Hence the doctrines which he really delivered 













384       Jefferson's Works







were defective as a whole, and fragments only of what he did deliver have come

to us mutilated, misstated, and often unintelligible.







  5. They have been still more disfigured by the corruptions of schismatizing

followers, who have found an interest in sophisticating and perverting the

simple doctrines he taught, by engrafting on them the mysticisms of a Grecian

sophist, frittering them into subtleties, and obscuring them with jargon, until

they have caused good men to reject the whole in disgust, and to view Jesus

himself as an impostor.







  Notwithstanding these disadvantages, a system of morals is presented to us,

which, if filled up in the style and spirit of the rich fragments he left us,

would be the most perfect and sublime that has ever been taught by man.







  The question of his being a member of the Godhead, or in direct communication

with it, claimed for him by some of his followers, and denied by others, is

foreign to the present view, which is merely an estimate of the intrinsic

merits of his doctrines.







  1. He corrected the Deism of the Jews, confirming them in their belief of one

only God, and giving them juster notions of his attributes and government.







  z. His moral doctrines, relating to kindred and friends, were more pure and

perfect than those of the most correct of the philosophers, and greatly more so

than those of the Jews; and they went far







                 Correspondence          385







     beyond both in inculcating universal philanthropy,







not only to kindred and friends, to neighbors and







countrymen, but to all mankind, gathering all







into one family, under the bonds of love, charity,







peace, common wants and common aids. A devel-







opment of this head will evince the peculiar superi-







ority of the system of Jesus over all others.







       3. The precepts of philosophy, and of the Hebrew







code, laid hold of actions only: He pushed his







scrutinies into the heart of man ; erected his tribunal







in the region of his thoughts, and purified the waters







at the fountain head.







       4. He taught, emphatically, the doctrines of a







future state, which was either doubted, or disbe-                         







lieved by the Jews; and wielded it with efficacy,







as an important incentive, supplementary to the







other motives to moral conduct.















              TO DR. HUGH WILLIAMSON.







                   WASHINGTON, April 30, 1803.







       DEAR SIR,-I thank you for the information on







the subject of navigation of the Herville contained







in yours of the 10th. In running the late line







between the Choctaws and us, we found the Amite







to be about thirty miles from the Mississippi where







that line crossed it, which was but a little northward







of our southern boundary. For the present we







have a respite on that subject, Spain having without







delay restored our infracted right, and assured us







        VOL. X-25























            Jefferson's Works







it is expressly saved by the instrument of her cession of Louisiana to France.

Although I do not count with confidence on obtaining New Orleans from France

for money, yet I am confident in the policy of putting off the day of

contention for it till we have lessened the embarrassment of debt accumulated

instead of being discharged by our predecessors, till we obtain more of that

strength which is growing on us so rapidly, and especially till we have planted

a population on the Mississippi itself sufficient to do its own work without

marching men fifteen hundred miles from the Atlantic shores to perish by

fatigue and unfriendly climates. This will soon take place. In the meantime we

have obtained by a peaceable appeal to justice, in four months, what we should

not have obtained under seven years of war, the loss of one hundred thousand

lives, an hundred millions of additional debt, many hundred millions worth of

produce and property lost for want of market, or in seeking it, and that

demoralization which war superinduce on the human mind. To have seized New

Orleans, as our federal maniacs wished, would only have changed the character

and extent of the blockade of our western commerce. It would have produced a

blockade, by superior naval force, of the navigation of the river as well as of

the entrance into New Orleans, instead of a paper blockade from New Orleans

alone while the river remained open; and I am persuaded that had not the

deposit been so quickly rendered we should have found 













            Correspondence          387







soon that it would be better now to ascend the river to Natchez, in order to be

clear of the embarrassments, plunderings, and irritations at New Orleans, and

to fatten by the benefits of the depot a city and citizens of our own, rather

than those of a foreign nation. Accept my friendly and respectful salutations.







  P. S. Water line of the Herville, Amite, and to Ponchartrain, becoming a

boundary between France and Spain, we have a double chance of an acknowledgment

of our right to use it on the same ground of national right on which we claim

the navigation of the Mobile and other rivers heading in our territory and

running through the Floridas.















          TO JOSEPH H. NICHOLSON.







               WASHINGTON, May 13, 1803.







  DEAR SIR,-I return you the letter of Captain Jones, with thanks for the

perusal. While it is well to have an eye on our enemy's camp it is not amiss to

keep one for the movements in our own. I have no doubt that the agitation of

the public mind on the continuance of tories in office is excited in some

degree by those who want to get in themselves. However, the mass of those'

affected by it can have no views of that kind. It is composed of such of our

friends as have a. warm sense of the former intolerance and present bitterness

of our adversaries, 













388         Jefferson's Works







and they are not without excuse. While it is best for our own tranquillity to

see and hear with apathy the atrocious calumnies of the presses which our

enemies support for the purpose of calumny, it is what we have no right to

expect; nor can we consider the indignation they excite in others as unjust, or

strongly censure those whose temperament is not proof against it. Nor are they

protected in their places by any right they have to more than a just proportion

of them, and still less by their own examples while in power ; but by

considerations respecting the public mind. This tranquillity seems necessary to

predispose the candid part of our fellowcitizens who have erred and strayed

from their ways, to return again to them, and to consolidate once more that

union of will, without which the nation will not stand firm against foreign

force and intrigue. On the subject of the particular schism at Philadelphia, a

well-informed friend says, "The fretful, turbulent disposition which has

manifested itself in Philadelphia, originated, in some degree, from a

sufficient cause, which I will explain when I see you. A reunion will take

place, and in the issue it will be useful. Their resolves will be so tempered

as to remove most of the unpleasant feelings which have been experienced." I

shall certainly be glad to receive the explanation and modification of their

proceedings; for they were taking a form which could not be approved on true

principles. We laid down our line of proceedings on mature inquiry 













            Correspondence          389







and consideration in  1801, and have not departed from it. Some removals, to

wit, sixteen to the end of our first session of Congress were made on political

principles alone, in very urgent cases ; and we determined to make no more but

for delinquency, or active and bitter opposition to the order of things which

the public will had established. On this last ground nine were removed from the

end of the first to the end of the second session of Congress; and one since

that. So that sixteen only have been removed in the whole for political

principles, that is to say, to make room for some participation for the

republicans. These were a mere fraud not suffered to go into effect. Pursuing

our object of harmonizing all good people of whatever description, we shall

steadily adhere to our rule; and it is with sincere pleasure I learn that it is

approved by the more moderate part of our friends.







  We have received official information that, in the instrument of cession of

Louisiana to France, were these words, " Saving the rights acquired by other

powers in virtue of treaties made with them by Spain ;'' and cordial

acknowledgments from this power for our temperate forbearance under the

misconduct of her officer. The French prefect too has assured Governor

Claiborne that if the suspension is not removed before he takes his place he

will remove it. But the Spanish Intendant has before this day received the

positive order of his government to do it, sent here by a vessel of war, and

forwarded by us to Natchez. 













            Jefferson's Works







  Although there is probably no truth in the stories of war actually commenced,

yet I believe it inevitable. England insists on a remodification of the affairs

of Europe, so much changed by Bonaparte since the treaty of Amiens. So that we

may soon expect to hear of hostilities. You must have heard of the

extraordinary charge of Chace to the Grand Jury at Baltimore. Ought this

seditious and official attack on the principles of our Constitution, and on the

proceedings of a State, to go unpunished? and to whom so pointedly as yourself

will the public look for the necessary measures ? I ask these questions for

your consideration, for myself it is better that I should not interfere. Accept

my friendly salutations and assurances of great esteem and respect.















       TO GOVERNOR W. C. C. CLAIBORNE.







               WASHINGTON, May 24, 1803.







  DEAR SIR,-The within being for communication to your House of

Representatives, when it meets, I enclose it in this which is of a private

character. The former I think had better be kept up until the meeting of the

Representatives, lest it should have any effect on the present critical state

of things beyond the Atlantic. Although I have endeavored to make it as

inoffensive there as was compatible with the giving an answer to the

Representatives. Pending a negotiation, and with a jealous power, small 













            Correspondence          391







matters may excite alarm, and repugnance to what we are claiming. I consider

war between France and England as unavoidable. The former is much averse to it,

but the latter sees her own existence to depend on a remodification of the face

of Europe, over which France has extended its sway much farther since than

before the treaty of Amiens. That instrument is therefore considered as

insufficient for the general security; in fact, as virtually subverted, by the

subsequent usurpations of Bonaparte on the powers of Europe. A remodification

is therefore required by England, and evidently cannot be agreed to by

Bonaparte, whose power; resting on the transcendent opinion entertained of him,

would sink with that on any retrograde movement. In this conflict, our

neutrality will be cheaply purchased by a cession of the Island of New Orleans

and the Floridas; because taking part in the war, we could so certainly seize

and securely hold them and more. And although it would be unwise in us to let

such an opportunity pass by of obtaining the necessary accession to our

territory even by force, if not obtainable otherwise, yet it is infinitely more

desirable to obtain it with the blessing of neutrality rather than the curse of

war. As a means of increasing the security, and providing a protection for our

lower possessions on the Mississippi, I think it also all important to press on

the Indians, as steadily and strenuously as they can bear, the extension of our

purchases on the Mississippi from the Yazoo







 392         Jefferson's Works







upwards; and to encourage a settlement along the whole length of that river,

that it may possess on its own banks the means of defending itself, and

presenting as strong a frontier on our western as we have on our eastern

border. We have therefore recommended to Governor Dickinson taking on the

Tombigbee only as much as will cover our actual settlements, to transfer the

purchase from the Choctaws to their lands westward of the Big Black, rather

than the fork of Tombigbee and Alabama, which has been offered by them in order

to pay their debt to Ponton and Leslie. I have confident expectations of

purchasing this 'summer a good breadth on the Mississippi, from the mouth of

the Illinois down to the mouth of the Ohio, which would settle immediately and

thickly; and we should then have between that settlement and the lower one,

only the uninhabited lands of the Chickasaws on the Mississippi; on which we

could be working at both ends. You will be sensible that the preceding views,

as well those which respect the European powers as the Indians, are such as

should not be formally declared, but be held as a rule of action to govern the

conduct of those within whose agency they lie; and it is for this reason that

instead of having it said to you in an official letter, committed to records

which are open to many, I have thought it better that you should learn my views

from a private and confidential letter, and be enabled to act upon them

yourself, and guide others into them. The elections 













             Correspondence         393







which have taken place this spring, prove that the spirit of republicanism has

repossessed the whole mass of our country from Connecticut southwardly and

westwardly. The three New England States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts and

Connecticut, alone hold out. In these, though we have not gained the last year

as much as we had expected, yet we are gaining steadily and sensibly. In

Massachusetts we have gained three senators more than we had the last year, and

it is believed our gain in the lower House will be in proportion. In

Connecticut we have rather lost in their Legislature, but in the mass of the

people, where we had on the election of Governor the last year, but twenty-nine

republican out of every hundred votes, we this year have thirty-five out of

every hundred; with the phalanx of priests and lawyers against us,

republicanism works up slowly in that quarter; but in a year or two more we

shall have a majority even there. In the next House of Representatives there

will be about forty-two federal and a hundred republican members: Be assured

that, excepting in this northeastern and your south-western corner of the

Union, monarchism, which has been so falsely miscalled federalism, is dead and

buried, and no day of resurrection will ever dawn upon that ; that it has

retired to the two extreme and opposite angles of our land, from whence it will

have ultimately and shortly to take its final flight. While speaking of the

Indians, I omitted to mention that I think it would be good























                    . 













  394       Jefferson's Works







policy in us to take by the hand those of them who have emigrated from ours to

the other side of the Mississippi, to furnish them generously with arms,

ammunition, and other essentials, with a view to render a situation there

desirable to those they have left behind, to toll them in this way across the

Mississippi, and thus prepare in time an eligible retreat for the whole. We

have not as yet however began to act on this. I believe a considerable number

from all the four southern tribes have settled between the St: Francis and

Akanza, but mostly from the Cherokees. I presume that with a view to this

object we ought to establish a factory on the eastern bank of the Mississippi,

where it would be most convenient for them to come and trade. We have an idea

of running a path in a direct line from Knoxville to Natchez, believing it

would save 200 miles in the carriage of our mail. The consent of the Indians

will be necessary, and it will be very important to get individuals among them

to take each a white man into partnership, and to establish at every nineteen

miles a house of entertainment, and a farm for its support. The profits of this

would soon reconcile the Indians to the practice, and extend it, and render the

public use of the road as much an object of desire as it is now of fear ; and

such a horse-path would soon, with their consent, become a wagon-road. I have

appointed Isaac Briggs of Maryland, surveyor of the lands south of Tennessee.

He is a Quaker, a sound 













            Correspondence          395







republican, and of' a pure and unspotted character. In point of science, in

astronomy, geometry and mathematics, he stands in a line with Mr. Ellicot, and

second to no man in the United States. He set out yesterday for his

destination, and I recommend him to your particular patronage; the candor,

modesty and simplicity of his manners cannot fail to gain your esteem. For the

office of surveyor, men of the first order of science in astronomy and

mathematics are essentially necessary. I am about appointing a similar

character for the north-western department, and charging him with determining

by celestial observations the longitude and latitude of several interesting

points of lakes Michigan and Superior, and an accurate survey of the

Mississippi, from St. Anthony's Falls to the mouth of the Ohio correcting his

admeasurements by observations of longitude and latitude. From your quarter Mr.

Briggs will be expected to take accurate observations of such interesting

points as Mr. Ellicot has omitted, so that it will not be long before we shall

possess an accurate map of the outlines of the United States. Your country is

so, abundant in everything which is good, that one does not know what there is

here of that description which you have not, and which could be offered in

exchange for a barrel of fresh peccans every autumn. Yet I will venture to

propose such an exchange, taking information of the article most acceptable

from home, either from yourself or such others as can inform me. I pray 













             Jefferson's Works







you to accept my friendly salutations and assurances of great esteem and

respect.















            TO SIR JOHN SINCLAIR.







                WASHINGTON, June 30, 1803,







DEAR SIR,-It is so long since I have had the pleasure of writing to you, that

it would be vain to look back to dates to connect the old and the new. Y et I

ought not to pass over my acknowledgments to you for various publications

received from time to time, and with great satisfaction and thankfulness. I

send you a small one in return, the work of a very unlettered farmer, yet

valuable, as it relates plain facts of importance to farmers. You will discover

that Mr. Binns is an enthusiast for the use of gypsum. But there are two facts

which prove he has a right to be so : 1. He began poor, and has made himself

tolerably rich by his farming alone. 2. The county of Loudon, in which he

lives, had been so exhausted and wasted by bad husbandry, that it began to

depopulate, the inhabitants going southwardly in quest of better lands. Binns'

success has stopped that emigration. It is now becoming one of the most

productive counties of the State of Virginia, and the price given for the lands

is multiplied manifold.







  We are still uninformed here whether you are again at war. Bonaparte has

produced such a state of things in Europe as it would seem difficult for 













            Correspondence          397







him to relinquish in any sensible degree, and equally dangerous for Great

Britain to suffer to go on, especially if accompanied by maritime preparations

on his part. The events which have taken place in France have lessened in the

American mind the motives of interest which it felt in that revolution, and its

amity towards that country now rests on its love of peace and commerce. We see,

at the same time, with great concern, the position in which Great Britain is

placed, and should be sincerely afflicted were any disaster to deprive mankind

of the benefit of such a bulwark against the torrent which has for some time

been bearing down all before it. But her power and powers at sea seem to render

everything safe in the end. Peace is our passion, and the wrongs might drive us

from it. We prefer trying ever other just principles, right and safety, before

we would recur to war.







  I hope your agricultural institution goes on with success. I consider you as

the author of all the good it shall do. A better idea has never been carried

into practice. Our agricultural society has at length formed itself. Like our

American Philosophical Society, it is voluntary, and unconnected with the

public, and is precisely an execution of the plan I formerly sketched to you.

Some State societies have been formed heretofore; the others will do the same.

Each State society names two of its members of Congress to be their members in

the Central society, which is of course together during 













398          Jefferson's Works







the sessions of Congress. They are to select matter from the proceedings of the

State societies, and to publish it; so that their publications may be called

l'esprit des societes d'agriculture, etc. The Central society was formed the

last winter only, so that it will be some time before they get under way. Mr.

Madison, the Secretary of State, was elected their President.







  Recollecting with great satisfaction our friendly intercourse while I was in

Europe, I nourish the hope it still preserves a place in your mind; and with my

salutations, I pray you to accept assurances of my constant attachment and high

respect.















        TO CAPTAIN MERIWETHER LEWIS.







      WASHINGTON, U. S. of A., July 4, 1803.







DEAR SIR,-In the journey which you are about to undertake, for the discovery of

the course and source of the Missouri, and of the most convenient water

communication from thence to the Pacific Ocean, your party being small, it is

to be expected that you will encounter considerable dangers from the Indian

inhabitants. Should you escape those dangers, and reach the Pacific Ocean, you

may find it imprudent to hazard a return the same way, and be forced to seek a

passage round by sea, in such vessels as you may find on the Western coast; but

you will be without money, without clothes, and other necessaries, as a

sufficient supply cannot be































       Correspondence          399







carried from hence. Your resource, in that case, can only be in the credit of

the United States ; for which purpose I hereby authorize you to draw on the

Secretaries of State, of the Treasury, of War, and of the Navy of the United

States, according as you may find your draughts will be most negotiable, for

the purpose of obtaining money or necessaries for yourself and men; and I

solemnly pledge the faith of the United States, that these draughts shall be

paid punctually at the date at which they are made payable. I also ask of the

consuls, agents, merchants, and citizens of any nation with which we have

intercourse or amity, to furnish you with those supplies which your necessities

may call for, assuring them of honorable and prompt retribution; and our own

consuls in foreign parts, where you may happen to be, are hereby instructed and

required to be aiding and assisting to you in whatsoever may be necessary for

procuring your return back to the United States. And to give more entire

satisfaction and confidence to those who may be disposed to aid you, I, Thomas

Jefferson, President of the United States of America, have written this letter

of general credit for you with my own hand, and signed it with my name.















          TO THE EARL OF BUCHAN.







                WASHINGTON, July 10, 1803.







  MY LORD,-I received, through the hands of Mr. Lenox, on his return to the

United States, the valu













            Jefferson's Works







able volume you were so good as to send me on the life and writings of

Fletcher, of Saltoun. The political principles of that patriot were worthy the

purest periods of the British Constitution; they are those which were in vigor

at the epoch of the American emigration. Our ancestors brought them here, and

they needed little strengthening to make us what we are. But in the weakened

condition of English whigism at this day, it requires more firmness to publish

and advocate them than it then did to act on them. This merit is peculiarly

your Lordship's; and no one honors it more than myself. While I freely admit

the right of a nation to change its political principles and constitution at

will, and the impropriety of any but its own citizens censuring that change, I

expect your Lordship has been disappointed, as I acknowledge I have been, in

the issue of the convulsions on the other side the channel. This has certainly

lessened the interest which the philanthropist warmly felt in those struggles.

Without befriending human liberty, a gigantic force has risen up which seems to

threaten the world. But it hangs on the thread of opinion, which may break from

one day to another. I feel real anxiety on the conflict to which 'imperious

circumstances seem to call your attention, and bless the Almighty Being, who,

in gathering together the waters under the heavens into one place, divided the

dry land of your hemisphere from the dry lands of ours, and said, at least be

there peace. I hope that peace and amity







            Correspondence         401







with all nations will long be the character of our land, and that its

prosperity under the Charter will react on the mind of Europe, and profit her

by the example. My hope of preserving peace for our country is not founded in

the greater principles of non-resistance under every wrong, but in the belief

that a just and friendly conduct on our part will procure justice and

friendship from others. In the existing contest, each of the combatants will

find an interest in our friendship. I cannot say we shall be unconcerned

spectators of this combat. We feel for human sufferings, and we wish the good

of all. We shall look on, therefore, with the sensations which these

dispositions and the events of the war will produce.







  I feel a pride in the justice which your Lordship's sentiments render to the

character of my illustrious countryman, Washington. The moderation of his

desires, and the strength of his judgment, enabled him to calculate correctly,

that the road to that glory which never dies is to use power for the support of

the laws and liberties of our country, not for their destruction; and his will

accordingly survives the wreck of everything now living.







  Accept, my lord, the tribute of esteem, from one who renders it with warmth

to the disinterested friend of mankind, and assurances of my high consideration

and respect.























   VOL. X-26 













             Jefferson's Works















    TO GENERAL HORATIO GATES.







                WASHINGTON, July 11, 1803.







   DEAR GENERAL,-I accept with pleasure, and







with pleasure reciprocate your congratulations on







the acquisition of Louisiana; for it is a subject of







mutual congratulation, as it interests every man







of the nation. The territory acquired, as it includes







all the waters of the Missouri and Mississippi, has







more than doubled the area of the United States,







and the new parts is not inferior to the old in soil,.







climate, productions and important communica-







tions. If our Legislature dispose of it with the







wisdom we have a right to expect, they may make







it the means of tempting all our Indians on the







east side of the Mississippi to remove to the west,







and of condensing instead of scattering our popu-







lation. I find our opposition is very willing to pluck







feathers from Monroe, although not fond of sticking







them into Livingston's coat. The truth is, both







have a just portion of merit; and were it necessary







or proper, it would be shown that each has rendered







peculiar services, and of important value. These







grumblers, too, are very uneasy lest the adminis-







tration should share some little credit for the acqui-







sition, the whole of which they ascribe to the accident







of war. They would be cruelly mortified could







they see our files from May, I So I, the first organiza-







tion of the administration, but more especially from







April, 1802. They would see, that though we 













            Correspondence          403







could not say when war would arise, yet we said with energy what would take

place when it should arise. We did not, by our intrigues, produce the war ; but

we availed ourselves of it when it happened. The other party saw the case now

existing, on which our representations were predicated, and the wisdom of

timely sacrifice. But when these people make the war give us everything, they

authorize us to ask what the war gave us in their day? They had a war ; what

did they make it bring us ? Instead of making our neutrality the ground of gain

to their country, they were for plunging into the war. And if they were now in

place, they would now be at war against the atheists and disorganizers of

France. They were for making their country an appendage to England. We are

friendly, cordially and conscientiously friendly to England. We are not hostile

to France. We will be rigorously just and sincerely friendly to both. I do not

believe we shall have as much to swallow from them as our predecessors had.







  *   *   * *    * ' * *      *    *







Present me respectfully to Mrs. Gates, and accept yourself my affectionate

salutations, and assurances of great respect and esteem.































       Jefferson's Works















      TO MONSIEUR CABANIS.







                WASHINGTON, July 12, 1803.







  DEAR SIR,-I lately received your friendly letter of 28 Vendem. an. II, with

the two volumes on the relations between the physical and moral faculties of

man. This has ever been a subject of great interest to the inquisitive mind,

and it could not have got into better hands for discussion than yours. That

thought may be a faculty of our material organization, has been believed in the

gross ; and though the " modus operandi" of nature, in this, as in most other

cases, can never be developed and demonstrated to beings limited as we are, yet

I feel confident you will have conducted us as far on the road as we can go,

and have lodged us within reconnoitering distance of the citadel itself. While

here, I have time to read nothing. But our annual recess for the months of

August and September is now approaching, during which time I shall be at the

Montrials, where I anticipate great satisfaction in the presence of these

volumes. It is with great satisfaction, too, I recollect the agreeable hours I

have passed with yourself and M. de La Roche, at the house of our late

excellent friend, Madame Helvetius, and elsewhere; and I am happy to learn you

continue your residence there. Antevil always appeared to me a delicious

village, and Madame Helvetius's the most delicious spot in it. In .those days

how sanguine we were! and how soon were 













            Correspondence          405







the virtuous hopes and confidence of every good man blasted! and how many

excellent friends have we lost in your efforts towards self-government, et cui

bono? But let us draw a veil over the dead, and hope the best for the living.

If the hero who has saved you from a combination of enemies, shall also be the

means of giving you as great a portion of liberty as the opinions, habits and

character of the nation are prepared for, progressive preparation may fit you

for progressive portions of that first of blessings, and you may in time attain

what we erred in supposing could be hastily seized and maintained, in the

present state of political information among your citizens at large. In this

way all may end well.







  You are again at war, I find. But we, I hope, shall be permitted to run the

race of peace. Your government has wisely removed what certainly endangered

collision between us. I now see nothing which need ever interrupt the

friendship between France and this country. Twenty years of peace, and the

prosperity so visibly flowing from it, have but strengthened our attachment to

it, and the blessings it brings, and we do not despair of being always a

peaceable nation. We think that peaceable means may be devised of keeping

nations in the path of justice towards us, by making justice their interest,

and injuries to react on themselves. Our distance enables us to pursue a course

which the crowded situation of Europe renders perhaps impracticable there.































       Jefferson's Works







  Be so good as to accept for yourself and M. de La Roche, my friendly

salutations, and assurances of great consideration and respect.















          TO. DANIEL CLARKE, ESQ.







               WASHINGTON, July 17, 1803.







  DEAR SIR,-You will be informed by a letter from the Secretary of State of the

terms and the extent of the cession of Louisiana by France to the United

States, a cession which I hope will give as much satisfaction to the

inhabitants of that province as it does to us, and the more as the title being

lawfully acquired and with consent of the power conveying, can never be

hereafter reclaimed under any pretence of force. In order to procure a

ratification in good time, I have found it necessary to convene Congress as

early as the 17th of October. It is essential that before that period we should

obtain all the information respecting the province which may be necessary to

enable Congress to make the best arrangements for its tranquillity, security

and government. It is only on the spot that this information can be obtained,

and to obtain it there, I am obliged to ask your agency; for this purpose I

have proposed a set of questions, now enclosed, answers to which in the most

exact terms practicable, I am to ask you to procure. It is probable you may be

able to answer some of them yourself ; however, it will doubtless be necessary

for you to 













            Correspondence







distribute them among the different persons best qualified to answer them

respectively. As you will not have above six weeks, from the receipt of them

till they should be sent off to be here by the meeting of Congress, it will be

the more necessary to employ different persons on different parts of them. This

is left to your own judgment, and your best exertions to obtain them in time

are desired. You will be so good as to engage the persons who undertake them,

to complete them in time, and to accept such recompense as you shall think

reasonable, which shall be paid on your draft on the Secretary of State. We

rely that the friendly dispositions of the Spanish government will give such

access to the archives of the province as may facilitate information, equally

desirable by Spain on parting with her ancient subjects, as by us on receiving

them. This favor therefore will, I doubt not, be granted on your respectful

application.







  Accept my salutations and .assurances of esteem and respect.















          TO JOHN BRECKINRIDGE.







              MONTICELLO, August 12, 1803.







  DEAR SIR,-The enclosed letter, though directed to you, was intended to me

also, and was left open with a request, that when forwarded, I would forward it

to you. It gives me occasion to write a word to you on the subject of

Louisiana, which 













            Jefferson's Works







being a new one, an interchange of sentiments may produce correct ideas before

we are to act on them.







  Our information as to the country is very incomplete; we have taken measures

to obtain it full as to the settled part, which I hope to receive in time for

Congress. The boundaries, which I deem not admitting question, are the high

lands on the western side of the Mississippi enclosing all its waters, the

Missouri of course, and terminating in the line drawn from the northwestern

point of the Lake of the Woods to the nearest source of the Mississippi, as

lately settled between Great Britain and the United States. We have some

claims, to extend on the seacoast westwardly to the Rio Norte or Bravo, and

better, to go eastwardly to the Rio Perdido, between Mobile and Pensacola, the

ancient boundary of Louisiana. These claims will be a subject of negotiation

with Spain, and if, as soon as she is at war, we push them strongly with one

hand, holding out a price in the other, we shall certainly obtain the Floridas,

and all in good time. In the meanwhile, without waiting for permission, we

shall enter into the exercise of the natural right we have always insisted on

with Spain, to wit, that of a nation holding the upper part of streams, having

a right of innocent passage through them to the ocean. We shall prepare her to

see us practise on this, and she will not oppose it by force.







  Objections are raising to the eastward against the vast extent of our

boundaries, and propositions are































       Correspondence







made to exchange Louisiana, or a part of it, for the Floridas. But, as I have

said, we shall get the Floridas without, and I would not give one inch of the

waters of the Mississippi to any nation, because I see in a light very

important to our peace the exclusive right to its navigation, and the admission

of no nation into it, but as into the Potomac or Delaware, with our consent and

under our police. These federalists see in this acquisition the formation of a

new confederacy, embracing all the waters of the Mississippi, on both sides of

it, and a separation of its eastern waters from us. These combinations depend

on so many circumstances which we cannot foresee, that I place little reliance

on them. We have seldom seen neighborhood produce affection among nations. The

reverse is almost the universal truth. Besides, if it should become the great

interest of those nations to separate from this, if their happiness should

depend on it so strongly as to induce them to go through that convulsion, why

should the Atlantic States dread it? But especially why should we, their

present inhabitants, take side in such a question? When I view the Atlantic

States, procuring for those on the eastern waters of the Mississippi friendly

instead of hostile neighbors on its western waters, I do not view it as an

Englishman would be procuring future blessings for the French nation, with whom

he has no relations of blood or affection. The future inhabitants of the

Atlantic and Mississippi States will be our sons, We 













           Jefferson's Works







leave them in distinct but bordering establishments. We think we see their

happiness in their union, and we wish it. Events may prove it otherwise ; and

if they see their interest in separation, why should we take side with our

Atlantic rather than our Mississippi descendants? It is .the elder and the

younger son differing. God bless them both, and keep them in union, if it be

for their good, but separate them, if it be better. The inhabited part of

Louisiana, from Point Coupee to the sea, will of course be immediately a

territorial government, and soon a State. But above that, the best use we can

make of the country for some time, will be to give establishments in it to the

Indians on the east side of the Mississippi, in exchange for their present

country, and open land offices in the last, and thus make this acquisition the

means of filling up the eastern side, instead of drawing ' off its population.

When we shall be full on this side, we may lay off a range of States on the

western bank from the head to the mouth, and so, range after range,' advancing

compactly as we multiply.







  This treaty must of course be laid before both Houses, because both have

important functions to exercise respecting it. They, I presume, will see their

duty to their country in ratifying and paying for it, so as to secure a good

which would otherwise probably be never again in their power. But I suppose

they must then appeal to the nation for an additional article to the

Constitution, approving 













            Correspondence          411







and confirming an act which the nation had not previously authorized. The

Constitution has made no provision for our holding foreign territory, still

less for incorporating foreign nations into our Union. The executive in seizing

the fugitive occurrence which so much advances the good of their country, have

done an act beyond the Constitution. The Legislature in casting behind them

metaphysical subtleties, and risking themselves like faithful servants, must

ratify and pay for it, and throw themselves on their country for doing for them

unauthorized, what we know they would have done for themselves had they been in

a situation to do it. It is the case of a guardian, investing the money of his

ward in purchasing an important adjacent territory ; and saying to him when of

age, I did this for your good ; I pretend to no right to bind you : you may

disavow me, and I must get out of the scrape as I can: I thought it my duty to

risk myself for you. But we shall not be disavowed by the nation, and their act

of indemnity will confirm and not weaken the Constitution, by more strongly

marking out its lines.







  We have nothing later from Europe than the public papers give. I hope

yourself and all the western members will make a sacred point of being at the

first day of the meeting of Congress ; for vestra res regitur. 







Accept my affectionate salutations and assurances of esteem and respect. 













            Jefferson's Works















   TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE.







             (JAMES MADISON.)







              MONTICELLO, August 25, 1803.







  DEAR SIR,-Your two favors of the 18th and 20th were received on the 21st. The

letters of Livingston and Monroe were sent to Mr. Gallatin as you proposed.

That of Simpson to Mr. Smith for the purpose of execution. All of them will be

returned. Thornton's, Clarke's Charles's, Picnau's, Appleton 's, Davis 's,

Newton 's, and Dericure 's letters are now enclosed. With respect to the

impressment of our seamen I think we had better propose to Great Britain to act

on the stipulations which had been agreed to between that Government and Mr.

King, as if they had been signed. I think they were, that they would forbid

impressments at sea, and that we should acquiesce in the search in their

harbors necessary to prevent concealments of their citizens. Mr. Thornton's

attempt to justify his nation in using our ports as cruising stations on our

friends and ourselves, renders the matter so serious as to call, I think, for

answer. That we ought, in courtesy and friendship, to extend to them all the

rights of hospitality is certain, that they should not use our hospitality to

injure our friends or ourselves is equally enjoined by morality and honor.

After the rigorous exertions we made in Genet's time to prevent this abuse on

his part, and the indulgencies extended by Mr. Adams to the British















       Correspondence          413







cruisers even after our pacification with France, by ourselves also from an

unwillingness to change the course of things as the war was near its close, I

did not expect to hear from that quarter charges of partiality. In the

Mediterranean we need ask from no nation but the permission to refresh and

repair in their ports. We do not wish our vessels to lounge in their ports. In

the case at Gibraltar, if they had disapproved, our. vessels ought to have left

the port. Besides, although nations have treated with the piratical States,

they have not, in malice, ever been considered as entitled to all the favors of

the laws of nations. Thornton says they watch our trade only to prevent

contraband. We say it is to plunder under pretext of contraband, for which,

though so shamefully exercised, they have given us no satisfaction but by

confessing the fact in new modifying their courts of admiralty. Certainly the

evils we experience from it, and the just complaints which France may urge,

render it indispensable that we restrain the English from abusing the rights of

hospitality to their prejudice as well as our own.







  Graham's letter manifests a degree of imprudence which I had not expected

from him. His pride has probably been hurt at some of the regulations of that

court, and has had its part in inspiring the ill temper he shows. If you

understand him as serious in asking leave to return, I see no great objection

to it. At the date of your letter you had























 414        Jefferson's Works







not received mine on the subject of Dovieux's claim. I still think the limits

therein stated reasonable. I think a guinea a day till he leaves Washington

would be as low an allowance as we could. justify, and should not be opposed to

anything not exceeding the allowance to Dawson. Fix between these as you

please. I suppose Monroe will touch on the limits of Louisiana only

incidentally, inasmuch€ as its extension to Perdido curtails Florida, and

renders it of less worth. I have used my spare moments to investigate, by the

help of my books here, the subject of the limits of Louisiana. I am satisfied

our right to the Perdido is substantial, and can be opposed by a quibble on

form only; and our right westwardly to the Bay of St. Bernard, may be strongly

maintained. I will use the first leisure to make a statement of the facts and

principles on which this depends. Further reflection on the amendment to the

Constitution necessary in the case of Louisiana, satisfies me it will be better

to give general powers, with specified exceptions, somewhat in the way stated

below. Mrs. Madison promised us a visit about the last of this month. I wish

you could have met with General Page here, whom, with his family, I expect in a

day or two, and will pass a week with us. But in this consult your own

convenience, as that will increase the pleasure with which I shall or may see

you here. Accept. my affectionate salutations and constant attachment.







             Correspondence         415







 P. S. Louisiana, as ceded by France to the United States, is made a part of

the United States. Its white inhabitants shall be citizens, and stand, as to

their rights and obligations, on the same footing with other citizens of the

United States in analogous situations.







  Save only that as to the portion thereof lying north of the latitude of the

mouth of Oreansa river, no new State shall be established, nor any grants of

land made therein, other than to Indians, in exchange for equivalent portions

of land occupied by them, until amendment to the Constitution shall be made for

these purposes.







  Florida also, whensoever it may be rightfully obtained, shall become a part

of the United States. Its white inhabitants shall thereupon be citizens, and

shall stand, as to their rights and obligations, on the same footing with other

citizens of the United States in analogous circumstances.















              TO LEVI LINCOLN.







               MONTICELLO, August 30, 1803.







  DEAR SIR,-The enclosed letter came to hand by







yesterday's post. You will be sensible of the cir-







cumstances which make it improper that I should







hazard a formal answer, as well as of the desire its







friendly aspect naturally excites, that those con-







cerned in it should understand that the spirit they







express is friendly viewed. You can judge' also 













416         Jefferson's Works







from your knowledge of the ground, whether it may be usefully encouraged. I

take the liberty, therefore, of availing myself of your neighborhood to Boston,

and of your friendship to me, to request you to say to the captain and others

verbally whatever you think would be proper, as expressive of my sentiments on

the subject. With respect to the day, on which they wish to fix their

anniversary, they may be told, that disapproving myself of transferring the

honors and veneration for the great birthday of our republic to any individual,

or of dividing them with individuals, I have declined letting my own birthday

be known, and have engaged my family not to communicate it. This has been the

uniform answer to every application of the kind.







  On further consideration as to the amendment to our Constitution respecting

Louisiana, I have thought it better, instead of enumerating the powers which

Congress may exercise, to give them the same powers they have as to other

portions of the Union generally, and to enumerate the special exceptions, in

some such form as the following :







"Louisiana, as ceded by France to the United States, is made a part of the

United States, its white inhabitants shall be citizens, and stand, as to their

rights and obligations, on .the same footing with other citizens of the United

States in analogous situations. Save only that as to the portion thereof lying

north of an east and west line drawn through 













            Correspondence







the mouth of Arkansas river, no new State shall be established, nor any grants

of land made, other than to Indians, in exchange for equivalent portions of

land occupied by them, until an amendment of the Constitution shall be made for

these purposes.







  ``Florida also, whensoever it may be rightfully obtained, shall become a part

of the United States, its white inhabitants shall thereupon be citizens, and

shall stand, as to their rights and obligations, on the same footing with other

citizens of the United States, in analogous situations. ''







I quote this for your consideration, observing that the less that is said about

any constitutional difficulty, the better ; and that it will be desirable for

Congress to do what is necessary, in silence. I find but one opinion as to the

necessity of shutting up the country for some time. We meet in Washington the

25th of September to prepare for Congress. Accept my affectionate salutations,

and great esteem and respect.















          TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS.







            MONTICELLO, September 7, 1803.







  DEAR SIR,-Your favor of the 3d was delivered me at court ; but we were much

disappointed at not seeing you here, Mr. Madison and the Governor being here at

the time. I enclose you a letter from Monroe on the subject of the late treaty.

You will observe a hint in it, to do without delay what we are bound







   VOL. X-27 













            Jefferson's Works







to do. There is reason, in the opinion of our ministers, to believe, that if

the thing were to do over again, it could not be obtained, and that if we give

the least opening, they will declare the treaty void. A warning amounting to

that has been given to them, and an unusual kind of letter written by their

minister to our Secretary of State, direct. Whatever Congress shall think it

necessary to do, should be done with as little debate as possible, and

particularly so far as respects the constitutional difficulty. I am aware of

the force of the observations you make on the power given by the Constitution

to Congress, to admit new States into the Union, without restraining the

subject to the territory then constituting the United States. But when I

consider that the limits of the United States are precisely fixed by the treaty

of 1783, that the Constitution expressly declares itself to be made for the

United States, I cannot help believing the intention was, not to permit

Congress to admit into the Union new States, which should be formed out of the

territory for which, and under whose authority alone; they were then acting. I

do not believe it was meant that they might receive England, Ireland, Holland,

etc. into it, which would be the case on your construction. When an instrument

admits two constructions, the one safe, the other dangerous, the one precise,

the other indefinite, I prefer that which is safe and precise. I had rather ask

an enlargement of power from the nation, where it is 













             Correspondence        419







found necessary, than to assume it by a construction which would make our

powers boundless. Our peculiar security is in the possession of a written

Constitution. Let us not make it a blank paper by construction. I say the same

as to the opinion of those who consider the grant of the treaty making power as

boundless. If it is, then we have no Constitution. If it has bounds, they can

be no others than the definitions of the powers which that instrument gives. It

specifies and delineates the operations permitted to the federal government,

and gives all the powers necessary to carry these into execution. Whatever of

these enumerated objects is proper for a law, Congress may make the law;

whatever is proper to be executed by way of a treaty, the President and Senate

may enter into the treaty ; whatever is to be done by a judicial sentence, the

judges may pass the sentence. Nothing is more likely than that their

enumeration of powers is defective. This is the ordinary case of all human

works. Let us go on then perfecting it, by adding, by way of amendment to the

Constitution, those powers which time and trial show are still wanting. But it

has been taken too much for granted, that by this rigorous construction the

treaty power would be reduced to nothing. I had occasion once to examine its

effect on the French treaty, made by the old Congress, and found that out of

thirty odd articles which that contained, there were one, two, or three only

which could not now be stipulated 













           Jefferson's Works







under our present Constitution. I confess, then, I think it important, in the

present case, to set an example against broad construction, by appealing for

new power to the people. If, however, our friends shall think differently,

certainly I shall acquiesce with satisfaction ; confiding, that the good sense

of our country will correct the evil of construction when it shall produce ill

effects.







No apologies for writing or speaking to me freely are necessary. On the

contrary, nothing my friends can do is so dear to me, and proves to me their

friendship so clearly, as the information they give me of their sentiments and

those of others on interesting points where I am to act, and where information

and warning is so essential to excite in me that due reflection which ought to

precede action. I leave this about the 21st, and shall hope the District Court

will give me an opportunity of seeing you.







Accept my affectionate salutations, and assurances of cordial esteem and

respect.















        TO DOCTOR BENJAMIN RUSH.







             WASHINGTON, October 4, 1803.







DEAR SIR,-No one would more willingly than myself pay the just tribute due to

the services of Captain Barry, by writing a letter of condolence to his widow,

as you suggest. But when one undertakes to administer justice, it must be with

an even 













            Correspondence          421







hand, and by rule; what is done for one, must be done for every one in equal

degree. To what a train of attentions would this draw a President? How

difficult would it be to draw the line between that degree of merit entitled to

such a testimonial of it, and that not so entitled? If drawn in a particular

case differently from what the friends of the deceased would judge right, what

offence would it give, and of the most tender kind? How much offence would be

given by accidental inattentions, or want of information? The first step into

such an undertaking ought to be well weighed. On the death of Dr. Franklin, the

King and Convention of France went into mourning. So did the House of

Representatives of the United States: the Senate refused. I proposed to General

Washington that the executive department should wear mourning ; he declined it,

because he said he. should not know where to draw the line, if he once began

that ceremony. Mr. Adams was then VicePresident, and I- thought General

Washington had his eye on him, whom he certainly did not love. I told him the

world had drawn so broad a line between himself and Dr. Franklin, on the one

side, and the residue of mankind, on the other, that we might wear mourning for

them, and the question still remain new and undecided as to all others. He

thought it best, however, to avoid it. On these considerations alone, however

well affected to the merit of Commodore Barry, I think it prudent not 













422         Jefferson's Works







to engage myself in a practice which may become embarrassing.







  Tremendous times in Europe!  How mighty this battle of lions and tigers! With

what sensations should the common herd of cattle look on it ? With no

partialities, certainly. If they can so far worry one another as to destroy

their power of tyrannizing, the one over the earth, the other the waters, the

world may perhaps enjoy peace, till they recruit again.







  Affectionate and respectful salutations.















      TO MONSIEUR DUPONT DE NEMOURS.







            WASHINGTON, November 1, 1803.







  MY DEAR SIR,-Your favors of April the 6th, and June the 27th, were duly

received, and with the welcome which everything brings from you. The treaty

which has so happily sealed the friendship of our two countries, has been

received here with general acclamation. Some inflexible federalists have still

ventured to brave the public opinion. It will fix their character with the

world and with. posterity, who, not descending to the other points of

difference between us, will judge them by this fact, so palpable as to speak

for itself in all times and places. For myself and my country, I thank you .for

the aids you have given in it; and I congratulate you on having lived to give

those aids in a transaction replete with blessings to unborn mil













            Correspondence          423







lions of men, and which will mark the face of a portion on the globe so

extensive as that which now composes the United States of America. It is 'true

that at this moment a little cloud hovers in the horizon. The government of

Spain has protested against the right of France to transfer; and it is possible

she may refuse possession, and that this may bring on acts of force. But

against such neighbors as France there, and the United States here, what she

can expect from so gross a compound of folly and false faith, is not to be

sought in the book of wisdom. She is afraid of her enemies in Mexico; but not

more than we are. Our policy will be, to form New Orleans, and the country on

both sides of it on the Gulf of Mexico, into a State ; and, as to all above

that, to transplant our Indians into it, constituting them a Marechaussee to

prevent emigrants crossing the river, until we shall have filled up all the

vacant country on this side. This will secure both Spain and us as to the mines

of Mexico, for half a century, and we may safely trust the provisions for that

time to the men who shall live in it.







  I have communicated with Mr. Gallatin on the subject of using your house in

any matters of consequence we may have to do at Paris. He is impressed with the

same desire I feel to give this mark of our confidence in you, and the sense we

entertain of your friendship and fidelity. Mr. Behring informs him that none of

the money which will be due from 













424       Jefferson's Works







us to him, as the assignee of France, will be wanting at Paris. Be assured that

our dispositions are such as to let no occasion pass unimproved of serving you,

where occurrences will permit it.







  Present my respects to Madame Dupont, and accept yourself assurances of my

constant and warm friendship.















         TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.







           WASHINGTON, November 4, 1803.







  DEAR SIR,-A report reaches us this day from Baltimore, (on probable, but not

certain grounds,) that Mr. Jerome Bonaparte, brother of the First Consul, was

yesterday (1) married to Miss Patterson                                      

of that city. The effect of this measure on the mind of the First Consul, is

not for me to suppose ; but as it might occur to him, prima facie, that the

Executive of the United States ought to have prevented it, I have thought it

advisable to mention the subject to you, that, if necessary, you may by

explanations set that idea to rights. You know that by our laws, all persons

are free to enter into marriage, if of twenty-one years of age, no one having a

power to restrain it, not even their parents; and that under that age, no one

can prevent it but the parent or guardian. The lady is under age, and the

parents, placed between her affections, which were strongly







  1 November 8. It is now said that it did not take place on the 3d, but will

this day. 













             Correspondence







fixed, and the considerations opposing the measure, yielded with pain and

anxiety to the former. Mr. Patterson is the President of the Bank of Baltimore,

the wealthiest man in Maryland, perhaps in the United States, except Mr.

Carroll; a man of great virtue and respectability; the mother is the sister of

the lady of General Samuel Smith; and, consequently, the station of the family

in society is with the first of the United States. These circumstances fix rank

in a country where there are no hereditary titles.







Your treaty has obtained nearly a general approbation. The federalists spoke

and voted against it, but they are now so reduced in their numbers as to be

nothing. The question on its ratification in the Senate was decided by

twenty-four against seven, which was ten more than enough. The vote in the

House of Representatives for making provision for its execution was carried by

eighty-nine against twenty-three, which was a majority of sixtysix, and the

necessary bills are going through the Houses by greater majorities. Mr. Pichon,

according to instructions from his government, proposed to have added to the

ratification. a protestation against any failure in time or other circumstances

of execution, on our part.  He was told, that in that case we should annex a

counter protestation, which would leave the thing exactly where it was. That

this transaction had been conducted, from the commencement of the negotiation

to this stage of it, 













  426       Jefferson's Works







  with a frankness and sincerity honorable to both







nations, and comfortable to the heart of an honest







man to review ; that to annex to this last chapter of the transaction such an

evidence of mutual distrust, was to change its aspect dishonorably for us both,

and contrary to truth as to us ; for that we had not the smallest doubt that

France would punctually execute its part; and I assured Mr. Pichon that I had

more confidence in the word of the First Consul than in all the parchment we

could sign. He saw that we had ratified the treaty; that both branches had

passed, by great majorities, one of the bills for execution, and would soon

pass the other two; that no circumstances remained that could leave a doubt of

our punctual performance; and like an able and an honest minister, (which he is

in the highest degree,) he undertook to do what he knew his employers would do

themselves, were they here spectators of all the existing circumstances, and

exchanged the ratifications purely and simply: so that this instrument goes to

the world as an evidence of the candor and confidence of the nations in each

other, which will have the best effects. This was the more justifiable, as Mr.

Pichon knew that Spain had entered with us a protestation against our

ratification of the treaty, grounded, first, on the assertion that the First

Consul had not executed the conditions of the treaties of cession; and,

secondly, that he had broken a solemn promise not to alienate the country to

any nation. We answered, 













            Correspondence          427







that these were private questions between France and Spain, which they must

settle together; that we derived our title from the First Consul, and did not

doubt his guarantee of it ; and we, four days ago, sent off orders to the

Governor of the Mississippi territory and General Wilkinson to move down with

the troops at hand to New Orleans, to receive the possession from Mr. Laussat.

If he is heartily disposed to carry the order of the Consul into execution, he

can probably command a volunteer force at New Orleans, and will have the aid of

ours also, if he desires it, to take the possession, and deliver it to us. If

he is not so disposed, we shall take the possession, and it will rest with the

government of France, by adopting the act as their own, and obtaining the

confirmation of Spain, to supply the non-execution of their stipulation to

deliver, and to entitle themselves to the complete execution of our part of the

agreements. In the meantime, the Legislature is passing the bills, and we are

preparing everything to be done on our part towards execution; and we shall not

avail ourselves of the three months' delay after possession of the province,

allowed by the treaty for the delivery of the stock, but shall deliver it the

moment that possession is known here, which will be on the eighteenth day after

it has taken place.







  * * * * * * * * *







Accept my affectionate salutations, and assurances of my constant esteem and

respect. 













            Jefferson's Works















       TO DAVID WILLIAMS.







           WASHINGTON, November 14, 1803.







  SIR,-I have duly received the volume on the claims of literature, which you

did me the favor to send me through Mr. Monroe, and have read with satisfaction

the many judicious reflections it contains, on the condition of the respectable

class of literary men. The efforts for their relief, made by a society of

private citizens, are truly laudable ; but they are, as you justly observe, but

a palliation of an evil, the cure of which calls for all the wisdom and the

means of the nation. The greatest evils of populous society have ever appeared

to me to spring from the vicious distribution of its members among the

occupations called for. I have no doubt that those nations are essentially

right, which leave this to individual choice, as a better guide to an

advantageous distribution than any other which could be devised. But when, by a

blind concourse, particular occupations are ruinously overcharged, and others

left in want of hands, the national authorities can do much towards restoring

the equilibrium. On the revival of letters, learning became the universal

favorite. And with reason, because there was not enough of it existing to

manage the affairs of a nation to the best advantage, nor to advance its

individuals to the happiness of which they were susceptible, by improvements in

their minds, their morals, their health, and in those conveniences







            Correspondence







which contribute to the comfort and embellishment of life. All the efforts of

.the society, therefore, were directed to the increase of learning, and the

inducements of respect, ease, and profit were held up for its encouragement.

Even the charities of the nation forgot that misery was their object, and spent

themselves in founding schools to transfer to science the hardy sons of the

plough. To these incitements were added the powerful fascinations of great

cities. These circumstances have long since produced an overcharge in the class

of competitors for learned occupation, and great distress among the

supernumerary candidates ; and the more, as their habits of life have

disqualified them for reentering into the laborious class. The evil cannot be

suddenly, nor perhaps ever entirely cured: nor should I presume to say by what

means it may be cured. Doubtless there are many engines which the nation might

bring to bear on this object. Public opinion, and public encouragement are

among these. The class principally defective is that of agriculture. It is the

first in utility, and ought to be the first in respect. The same artificial

means which have been used to produce a competition in learning, may be'

equally successful in restoring agriculture to its primary dignity in the eyes

of men. It is a science of the very first order. It counts among its handmaids

the most respectable sciences, such as Chemistry, Natural Philosophy,

Mechanics, Mathematics generally, Natural History, Botany. 













             Jefferson's Works







In every College and University, a professorship of agriculture, and the class

of its students, might be honored as the first. Young men closing their

academical education with this, as the crown of all other sciences, fascinated

with its solid charms, and at a time when they are to choose an occupation,

instead of crowding the other classes, would return to the farms of their

fathers, their own, or those of others, and replenish and invigorate a calling,

now languishing under contempt and oppression. The charitable schools, instead

of storing their pupils with a lore which the present state of society does not

call for, converted into schools of agriculture, might restore them to that

'branch qualified to enrich and honor themselves, and to increase the

productions of the nation instead of consuming them. A gradual abolition of the

useless offices, so much accumulated in all governments, might close this drain

also from the labors of the field, and lessen the burdens imposed on them. By

these, and the better means which will occur to others, the surcharge of the

learned, might in time be drawn off to recruit the laboring class of citizens,

the sum of industry be increased, and that of misery diminished.







Among the ancients, the redundance of population was sometimes checked by

exposing infants. To the moderns, America has offered a more humane resource.

Many, who cannot find employment in Europe, accordingly come here. Those who

can 













             Correspondence          431







labor do well, for the most part. Of the learned class of emigrants, a small

portion find employments analogous to their talents. But many fail, and return

to complete their course of misery in the scenes where it began. Even here we

find too strong a current from the country to the towns; and instances

beginning to appear of that species of misery, which you are so humanely

endeavoring to relieve with you. Although we have in the old countries of

Europe the lesson of their experience to warn us, yet I am not satisfied we

shall have the firmness and wisdom to profit by it. The general desire of men

to live by their heads rather than their hands, and the strong allurements of

great cities to those who have any turn for dissipation, threaten to make them

here, as in Europe, the sinks of voluntary misery. I perceive, however, that I

have suffered my pen to run into a disquisition, when I had taken it up only to

thank you for the volume you had been so kind as to send me, and to express my

approbation of it. After apologizing, therefore, for having touched on a

subject so much more familiar to you, and better understood, I beg leave to

assure you of my high consideration and respect.















       TO CAPTAIN MERIWETHER LEWIS.







           WASHINGTON, November 16, 1803.







  DEAR SIR,-I have not written to you since the 11th and 15th of July, since

which yours of July 













432        Jefferson's Works







18, 22, 25, September 8, 13, and October 3, have been received. The present has

been long delayed by an expectation daily of getting the enclosed account of

Louisiana through the press. The materials are received from different persons,

of good authority. I enclose you also copies of the treaties for Louisiana, the

act for taking possession, a letter from Dr. Wistar, and some information

obtained by myself from Truteau's journal in MS., all of which may be useful to

you. The act for taking possession passed with only some small verbal

variations from that enclosed, of no consequence. Orders went from hence signed

by the King of Spain and the First Consul of France, so as to arrive at Natchez

yesterday evening, and we expect the delivery of the province at New Orleans

will take place about the close of the ensuing week, say about the 26th

instant. Governor Claiborne is appointed to execute the powers of Commandant

and Intendant, until a regular government shall be organized here. At the

moment of delivering over the ports in the vicinity of New Orleans, orders will

be despatched from thence to those in upper Louisiana to evacuate and deliver

them immediately. You can judge better than I can when they may be expected to

arrive at these ports, considering how much you have been detained by the low

waters, how late it will be before you can leave Cahokia, how little progress

up the Missouri you can make before the freezing of the river; that your winter















            Correspondence          433







might be passed in gaining much information, by making Cahokia or Caskaskia

your headquarters, and going to St. Louis and the other Spanish forts, that

your stores, etc., would thereby be spared for the winter, as your men would

draw their military rations. All danger of Spanish opposition avoided, we are

strongly of opinion here that you had better not enter the Missouri till the

spring. But as you have a view of all circumstances on the spot, we do not

pretend to enjoin it, but leave it to your own judgment in which we have entire

confidence. One thing, however, we are decided in: that you must not undertake

the winter excursion which you propose in yours of October 3d. Such an

excursion will be more dangerous than the main expedition up the Missouri, and

would by an accident to you, hazard our main object, which, since the

acquisition of Louisiana, interests everybody in the highest degree. The object

of your mission is single, the direct water communication from sea to sea

formed by the bed of the Missouri, and perhaps the Oregon ; by having Mr.

Clarke with you we consider the expedition as double manned, and therefore the

less liable to failure; for which reason neither of you should be exposed to

risks by going off of your line. I have proposed in conversation, and it seems

generally assented to, that Congress shall appropriate ten or twelve thousand

dollars for: exploring the principal waters of the Mississippi and Missouri. In

that case, I should send a party







VOL. X-28 













434          Jefferson's Works







up the Red river to its head, then to cross over to the head of the Arkansas,

and come down that. A second party for the Pani and Padouca rivers, and a

third, perhaps, for the Morsigona and St. Peter's. As the boundaries of

interior Louisiana are the high lands enclosing all the waters which run into

the Mississippi or Missouri directly or indirectly, with a quarter breadth on

the Gulf of Mexico, it becomes interesting to fix with precision by celestial

observations the longitude and latitude of the sources of these rivers, so

providing points in the contour of our new limits. This will be attempted

distinctly from your mission, which we consider as of major importance, and

therefore, not to be delayed or hazarded by any episodes whatever.







  The votes of both Houses on ratifying and carrying the treaties into

execution, have been precisely party votes, except that General Dayton has

separated from his friends on these questions, and voted for the treaties. I

will direct the Aurora National Intelligencer to be forwarded to you for six

months at Cahokia or Caskaskia; on the presumption you will be there. Your

friends and acquaintances here, and in Albemarle, are all well, so far as I

have heard ; and I recollect no other small news worth communicating. Present

my friendly salutations to Mr. Clarke, and accept them affectionately yourself.















            Correspondence         435















           TO JOHN RANDOLPH.







           WASHINGTON, December 1, 1803.







DEAR SIR,-The explanations in your letter of yesterday were quite unnecessary

to me. I have had too satisfactory proofs of your friendly regard, to be

disposed to suspect anything of a contrary aspect.  I understood perfectly the

expressions stated in the newspaper to which you allude, to mean, that "though

the proposition came from the republican quarter of the House, yet you should

not concur with it. '' I am aware that in parts of the Union, and even with

persons to whom Mr. Eppes and Mr. Randolph are unknown, and myself little

known, it will be presumed from their connection, that what comes from them

comes from me. No men on earth are more independent in their sentiments than

they are, nor any one less disposed than I am to influence the opinions of

others. We rarely speak of politics, or of the proceedings of the House, but

merely historically, and I carefully avoid expressing an opinion on them, in

their presence, that we may all be at our ease. With other members, I have

believed that more unreserved communications would be advantageous to the

public. This has been, perhaps, prevented by mutual delicacy. I have been

afraid to express opinions unasked, lest I should be suspected of wishing to

direct the legislative action of members. They have avoided asking

communications from 













436         Jefferson's Works







me, probably, lest they should be suspected of wishing to fish out executive

secrets. I see too many proofs of the imperfection of human reason, to

entertain wonder or intolerance at any difference of opinion on any subject ;

and acquiesce in that difference as easily as on a difference of feature or

form ; experience having long taught me the reasonableness of mutual sacrifices

of opinion among those who are to act together for any common object, and the

expediency of doing what good we can, when we cannot do all we would wish.







  Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of great esteem and respect.















           TO ALBERT GALLATIN.







           WASHINGTON, December 13, 1803.







The Attorney General having considered and decided that the prescription in the

law for establishing a bank, that the officers in the subordinate offices of

discount and deposit, shall be appointed "on the same terms and in the same

manner practised in the principal bank, '' does not extend to them the

principle of rotation, established by the Legislature in the body of directors

in the principal bank, it follows that the extension of that principle has been

merely a voluntary and prudential act of the principal bank, from which they

are free to depart. I think the extension was wise and proper on their part,

because the Legislature having 













             Correspondence         437







deemed rotation useful in the principal bank constituted by them, there would

be the same reason for it in the subordinate banks to be established by the

principal. It breaks in upon the esprit du corps so apt to prevail in permanent

bodies; it gives a chance for the public eye penetrating into the sanctuary of

those proceedings and practices, which the avarice of the directors may

introduce for their personal emolument, .and which the resentments of excluded

directors, or the honesty of those duly admitted, might betray to the public;

and it gives an opportunity at the end of the year, or at other periods, of

correcting a choice, which, on trial, proves to have been unfortunate; an evil

of which themselves complain in their distant institutions. Whether, however,

they have a power to alter this, or not, the executive has no right to decide;

and their consultation with you has been merely an act of complaisance, or from

a desire to shield so important an innovation under the cover of executive

sanction. But ought we to volunteer our sanction in such a case? Ought we to

disarm ourselves of any fair right of animadversion, whenever that institution

shall be a legitimate subject of consideration ? I own, I think the most proper

answer would be, that we do not think ourselves authorized to give an opinion

on the question.







  From a passage in the letter of the President, I observe an idea of

establishing a branch bank of the United States in New Orleans, This

institution 













            Jefferson's Works







is one of the most deadly hostility existing, against the principles and form

of our Constitution. The nation is, at this time, so strong and united in its

sentiments, that it cannot be shaken at this moment. But suppose a series of

untoward events should occur, sufficient to bring into doubt the competency of

a republican government to meet a crisis of great danger, or to unhinge the

confidence of the people in the public functionaries; an institution like this,

penetrating by its branches every part of the Union, acting by command and in

phalanx, may, in a critical moment, upset the government. I deem no government

safe which is under the vassalage of any selfconstituted authorities, or any

other authority than that of the nation, or its regular functionaries. What an

obstruction could not this bank of the United States, with all its branch

banks, be in time of war! It might dictate to us the peace we should accept, or

withdraw its aids. Ought we then to give further growth to an institution so

powerful, so hostile ? That it is so hostile we know                           

           1, from a knowledge of the principles of the persons composing the

body of directors in every bank, principal or branch ; and those of most of the

stockholders : 2, from their opposition to the measures and principles of the

government, and to the election of those friendly to them : and 3, from the

sentiments of the newspapers they support. Now, while we are strong, it is the

greatest duty we owe to the safety of our Constitution, to bring this pow-















      Correspondence          439







erful enemy to a perfect subordination under its authorities. The first measure

would be to reduce them to an equal footing only with other banks, as to the

favors of the government. But, in order to be able to meet a general

combination of the banks against us, in a critical emergency, could we not make

a beginning towards an independent use of our own money, towards building our

own bank in all the deposits where it is received, and letting the treasurer

give his draft or note, for payment at any particular place, which, in a

well-conducted government, ought to have as much credit as any private draft,

or bank note, or bill, and would give us the same facilities which we derive

from the banks? I pray you to turn this subject in your mind, and to give it

the benefit of your knowledge of details; whereas, I have only very general

views of the subject. Affectionate salutations.















       TO GOVERNOR GEORGE CLINTON.







           WASHINGTON, December 31, 1803.







  DEAR SIR,-I received last night your favor of the 22d, written on the

occasion of the libellous pamphlet lately published with you. I began to read

it, but the dullness of the first page made me give up the reading for a dip

into here and there a passage, till I came to what respected myself. The

falsehood of that gave me a test for the rest of the work, and considering it

always useless to read 













440       Jefferson's Works







lies, I threw it by. As to yourself, be assured no contradiction was necessary.

The uniform tenor of a man's life furnishes better evidence of what he has said

or done on any particular occasion than the word of an enemy, and of an enemy

too who shows that he prefers the use of falsehoods which suit him to truths

which do not. Little squibs in certain papers had long ago apprized me of a

design to sow tares between particular republican characters, but to divide

those by lying tales whom truths cannot divide, .is the hackneyed policy of the

gossips of every society. Our business is to march straight forward to the

object which has occupied us for eight and twenty years, without either turning

to the right or left. My opinion is that two or three years more will bring

back to the fold of republicanism all our wandering brethren whom the cry of "

wolf" scattered in 1798. Till that is done, let every man stand to his post,

and hazard nothing by change. And when that is done, you and I may retire to

the tranquillity which our years begin to call for, and revise with

satisfaction the                             efforts of the age we happened to

be born in, crowned with complete success. In the hour of death we shall have

the consolation to see established in the land of our fathers the most

wonderful work of wisdom and disinterested patriotism that has ever yet

appeared on the globe.







In confidence that you will not be weary in well doing, I tender my wishes that

your future days 













             Correspondence         441







may be as happy as your past ones have been useful, and pray you to accept my

friendly salutations and assurances of high consideration and respect.















       TO CAPTAIN MERIWETHER LEWIS.







            WASHINGTON, January 22, 1804.







  DEAR SIR,-My letters since your departure have been of July 11th and 15th,

November 16th, and January 13th. Yours received are of July 8th, 15th, 22d, and

25th, September  25th and 30th, and October 3d. Since the date of the last we

have no certain information of your movements. With mine of November 16th, I

sent you some extracts made by myself from the journal of an agent of the

trading company of St. Louis up the Missouri. I now enclose a translation of

that journal in full for your information. In that of the 13th instant I

enclosed you a map of a Mr. Evans, a Welshman, employed by the Spanish

government for that purpose, but whose original object I believe had been to go

in search of the Welsh Indians, said to be up the Missouri. On this subject a

Mr. Rees, of the same nation, established in the western part of Pennsylvania,

will write to you. New Orleans was delivered to us on the 20th of December, and

our garrisons and government established there. The orders for the delivery of

the upper ports were to leave New Orleans on the 28th; and we presume all those

ports will be occupied by our troops by the 







             Jefferson's Works







last day of the present month. When your instructions were penned, this new

position was not so authentically known as to affect the complexion of your

instructions. Being now become sovereigns of the country, without, however, any

diminution of the Indian rights of occupancy, we are authorized to propose to

them in direct terms the institution of commerce with them. It will now be

proper you should inform those through whose country you will pass, or whom you

may meet, that their late fathers, the Spaniards, have agreed to withdraw all

their troops from all the waters and country of the Mississippi and Missouri.

That they have surrendered to us all their subjects, Spanish and French,

settled there and all their posts and lands; that henceforward we become their

fathers and friends, and that we shall endeavor that they shall have no cause

to lament the change ; that we have sent you to inquire into the nature of the

country and the nations inhabiting it, to know at what places and times we must

establish stores of goods among them, to exchange for their peltries; that as

soon as you return with the necessary information, we shall prepare supplies of

goods and persons to carry them, and make the proper establishments; that in

the meantime the same traders who reside among us visit them, and who now are a

part of us, will continue to supply them as usual; that we shall endeavor to

become acquainted with them as soon as possible; and that they will find in us

faithful 



            Correspondence







friends and protectors. Although you will pass through no settlements of the

Sioux (except seceders) yet you will probably meet with parties of them. On

that nation. we wish most particularly to make a friendly impression, because

of their immense power, and because we learn that they are very desirous of

being on the most friendly terms with us.







I enclose you a letter, which I believe is from some one on the part of the

Philosophical Society. They have made you a member, and your diploma is lodged

with me ; but I suppose it safest to keep it here and not to send it after you.

Mr. Harvie departs to-morrow for France, as the bearer of the Louisiana stock

to Paris. Captain William Brent takes his place with me. Congress will probably

continue in session through the month of March. Your friends here and in

Albemarle, as far as I recollect, are well. Trist will be the collector of New

Orleans, and his family will go to him in the spring. Dr. Bache is now in

Philadelphia, and probably will not return to New Orleans. Accept my friendly

salutations, and assurances of affectionate esteem and respect.















       TO TIMOTHY BLOODWORTH, ESQ.







            WASHINGTON, January 29, 1804.







DEAR SIR,-I thank you for the seed of the flytrap. It is the first I have ever

been able to obtain, and shall take great care of it. I am well pleased 













444         Jefferson's Works







to hear of the progress of republicanism with you. To do without a land tax,

excise, stamp tax and the other internal taxes, to supply their place by

economies, so as still to support the government properly, and to apply

$7,300,000 a year steadily to the payment of the public debt ; to discontinue a

great portion of the expenses on armies and navies, yet protect our country and

its commerce with what remains; to purchase a country as large and more fertile

than the one we possessed before, yet ask neither a new tax, nor another

soldier to be added, but to provide that that country shall by its own income,

pay for itself before the purchase money is due; to preserve peace with all

nations, and particularly an equal friendship to the two great rival powers

France and England, and to maintain the credit ' and character of the nation in

as high a degree as it has ever enjoyed, are measures which I think must

reconcile the great body of those who thought themselves our enemies; but were

in truth only the enemies of certain Jacobinical, atheistical, anarchical,

imaginary caricatures, which existed only in the land of the raw head and

bloody bones, beings created to. frighten the credulous. By this time they see

enough of us to judge our characters by what we do, and not by what we never

did, nor thought of doing, but in the lying chronicles of the newspapers. I

know indeed there are some characters who have been too prominent to retract,

too proud and impassioned to relent, too greedy after 













             Correspondence          445







office and profit to relinquish their longings, and who have covered their

devotion to monarchism under the mantle of federalism; who never can be cured

of their enmities. These are incurable maniacs, for whom the hospitable doors

of Bedlam are ready to open, but they are permitted to walk abroad while they

refrain from personal assault.







  The applications for Louisiana are so numerous that it would be immoral to

give a hope to the friends you mention. The rage for going to that country

seems universal. Accept my affectionate salutations, and assurances of great

esteem and respect.















        TO DOCTOR JOSEPH PRIESTLEY.







            WASHINGTON, January 29, 1804.







DEAR SIR,-Your favor of December the 12th came duly to hand, as did the second

letter to Doctor Linn, and the treatise on Phlogiston, for which I pray you to

accept my thanks. The copy for Mr. Livingston has been delivered, together with

your letter to him, to Mr. Harvie, my secretary, who departs in a day or two

for Paris, and will deliver them himself to Mr. Livingston, whose attention to

your matter cannot be doubted. I have also to add my thanks to Mr. Priestley,

your son, for the copy of your Harmony, which I have gone through with great

satisfaction. It is the first have been able to meet with, which is clear of

those 













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long repetitions of the same transaction, as if it were a different one because

related with some different circumstances.







  I rejoice that you have undertaken the task of ; comparing the moral

doctrines of Jesus with those of the ancient Philosophers. You are so much in

possession of the whole subject, that you will do it easier and better than any

other person. living. I think you cannot avoid giving, as preliminary to the

comparison, a digest of his moral doctrines, extracted in his own words from

the Evangelists                                        and leaving out

everything relative to his personal history and character. It would be short

and precious. With a view to do this for my own satisfaction, I had sent to

Philadelphia to get two testaments (Greek) of the same edition, and two

English, with a design to cut out the morsels of morality, and paste them on

the leaves of a book, in the manner you describe as having been pursued in

forming your Harmony. But I shall now get the thing done by better hands.







  I very early saw that Louisiana was indeed a speck in our horizon which was

to burst in a tornado ; and the public are unapprized how near this catastrophe

was. Nothing but a frank and friendly development of causes and effects on our

part, and good sense enough in Bonaparte to see that the train was unavoidable,

and would change the face of the world, saved us from that storm. I did not

expect he would yield till a war took place between France 













            Correspondence







and England, and my hope was to palliate and endure, if Messrs. Ross, Morris,

etc., did not force a premature rupture, until that event. I believed the event

not very distant, but acknowledge it came on sooner than I had expected.

Whether, however, the good sense of Bonaparte might not see the course

predicted to be necessary and unavoidable, even before a war should be

imminent, was a chance which we thought it our duty to try ; but the immediate

prospect of rupture brought the case to immediate decision. The denouement has

been happy; and I confess I look to this duplication of area for the extending

a government so free and economical as ours, as a great achievement to the mass

of happiness which is to ensue. Whether we remain in one confederacy, or form

into Atlantic and Mississippi confederacies, I believe not very important to

the happiness of either part. Those of the western confederacy will be as much

our children and descendants as those of the eastern, and I feel myself as much

identified with that country, in future time, as with this; and did I now

foresee a separation at some future day, yet I should feel the duty and the

desire to promote the western interests as zealously as the eastern, doing all

the good. for both portions of our future family which should fall within my

power.







  Have you seen the new work of Malthus on population? It is one of the ablest

I have ever seen. Although his main object is to delineate the effects 













448         Jefferson's Works







of redundancy of population, and to test the poor laws of England, and other

palliations for that evil, several important questions in political economy,

allied to his subject incidentally, are treated with a masterly hand. It is a

single octavo volume, and I have been only able to read a borrowed copy, the

only one I have yet heard of. Probably our friends in England will think of

you, and give you an opportunity of reading it. Accept my affectionate

salutations, and assurances of great esteem and respect.